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Sun Pharmaceutical’s ambitious $11.75 billion acquisition of U.S.-based Organon & Co has effectively reset the benchmarks for the Indian pharma sector. As the largest outbound acquisition in the industry’s history, the Dilip Shanghvi-founded company has solidified its global footprint across Europe, China, Canada, Brazil, and the U.S. through the newly formed Sun Pharma America Inc. Beyond doubling revenue and enhancing EBITDA margins, the deal is a strategic play to position Sun Pharma as a top-three global leader in women’s health and a top-ten player in biosimilars. This shift significantly diversifies Sun’s revenue stream, reducing its dependence on the domestic Indian market, with U.S. revenues projected to rise by $1.4 billion. Industry insiders note that the “easy win” era of small molecules and standard generics has ended. To remain competitive, the sector is pivoting toward heavy investment in complex generics, specialty medicines, and branded products. Analysts predict Sun’s move will trigger a wave of reactionary M&A activity as other Indian giants eye their own global acquisitions.
There’s a fear of post-poll violence in West Bengal! That is why around 50,000 central forces will remain in the state till counting day on May 4. Yet home ministry mandarins acknowledge that their deployment will remain a constitutional challenge without the state government requisition as law and order are state subjects. The CAPF’s operational powers will be legally limited, creating federal tension. Under Article 324, the ECI requisitions central forces to ensure free and fair polling. But once the ballot boxes are unsealed and votes counted that authority begins to fade. The BJP is confident of winning Bengal but fears post-verdict violence, which Amit Shah wants to prevent. A party source said the Union Home Minister who is likely to arrive in Bengal after the election results are announced on May 4, would monitor the situation to avoid a replay of 2021. Shah has already announced that the central forces would remain in Bengal for two months after the election results to prevent post-poll violence. He has sent his deputy and Union minister of state, Nityananda Rai to Bengal even before the exit poll results were announced. BJP Bengal poll manager and Union minister Bhupender Yadav will reach Kolkata by May 2. Apart from administrative vigilance, Shah asked party workers and leaders to refrain from violence during victory celebrations. State BJP president Samik Bhattacharya said, “We want to ensure that what happened to our workers and supporters in 2021 does not happen to anyone this time. We are afraid that TMC workers will attack their own party workers once the BJP wins.,” Both the BJP and Trinamool have issued warnings to each other’s alleged goons over what might happen after the results are declared on May 4. Shah has warned that Trinamool goons will be “hung upside down and straightened out”.
The Congress party in Maharashtra has become a laughing stock since it is facing the ignominy of withdrawing from an electoral contest for the third consecutive time in a span of just a couple of months. Senior Congress leaders are feeling embarrassed since the party has been forced to eat its own words without extracting any concrete promise from the Nationalist Congress party (NCP) or the Shiv Sena (UBT) about the forthcoming elections in 2028. The focus of the ridicule is state Congress president Harshwardhan Sapkal, who has fallen flat on his face after showing bravado every time. So much so that many of his party workers openly ask if he is making such important announcements on his own or without getting the high command’s clearance. Sapkal had to announce withdrawal of his party candidate from the Rajya Sabha fray earlier this year, to make way for unopposed election of NCP boss Sharad Pawar. Soon thereafter, he was compelled to declare that the Congress party will not contest against deputy CM Sunetra Pawar for the Baramati assembly byelection. He was made to change his stand immediately after warning the ruling Mahayuti that no walkover will be given to Sunetra. The latest insult Sapkal has suffered has happened in the biannual Vidhan Parishad election in which Sena leader Uddhav Thackeray unilaterally announced the candidature of his party Ambadas Danve. This caught Sapkal totally unprepared as even his own party leaders distanced themselves from his hasty behaviour. Thus, the Congress that ruled Maharashtra for decades till just a dozen years ago is considered a fringe party now, with Sapkal facing the blame for its decline.
One question that is haunting chattering classes in Delhi is whether Kerala polls will sound the death knell of the Left Parties in India? Will the Left Democratic Front be voted out of its last safe haven from India? After being voted out of Tripura, Bengal, will the Left lose its bastion in Kerala after a successful two-term run under CPI(M) stalwart Pinaryi Vijayan? Or maybe survive to last a third term on a slender margin. Many Communist leaders are worried! In spite of many scandals, Left leaders are hoping that LDF is voted back. As far as the Lok Sabha is concerned, the Left Parties had their best showing in the 2004 election winning over 60 seats. Today, their strength lies less in widespread electoral success and more in isolated strongholds, alliances, and cadre-based networks. If there is one state where the Left still governs with authority, it is Kerala. The state has a long history of communist politics, dating back to 1957 when the world’s first democratically elected Communist government was formed under EMS Namboodiripad. Five exit polls’ results show the United Democratic Front (UDF), a coalition led by the Congress in Kerala, dethroning the LDF government led by Vijayan, who ruled the state for the last 10 years. In fact, Vijayan’s victory in 2021 was an aberration of sorts. Kerala has had the long-standing practice of alternating between voting for the LDF and the UDF. Kerala’s Left has sustained itself through welfare governance, strong public health and education systems, and disciplined party organisation. Even if it loses ground in the assembly election, the CPI(M) still has a chance of returning to power, given the state’s electoral history.
Despite frequent news stories suggesting that Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Uddhav Thackeray is inching closer to chief minister Devendra Fadnavis, the possibility has been discounted outright by the latter, once again. The CM said in an interview that the Mahayuti led by him already has 235 MLAs in the 288-member state assembly. “Hence, there is no scope to accommodate anymore,” Fadanvis said. As the Maharashtra Vidhan Parishad election concluded on April 29 by electing all nine candidates unopposed, the talk got traction once again that a post-midnight meeting between the two leaders had led to this momentous development. However, Fadnavis said no such meeting had taken place. On the other hand, Uddhav appears to have softened his criticism of Fadnavis in particular and the Mahayuti in general. This is linked with the conflicting policies adopted by the other two Maha Vikas Aghadi parties – the NCP led by Sharad Pawar and the Congress. Over the past several months, no convergence is seen within MVA. Even within the Sena (UBT), discontent is noticed over the candidature of former council LoP Ambadas Danve for another term of the upper house. In fact, Uddhav himself was urged by MVA leaders to contest but he did not. Deputy CM Eknath Shinde was making preparations to field a candidate against him in case Uddhav chose to face the election. After Uddhav declared that Danve will be the candidate, Shinde taunted him by saying, “Some people make others fight.” After the lacklustre performance in the assembly and local body elections in Maharashtra, the Sena (UBT) has witnessed a steady outgoing from its ranks. Uddhav and son Aaditya Thackeray are thus facing the prospect of rebuilding the party organisation, considered an uphill task in the given political frame.
In the 2026 assembly elections CPI (M) in West Bengal is banking on the youth brigade to win a few seats and re-enter the Assembly. It is trying to woo the youth with a development plank, deviating from the TMC, BJP and Congress focus on freebies and doles. It has fielded young leaders across key constituencies, signalling a generational shift. Candidates include Minakshi Mukherjee from Uttarpara, Kalatan Dasgupta in Panihati, Dipsita Dhar in Dum Dum Uttar, Mayukh Biswas in Dum Dum, and Afreen Begum in Ballygunge. Many emerged from student and youth movements with strong organisational work. The party is shifting discourse from identity and welfare politics to issues like inflation, unemployment, education, healthcare and civic amenities. Leaders say the campaign engages youth through direct outreach. Postcard campaign urges voters to reject religion-based appeals and economic and civic issues. Candidates target BJP for polarisation and TMC for corruption and governance failures. The Left Front contests with the Indian Secular Front and CPI(ML) Liberation, with CPI(M) in 195 of 294 seats. Yet Bengal remains seen as a TMC-BJP bipolar contest. CPI(M) says its development focus is on real issues. It notes both rivals attack the Left, signalling relevance. However, it faces an uphill task. After 34 years in power, it lost in 2011, with seats falling from 40 in 2011 to 26 in 2016 and zero in 2021. Vote share dipped, despite minor local recoveries. The defection of Pratikur Rahman to TMC adds pressure. Senior leaders like Biman Bose join padayatras, backing grassroots mobilisation and youth strategy to regain ground. Whether this yields gains is uncertain, but the final push shows CPI(M)’s bid to reinsert itself in Bengal’s contest.
In Tamil Nadu, the voter’s turnout was massive…a roaring phenomenon never seen before, defying psephologists, political analysts and journalists of every hue, even defiant astrologists. Whichever party is stacked and predicted as the winner, one personality is evading categorisation and classification. The Johnny-come-lately superstar Vijay who managed to cover his Christian calling artfully. Even as vote counting day nears like the apocalypse for many candidates and parties, TVK’s Vijay is the subject of reams of analyses and paralysis of who he really is. One article in a well-known Tamil digital site by Rajan Kurai Krishnan (a PhD in anthropology from Columbia University, NY) is an eye-opener. Enigma or canny pretence to political sagacity? Will the huge crowd pulling translate into a messiah has arrived? Is he fooling the people all the time or is he fooling himself about his draw? Is our politics and governance so simple that any Tom, Dick or Ramaswamy can blow a conch and anoint himself as Lord Krishna. Vijay has cleverly managed to keep off the nosey press and artsy analysts from getting him to talk seriously about his agendas. Does he think he is the second coming of MGR? The DMK and AIADMK powered by the sagacity and wisdom of leaders like Annadurai and Karunanidhi, parties that have amassed staying power are not to be easily unseated by a greenhorn. But who knows…may be TN is that litmus test to prove all logic wrong, to usher in a showman ….let the show go on, the audience is impatient.
April 20 raised the summer heat some notches higher when the teaser of Ayushmann Khurrana’s Pati Patni Aur Woh Doh was unveiled. The expectation and salivation promised to stay charged with a teaser focused on a zany comic and clandestine cat escapade. Whatever changes in the world, men straying in marital bonds and coveting parayadhan is not going to change. Khurana not only juggles one temptation, but teaches how to juggle a third one too…reminding us of the Hollywood 1967 Tony Curtis, Claudia Cardinale comedy Don’t Make Waves …“one in the air, one landing and a third, pending”. Prajapathi Pandey is the lucky hero who gets to romance three ladies …Sara Ali Khan, Wamika Gabbi and the delightful Rakul Preet Singh who fight like cats on a hot tin roof over him, yet want to tear him to pieces for this talent. Vijay Raaz, playing the police officer, is bound to bring the roof down with his tongue in cheek interrogation of Pandey ..“You got caught with one, the other rushed in to extricate you..the third bird, is she a friend too?” Tigmanshu Dhulia and Vishal Vashishtha play interesting characters as foils. A Mudassar Aziz directed comedy of errors, T Series and PR Studios have collaborated to bring this Zany Zappy complicated three-cornered love triangle. You will have to wait till May 15 to get lessons on how to stray even as you remain married.
It is understood that Ashok Kumar Lahiri—the distinguished economist and BJP MLA from Balurghat, West Bengal—informed the party high command of his wish not to contest the 2026 Assembly polls. Instead, he expressed a desire to move to Delhi, where his core strengths, talent, and skills could be put to better use. Prime Minister Narendra Modi appears to agree. Lahiri has been appointed as the Vice Chairman of NITI Aayog, replacing Suman Bery. As the Prime Minister serves as the Chairperson of NITI Aayog, this move places the “right man in the right job.” PM Modi reportedly feels that a proven performer like Lahiri can contribute more effectively from Delhi than by nursing his Balurghat constituency. In a recent tweet the PM noted: “His rich experience in economics and public policy will further strengthen the path of reforms in India and the journey towards becoming a ‘Viksit Bharat’.” Seems like PM Modi has gone for a major overhaul of the think tank since 2015. Along with Lahiri, the government has already added four new members: M Srinivas, Abhay Karandkar, Gobardhan Das and KV Raju. Lahiri boasts an impressive track record, including tenures at the World Bank, the IMF, and the ADB, as well as serving as India’s Chief Economic Advisor. Despite these high-profile roles, colleagues describe him as remarkably grounded. Endorsing the selection, Rajat Nag, the former ADB Managing Director, stated: “Ashok Lahiri is a very competent economist with vast experience and international recognition.” Lahiri has shifted to Delhi, met with the Prime Minister, and immediately reported for duty. He has already indicated that his primary focus will be on meaningful policy changes in the healthcare and education sectors—areas he views as essential to achieving the vision of a Viksit Bharat.
AAP MP Raghav Chadha who split two-third members belonging to the AAP in Rajya Sabha and helped party MPs in merging themselves with the BJP, is most likely to get a berth in the Union government. It is being said Chadha’s switch to the BJP had been in the works for some time. With Punjab assembly elections slated to be held early next year, the BJP wanted Chadha to be on its side to prepare for the elections. At the same time the BJP wanted to ensure that the defectors did not lose much. Or at least they remained as MPs. With more than two-thirds — 7 out of 10 — of the AAP MPs defecting, a figure needed for the MPs to retain their membership in the upper house, Chadha ensured he and his colleagues were safe for the time being. Meanwhile, it is being said Chadha’s continuation in AAP had become difficult ever after Arvind Kejriwal began to take an active interest in Punjab. Particularly after he had lost power in Delhi in February 2025 assembly polls. Besides, Kejriwal also did not want Chadha to play any advisory role to Bhagwant Mann government as he himself had begun to take an active interest in Punjab. It is in this backdrop that reports of Chadha cozying up to the BJP began to do the rounds. Kejriwal removed Chadha as the deputy leader in the Rajya Sabha over allegations of not raising key issues against the Modi government and doing “soft PR” instead. Ironically, when Chadha walked out of the AAP – he had two more MPs as part of the merger — Ashok Mittal and Sandeep Pathak, a former IIT professor. Interestingly, Mittal was the AAP replacement for Chadha’s Rajya Sabha deputy leader post.
With months to go for the Panchayat Election 2023, reports of back-to-back violence, crude bomb blasts, recovery of firearms and live bombs are being reported in some districts of West Bengal. Some of the districts of South Bengal — Birbhum, North and South 24 Parganas, Murshidabad, and Junglemahal areas have seen recent cases of political violence with bomb blasts killing three minors and injuring several people including children in separate incidents. Both Didi and second in command of the party, her nephew Abhishek Banerjee have been categorical to keep away from violence after the party suffered brutal electoral losses in last Lok Sabha polls due to political violence that took place during Panchayat Election 2018. Incidentally, both Bengal Police and Bengal Special Task Force (STF) have arrested a number of people having allegiance to the ruling party for being involved in the blasts and clashes. This has largely prompted Oppositions to claim that Bengal is “on a bed of bombs and arms”. However, senior cabinet minister Firhad Hakim countered stating the Union Government has eased inter-state border vigilance so that arms could be smuggled into the state to create anarchy. According to political analysts, the panchayats of Bengal have emerged as the epicenter of political violence as they provide critical opening for the parties to strengthen their hold over nearly every aspect of rural society besides the dominance and political influence to the grassroots.
West Bengal chief minister and Trinamool Congress (TMC) supremo Mamata Banerjee is on a two-day tour to the two most tribal-dominated districts of Jhargram and West Midnapore amid off-the-cuff remarks by one of her ministers regarding President Droupadi Murmu. The tour also holds significance, with an increase in Maoist activities and considerable hold of the BJP in this area. Didi first conducted administrative review meetings in West Midnapore and Jhargram, followed by a political rally at Midnapore College grounds. She also met the leaders and functionaries to brief them ahead of the rural polls. Incidentally, there is a potential electoral impact since tribal voters account for about 5.8% of Bengal’s total population and in the 2019 Lok Sabha polls, the BJP won five of the eight tribal-dominated seats across the districts of Bankura, Purulia, Jhargram, West Midnapore and Birbhum, popularly called Junglemahal. However, Didi recovered her lost ground by winning 28 of the 54 tribal-dominated seats in south Bengal which includes four Assembly seats in Jhargram and 13 of 15 constituencies in West Midnapore in 2021. According to party insiders, Mamata is worried about the reports of infighting in Jhargram between her tribal MLA Dulal Murmu and a strongman of the district leadership, Ujjal Dutta. She is also worried about the absence of her most trusted lieutenant Anubrata Mondal, who was also looking after the party functioning in West Midnapore, besides Birbhum.
Relying on the strong rural connect CPM is going all out to seal the spot in Panchayat Elections to be held in West Bengal in 2023. Having returned empty-handed in the Lok Sabha Polls 2019 and State Assembly elections 2021, the CPM is clear that this Panchayat Election is a do-or-die situation for its political existence in the state. Incidentally, the CPM had to bite the dust in the wake of anti-land acquisition movements losing around 50% panchayat seats in 2008, leading to the fall of its citadel in 2011. It continued with Trinamool Congress going all guns out for an uncontested win in the 2018 polls. Sources said that the Left top brass believes that terming TMC as “B Team” of BJP led to the decline of their vote share, where anti-TMC votes translated into saffron share. Hence, the recent dictate from the party leadership is that no official or unofficial pact with the BJP in upcoming panchayat elections. Significantly, TMC’s corruption and a beleaguered BJP led to the increase of vote share of CPM in recent past. With vote share declining to 4.71% during 2021 Assembly polls held in March, CPM clawed back with 11.87% in Kolkata Municipal Corporation polls held in December same year. These numbers went up further to 14.2% and 16.75% respectively in the Municipal elections across Bengal held during February and March 2022.
When West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee visited Chennai to attend a family function of State Governor La Ganesan early this week, not only did she make it a point to catch up with Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin at his residence but she also reportedly struck a bond with Stalin’s wife Durga. She told Durga Stalin how Bengal people worship Goddess Durga. Apparently, anyone who warms up to Durga Stalin is ushered into her puja room, so that’s what happened with Mamata too. Later, Mamata chatted up with Stalin over a cup of coffee. While details of their discussions are not available, it would be interesting to see the kind of impact the TMC chief has on the DMK’s future course in politics. That is of course if both the TMC and DMK plan to work together for the 2024 Lok Sabha polls. It would be interesting to see if Stalin begins to temper his pro-Congress image as we know Mamata is opposed to any kind of tie-up or linkages with the Congress. At the moment, Stalin has a good equation with the Congress both at the state and national level. Even Rahul Gandhi’s Bharat Jodo Yatra had started from Kanyakumari endorsed by DMK top leaders. Mamata who is desperate to expand beyond Bengal needs to tie-up with the DMK.
It is daggers drawn in the West Bengal unit of BJP. According to party insiders, the state BJP President Sukanta Majumdar is likely to go; he may be replaced by the Leader of Opposition Suvendu Adhikari. If this happens, Suvendu will resign from the post of LoP giving way to BJP MLA Manoj Tigga, chief whip of the state unit. These changes will be made once Panchayat Poll dates are announced. Majumdar is likely to get a shunting post of central secretary or any post in the parliamentary party. All these developments come against the backdrop of the party’s new state observer and All India General Secretary (Organization) BL Santosh’s discussions with the Bengal committee members following Majumdar’s failure to attack TMC over a series of issues. Besides, it is known that Suvendu even while at TMC had great acceptance, ground-level reach and connect. This will benefit BJP in the Panchayat Polls. However, both RSS and the old guards of the BJP are against Suvendu’s ascension as the next state president. They are rooting for National vice president and former state president Dilip Ghosh, a diehard RSS man. The state RSS and VHP members feel, if Suvendu becomes the state president, the power of the party will go into the hands of Trinamool turncoat which will tarnish the prospects of BJP in Panchayat polls.
Factional feud and infighting among senior leaders of Trinamool Congress (TMC), for the past few days, has made it split wide open ahead of the party’s Lok Sabha dream. While the BJP is trying desperately to regain its lost grounds in Bengal, the TMC infighting among the senior guards is adding fodder to saffron motive. Local MLA Tapas Roy took a jibe against party colleague and MP Sudip Banerjee of indulging in “anti-party” activity by “keeping a good rapport with BJP” as well as a “corrupt politician who has spent days in jail” for his involvement in a Ponzi scam 2017. Though Sudip did not make any counter claims but referred to the common saying “Hathi chale bazar…..”. Sudip is Didi’s representative in Delhi who has interacted with PM Narendra Modi several times on her behalf. In fact, Didi had invited Sudip and his wife, MLA Nayana Banerjee to a programme held in her constituency, making it clear about her support. Another local MLA Tapas Chatterjee expressed his dissatisfaction for not being invited to Didi’s event held at a venue situated within his constituency. In both incidents, senior party leaders, MP Sougata Roy and local MLA Madan Mitra came out in support of Roy and Chatterjee respectively. However, according to party insiders, on both occasions, Didi has expressed her anger with close circuit. She is quoted saying that Chatterjee could have spoken to her instead of going to the media.
With panchayat elections scheduled to be held in the state in February 2023, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee is already missing her close associate and party veteran Partha Chaterjee. The Trinamool Congress (TMC) leader was industry minister at the time of his arrest in the school recruitment scam in July this year. Partha’s absence is strongly being felt because of his knowledge of rural Bengal and network of party workers who reported to him. Partha as general secretary regularly kept in touch with party activists and gave regular feedback. Mamata is aware that her nephew Abhishek, party’s national general secretary and Howrah Lok Sabha MP, is not very grounded about rural Bengal issues and doesn’t seem to network or care about grameen TMC workers. That is why to overcome these shortcomings in the party set-up, the TMC supremo has reached out to her old associate Mukul Roy who got elected as BJP MLA in 2021 West Bengal assembly elections but nevertheless rejoined the TMC. It must be pointed out Didi’s overtures to Mukul Roy are being done on sly, that is when the nephew is reportedly away in Dubai. It is said Roy didn’t get much work to do since his return to the TMC because Abhishek Banerjee was not in favour of giving any importance to the old guards.
A renewed vigour can be witnessed with the CPI(M) West Bengal Unit. CPI(M) has always relied on its grassroots connections, especially the panchayats. Having been decimated in the 2021 Assembly election with no representation, the Left is now leaving no stones unturned to capitalize on their cadre politics. For 2023 Panchayat polls it has launched its campaign “Nazare Panchayat” (Eye on Panchayat) with a helpline number asking to submit complaints against the Trinamool Congress. It has also shared a video claiming that within the first seven days of the campaign the party has received 1500 complaints. Out of which, 55% are against TMC leaders, 77% of calls are from rural areas and 40% of those are related to panchayat issues. Significantly, the CPI(M) state leadership including state secretary Mohammad Salim, senior politburo members Sujan Chakraborty, Abhash Roy Chowdhury, Debolina Hembram, youth leaders Meenakshi Mukherjee, Satarup Ghosh are leading several protest marches, addressing rallies in the districts. The student and youth wing of the party — SFI, DYFI — recently called for an Insaf Sabha in Kolkata seeking justice for the murder of one of their youth leader Anis Khan witnessing a large turnout. It also held similar rallies in Murshidabad, Jalpaiguri, Siliguri, West Midnapore, Malda, and Raiganj. Incidentally, a supporter with bow and arrow surfaced during the Raigunj rally, which reminded the erstwhile Left agitation in Bengal.
Panchayat polls in West Bengal is due in 2023 and the ground reality is that besides TMC, CPI(M)’s performance stands best with its network of cadres spread across. BJP still struggles with only a “Nabanna Abhijyan” (march to state secretariat) a face saver. TMC is mired in corruption charges following the arrest of two of its top leaders and BJP leadership expected a groundswell in the party’s favour. That was not to be. Having failed to capitalize on this, prompted the party to seek support from its arch rivals — the CPI(M) and Congress during Nabanna Abhijyan. State president Sukanta Majumder had to tweet seeking support from the arch rivals asking them to participate in their programme, keeping aside political differences. More surprisingly, even his predecessor and critic Dilip Ghosh supported the call. It is a known fact that CPI(M) and Congress support each other to capture a Gram Panchayat or to rule a Zilla Parishad. District BJP leaders have made it clear to the state high command that it will not stop itself from supporting CPI(M) or Congress in forming a panchayat. The district leaders are aware that the majority of the supporters from Left and Congress switched camps in 2021 only to defeat TMC and now they have all moved back. As a support to the idea, the state BJP is all out to capitalize on CPI(M)’s programme Chor Dharo Jail Bharo.
West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s latest attempt to de-link PM Narendra Modi from the ED-CBI investigation in the state surprised the political fraternity across the country. “Modi is not doing these things,” Didi told her state assembly while speaking about the recent raids by the CBI and ED against top Trinamool Congress (TMC) leaders, rather passing the onus completely to second-in-command of the country Amit Shah. Incidentally, besides NIA no other agencies come directly under the Union Home Ministry and no investigation would be possible without a go-ahead from the PM. Meanwhile, TMC is clear that Didi along with chief ministers such as Bihar’s Nitish Kumar and Jharkhand’s Hemant Soren will join hands to fight BJP vis a vis PM Narendra Modi in 2024 and continue to be the “fulcrum of opposition unity”. Political analysts in West Bengal feel it is too much of a risk as Lok Sabha Polls are two years away and with TMC government only 16 months old it needs to have cordial relations with the Centre for its smooth functioning as well as tackle several issues like GST dues, fund allocations etc. Analysts also feel that it is slowly dawning on Mamata that the opposition unity remains an unreal proposition, especially with Arvind Kejriwal and Rahul Gandhi two of the main Hindi-heartland anti-BJP forces doing their own brand of politics?
All is not well with the West Bengal BJP unit ever since Trinamool Congress came to power with a thumping majority for the third term. The divide in the state saffron unit was clear since Balurghat MP Sukanta Majumder became the state president replacing Dilip Ghosh. Ghosh, a diehard RSS man, was the state president between 2015 and 2020 and under him BJP won 18 Lok Sabha seats. Recently, Ghosh criticized the CBI stating that it has “done some setting in Bengal”, putting the BJP leadership in a spot. His criticism can be attributed to the RSS’s cold war with the BJP. This is reflected as a direct attack on PM Narendra Modi. Moreover, it is not the first time Ghosh has defied the gag order from the central leadership. Earlier in June, in an email communique, the former Bengal president was asked to refrain from making comments against his party colleagues. Even the party president JP Nadda spoke to him on this issue. However, repeated defiance by Ghosh makes a section in the BJP believe that he enjoys sanction from “powerful authorities”. It is learnt that RSS has a game plan to add around 700 more shakhas to its existing network of 1,900 shakhas in West Bengal by 2024. This syncs well with Ghosh’s defiance.
With two of the senior party leaders in jail over corruption charges the debate of the era of young rule has once again surfaced in Trinamool Congress (TMC). Recently an explicit banner in support of Mamata Banerjee’s nephew Abhishek Banerjee who is also the party’s national general secretary was put up near Didi’s home turf of Kalighat. The banner read “In the next 6 months, TMC will come up in a new avatar. Just like the one desired by the people”. Within 48 hours, a counter banner was put up in the same area stating “Old is base, new is the future”. The poster also read, “Under the leadership of Mamata Banerjee and under the command of Abhishek Banerjee, Trinamool has been and will remain”. Post the Partha-Anubrata fiasco, the ruling party is undergoing an organizational overhaul across all the units including the youth wing, women’s wing, and students’ wing besides the mother unit. The whole process is being overseen by Abhishek. Once restructuring is complete then Didi along with Abhishek and others in the top-tier leadership are likely to meet all the office-bearers right down to the grassroots. According to insiders, Didi will be laying out the road map for the rank and file, which will be diligently followed after the Puja season. It will essentially be the run-up to the panchayat elections next year.
The uneasy question among the top leadership of Trinamool Congress is: who would take up the mantle from the party supremo Mamata Banerjee. Significantly, after a long time, Didi was accompanied by Abhishek Banerjee who holds the position of national general secretary during her recent visit to New Delhi. He was also present with Mamata when she took stock of her party’s activities in the monsoon session and endorsed the joint opposition moves in Parliament, especially those against the BJP’s use of central agencies to raid and arrest opposition leaders. Incidentally, a section of senior leaders including Kalyan Banerjee had been vocal about Abhishek’s prominence in the party. He was criticized for both the Goa election and Tripura bypoll debacle, and also for trying to replicate the Diamond Harbour model, his Lok Sabha constituency. However, the opposing faction including Kalyan babu praised Abhishek stating that the young leader gave space and a patient hearing to all senior MPs and leaders. But, the message is loud and clear; in the run-up to the party’s Martyrs’ Day rally in Kolkata, posters put up across the state featured just two leaders — Didi and her nephew Abhishek. Furthermore, it’s Abhishek who’s now expanding the party in Tripura, Goa, Assam, and Meghalaya. Clearly, Abhishek is being projected as the natural successor of Mamata Banerjee, but it has been the BJP that made him a leader by constantly attacking him.
Nothing seems to be going well with the ruling Trinamool Congress after two of its prominent leaders Anubrata Mandal and Partha Chatterjee were arrested by the central agencies CBI and ED respectively. However, despite washing away hands from these two leaders, TMC has been prompt in protesting against Mandal’s arrest in a subtle way by organizing a two-day protest through youth and students wing. However, this was not the case for “Parthada”. “Kestoda” as Mandal is popularly called has held an unprecedented power for over a decade despite not holding any position in the government, not even as an elected legislative representative. His exceptional organizational skill of mobilising the masses to counter the Left in their erstwhile citadel of Birbhum helped Mandal to gain prominence in the TMC. Incidentally, Bahubali of Birbhum helped the party to win 11 out of 12 seats from Birbhum in the 2021 Assembly elections, and both Lok Sabha seats — Bolpur and Birbhum in 2019. Does Anubrata hold power beyond his district? Yes, he does. His influence spread over Purba and Paschim Bardhaman, which is why he was also made a part of the party’s national working committee. Kestoda, who is also a fundraiser for the party, has delivered on all fronts, party insiders. And this is why Mamata Banerjee has always defended him vehemently in public especially now by holding protest marches after his arrest.
West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s recent visit to New Delhi remained a low-key affair despite meeting Prime Minister Narendra Modi appraising him about the state dues. She has always remained vocal and the biggest critic of the Modi Government and the BJP. But this time, her New Delhi visit did cover several meetings, sans high octane protest and meeting the media. Mamata’s mellowed stance about her visit has led to several questions. A section of the Opposition chief ministers said that Mamata despite attending the NITI Aayog meeting after a long time was not herself that of being extremely vocal. One of the insiders said that during the meeting, Didi did not complain or oppose the government policies. Interestingly, the TMC supremo in her last letter to the Prime Minister complained about non-payment of dues of Rs 97,000 crore by the Centre. Incidentally, chief ministers of Odisha, Kerala, Chhattisgarh and Punjab briefed the media about their demands and observations. But not TMC. Insiders say that the media cell of the TMC was asked not to share any information pertaining to her visit. The CPI(M) has pointed out that the visit was mainly to address the ED raids pertaining to the SSC-Teacher Recruitment Scam involving a senior cabinet minister of her government. Presumably, Didi maintained a low profile to avoid any attack on her government over corruption charges.
The three-time chief minister of West Bengal and Trinamool Congress supremo Mamata Banerjee who had over the years made a clean image of her trademark white cotton sari and rubber chappals is on a path of image correction after the recent recovery of Rs 50 crore allegedly accumulated by her senior cabinet minister Partha Chatterjee. Right now, despite sacking Parthda (as referred to by Didi), the TMC supremo needs to rebuild her image with the Opposition parties. After her thumping hat-trick win in Assembly Polls last year, Mamata was upbeat and confident of taking her brand national and becoming the fulcrum of the Opposition’s planned league against Prime Minister Modi for the 2024 general election. But the TMC chief still does not hold all the cards in the fight against BJP and needs to build bridges with the rest of the Opposition. Mamata will be in Delhi from August 4-8, says party source. Though the official reason for her visit is to boost the confidence of TMC MPs who have been at the forefront of protests against the Modi government. Also, her meeting with Congress President Sonia Gandhi remains unclear due to TMC’s strained relationship with Congress. It is also being said that the TMC chief is likely to make an appearance in the Central Hall of the Parliament.
When West Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee declared she does not support corruption or any wrongdoings on the back of the arrest of her Industries Minister Partha Chatterjee by the ED following orders of Calcutta High Court, she knew she had no choice but to distance herself from him. Partha, who is also TMC general secretary, had made three calls to her at the time of his arrest. Mamata did not take his calls. Didi had no choice but to distance herself from Partha as unseemly visuals of the cash haul of Rs 21 crore recovered from Partha’s aide Arpita Mukherjee’s flat had exposed the underbelly of TMC style governance. It also exposed threadbare West Bengal School Service Commission recruitment irregularities that occurred when Partha was the state Education Minister. Mamata had moved him out of the ministry. However, now the scam has tarnished Brand TMC. “I don’t support corruption or any wrongdoing. If anyone is found guilty, he or she must be punished,” said Mamata. Are her words enough to breathe credibility into TMC? Meanwhile, amidst push by nephew Abhishek Banerjee to rid the party of old guards, it is being said Mamata already regrets not having dropped old guard like Partha and Firhad Hakim (Kolkata Mayor) from her team when she returned to power third time in 2021.
West Bengal Chief Minister and Trinamool Congress supremo Mamata Banerjee was at her usual self in launching a scathing attack on CPI(M) during her address at the Martyrs’ Day Rally in the heart of Kolkata on July 21. She not only referred to the alleged corruption during the Left Front regime but also threatened to rake up controversial files which would be a deviation from her slogan “Badla Noy Badol Chai” (No Revenge, But Change). Amid the row over irregularities in School Service Commission (SSC) appointments, Mamata slammed the CPI(M) by referring to the erstwhile government which always favoured and appointed the wives of CPI(M) party cadres as school teachers. She categorically named senior CPI(M) leader and Rajya Sabha MP Bikash Ranjan Bhattacharya, who has been contesting the TMC government over irregularities in SSC appointments for some time now. Is Mamata’s reference to the CPI(M) and Left Front a clear attempt to project CPI(M) as her principal opposition? Political observers believe that Mamata is clear about her opponents which remain Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union Home Minister Amit Shah. She doesn’t even take names of state BJP leaders instead she’s in cordial terms with veterans of CPI(M).Will CPI(M) take a cue from Mamata’s attack to rejuvenate the party and set forth Bhattacharya as the new face of the party?
The decision of the Trinamool Congress (TMC) which has 36 MPs — 23 Lok Sabha and 13 Rajya Sabha — to abstain from voting in the vice-presidential election on August 6 on the ground that the party was “not consulted” before Margaret Alva of the Congress was selected as the Opposition nominee seems like a very lame excuse for the Bengal party to move away from Opposition camp. Didi’s decision to boycott polls has upset 80-year old Alva who took the trouble to fight a losing election. The TMC cannot complain about lack of consultation though Sharad Pawar did mention efforts to reach Mamata had failed. But Congress President Sonia Gandhi did speak to Mamata canvassing for Alva. Yet it is not clear if Mamata has merely upped her ante over Alva because CPI(M) general secretary Sitaram Yechury had a big role in it. Or has she taken a cue from regional parties like BJD and YSRCP? Is she also cosying up to the Centre like Naveen Patnaik and Jagan Mohan Reddy — both CMs of Odisha and Andhra — who back the BJP in Parliament and seem to be getting a lot of things done for their States. For a start, it is no coincidence that the Union Minister of State for Home Nityanand Rai announced recently that the Centre has received West Bengal’s proposal to rename the state Bangla.
West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee made a call to reject the BJP in the 2024 Lok Sabha Polls. Addressing at the Shaheed Diwas (Martyrs’ Day) rally in the heart of Kolkata, Didi launched a scathing attack on the BJP stating that 2024 will not be a vote for election, but one for rejection of BJP for its monumental incompetence. Mamata made it clear that only her party has the spine to take on the BJP since her party is not afraid of ED, CBI and other Central agencies. Mamata said that in 2024, when the BJP fails to form a majority, the Opposition parties have to come together to set up the next government. According to political observers, Trinamool Congress (TMC) supremo had been trying to bring the Opposition parties together by organising a mega rally at Brigade Parade Ground but that attempt failed in 2019 general elections. Mamata stressed that in the 2024 Lok Sabha Elections, her party will win in West Bengal and other states such as Tripura, Meghalaya and Uttar Pradesh where it would be contesting. Significantly, the TMC chief remained tight-lipped about Congress President Sonia Gandhi’s questioning by the ED. However, party insiders say that Didi is focused on regaining the lost Lok Sabha seats, Opposition unity will therefore come later.
After a gap of two years, Trinamool Congress is holding its Martyrs’ Day Rally in Kolkata on July 21 with the party chairperson and chief minister Mamata Banerjee likely to raise her national pitch ahead of 2024 Lok Sabha Elections, and to lay out the big strategy of expanding TMC base outside West Bengal. This will be the first physical rally after Mamata’s historic hat-trick win in the State Assembly polls last year. Even though the senior party leaders including second-in-command of the party and Didi’s nephew Abhishek Banerjee remained tight-lipped, speculations are rife that some senior leaders from both BJP and Congress are likely to join the TMC. One-time aide of Mamata, Sovan Chatterjee and his associate Baishakhi Banerjee are likely to rejoin the party after a gap of almost four years. Barrackpore MP Arjun Singh who switched camps from TMC to BJP during 2019 Lok Sabha Polls was back in the party a couple of months ago. Now his son Pawan is likely to join the TMC. Besides them, three prominent Congress leaders of National ranks presumably from North South and North East States would also be present at the rally tomorrow. Interestingly, after catering to the northeast with the Tripura bypoll election and making public Mamata’s national ambition with the Goa election, large TV screens will be placed in Meghalaya and other north-eastern states for the audience to watch Mamata speak.
After Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi’s exit from the Modi Government on July 7 there were speculations whether the Minority Affairs ministry would be wound up. Questions were asked about who would take Naqvi’s place as there was no second Muslim MP in the ruling BJP to fill his shoes. PM Narendra Modi handed over the charge to Women & Child Development Minister Smriti Irani. Curiously her appointment was slammed by Trinamool Congress (TMC) Rajya Sabha MP Jawahar Sircar who wanted to know how could a “Hardcore Hindu, married to a Parsi be given charge of Muslims, Christians. Is this BJP’s brand of secularism?” Sircar was countered by Law Minister Kiren Rijiju who wanted to know why minorities meant only “Muslims and Christians”. A Buddhist from Arunachal, he hoped, “one can free mind from the shackles of pseudo secularism and appeasement politics. Muslims, Sikhs, Christians, Buddhists, Jain and Parsis have been notified as minority communities under Section 2 (c) of National Commission for Minorities Act, 1992”. The TMC possibly could be upset with Smriti’s added responsibility and acquiring a profile in Bengal when she went to launch the Sealdah Metro; Mamata’s party may have good reason to get worked up. Meanwhile it is learnt Naqvi moved out of his official residence 7 Safdarjung Road, just a day after his Rajya Sabha tenure ended. That is some record.
Opposition Presidential candidate Yashwant Sinha had decided to skip Jharkhand and West Bengal due to the stand taken by JMM chief Hemant Soren and statements made by Trinamool Congress chief Mamata Banerjee in favour of NDA candidate Droupadi Murmu. Mamata was open to letting her MLAs do what they want on the Presidential vote; she was also not keen about a Sinha visit to the state. However, it seems Opposition leaders have not taken kindly to Didi dropping Sinha like a hot potato for her electoral calculations in Bengal. In fact CPI (M) general secretary Sitaram Yechury, NCP supremo Sharad Pawar and Leader of the Opposition in the Rajya Sabha Mallikarjun Kharge do not want Sinha to skip Bengal or Jharkhand in his campaign as they feel it would send a wrong message. Yechury has even assured Sinha that the Left Parties would host him in Bengal. Meanwhile, Droupadi Murmu is reaching Kolkata on July 9 for a meeting with 69 BJP MLAs. She has also sought a separate meeting with Mamata. Now, it is clear Murmu’s presidential candidature has caught Mamata in a cleft stick– she can no longer wax eloquent about uniting the Opposition, but keep her focus on her home turf in Bengal.
Nothing seems to work for the Bengal BJP at present. While Trinamool Congress manages to make a significant dent in North Bengal by gaining the maximum number of panchayat and gram panchayat boards under Siliguri division, the Bengal BJP is grappling with internal feuds. Taking cognizance of this, the central BJP leadership has sent out a strong message to the leaders who have been vocal against the present state leadership. Towards this it has excluded Dilip Ghosh, former state president and MP from Medinipur, and Locket Chatterjee, MP from Hooghly, from the panchayat coordination committee. Instead, Debasree Chaudhuri, MP from Raiganj, has been given the charge. Interestingly, Ghosh had spearheaded the 2018 panchayat polls which helped BJP to make inroads and become West Bengal’s principal opposition party. Similarly, Locket who was in charge of the committee set up to celebrate the Modi Government’s 8th Anniversary celebration, also failed to be a part of the Panchayat Committee. Insiders said both Ghosh and Chatterjee had been voicing their dissent against the current president Dr Sukanta Majumder. Debasree is known to be close to Majumder. When asked why Ghosh has been excluded from the committee, BJP says Ghosh is one of the members of the National Working Committee. But so is Debasree. Locket’s exclusion is understandable as she continues to show her allegiance to the former state president.
Looks like Trinamool Congress Supremo and West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee is taking no chance as far as elections in her state are concerned. Panchayat polls are in 2023 but Didi is already in an election mode. She plans to visit every district in the state so as to establish direct contacts with TMC booth-level workers and voters. This early preparation by Didi is for several reasons. First, to take stock of the implementation of her government’s development schemes and glean whether local leaders and administration are working in tandem. Second, to nip factional feuds within TMC. Third, to weed out corruption from the grassroots level. Above all, Didi has recruited a special force from outside to give her reports without dilution of what’s happening within her party at all levels. Didi who kicked off her panchayat campaign visiting the Jangalmahal areas in the Jhargram district is likely to visit all 23 districts of the state. Her one message to her party workers is: ensure panchayat polls are peaceful unlike 2018, which was marred by violence and opposition not allowed to contest. That poll violence cost the TMC dearly in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections where it lost 16 seats – from 38 it was down to 22 seats. This worked to BJPs advantage, winning 18 seats. Didi cannot afford that mistake again.
Trinamool Congress (TMC) chief Mamata Banerjee has had a tough time in forging Opposition initiatives to finalise a candidate for Presidential elections. Even as Yashwant Sinha quit TMC to please Left parties that found it difficult to back a candidate affiliated to a political party, Didi was quite stumped by her efforts to get NCP chief Sharad Pawar to be first a candidate and later to even attend the initial round of meeting she had called on June 15. Pawar’s presence was important for her to forge Opposition unity but for some reason the NCP chief was reluctant to take any lead. Didi had to persuade Supriya Sule and Praful Patel to ensure that the veteran leader was present at the event. Mamata even called on Pawar at his residence along with her nephew Abhishek on June 14. Yet in spite of her extra efforts, not all non-BJP parties turned up. Parties like AAP and TRS gave it a miss while the Left was critical that the meeting was held at short notice. Leaders of regional parties seemed more worried about their worth in 2024. At the meet Pawar surprised Mamata by ruling himself out of the contest right at the launch. This wasn’t how Mamata had planned. So finally on June 21 when Yashwant Sinha’s name was finalised at the Opposition meet, 2nd round, Mamata chose to skip it.
Four-time National award-winning director Srijit Mukherji’s film X=Prem was declined screening slots at the iconic state-run Nandan theatre. Director-cum-Trinamool Congress MLA Raj Chakraborty’s film Habji Gabji got an afternoon slot though. Srijit tweeted, “Two films released on the same day. Both applied for Nandan. But, only one got through. Whereas ideally and in all fairness either both or neither should have. Why did this happen? Though all films are equal, some films are apparently more equal than others :-).” Raj Chakraborty’s counter was quick stating, “I don’t want publicity through controversy because the film will speak the final (last) word.” Mukherji later clarified that his question was addressed to the state government’s information and cultural affairs department, which did not cite any reason while denying him the daytime slot. Interestingly, the reason why producers clamour for the state -run theatres, especially Nandan, is because 50% of the revenue earned at the state-run theatres goes to the producers after GST deduction. The rule is applicable for the first week of release and, thereafter the amount drops to 40% in week two and so on. In the recent past, director Anik Dutta’s film Aparajita, based on legendary filmmaker Satyajit Ray’s journey on his masterpiece creation Pather Panchali, was denied screening at Nandan as Dutta is anti-TMC.
Mission 2024 has commenced for BJP in West Bengal with Union Home Minister Amit Shah setting his sights on Mamata Didi’s political turf, once again. With a more realistic objective this time around, the BJP wants to retain the number of MPs elected in 2019. Shah’s multi-pronged attack upon the TMC government got a shot in the arm by the court directed hand over of investigations into the Birbhum murder, arson killings to the CBI. The BJP also cited public statements by TMC MLA Naren Chakraborty from Asansol asking TMC cadres to warn BJP voters against casting their ballots on pain of death, for the scheduled bye-poll. “If you vote we will presume you voted for BJP and after the election you will be living at your own risk,” Chakraborty said. The EC imposed a seven-day campaign ban on the MLA after the video of his speech emerged. The BJP is pursuing a criminal case against the MLA for threatening people against exercising their vote without fear. A BJP leader told shortpost.in, “Didi is using strong-arm tactics like the erstwhile CPM government of WB employed to keep its grip on power, by hook or by crook. The Congress shoots itself in the foot by keeping mum only to keep the BJP out, like a man willing to die to ensure another woman is widowed also.”
After all the infighting within the TMC and his re-appointment as general secretary last month, Abhishek Banerjee, is apparently back to his sulking days. Surprisingly, he has pulled off a good PR coup by requesting the Kolkata police to remove the police barricade detail from in front of his house on Harish Mukherjee Road, South Kolkata. According to sources close to Abhishek, he did not want to inconvenience the public or disrupt traffic over his safety protocols. Police have now trimmed the barricade. Abhishek and his close associates believe this will speed up traffic flow through the area and the general public will be benefitted. Meanwhile, whatever exit polls may say about Goa, top leaders from Congress such as DK Shivkumar and P Chidambaram will reach there to prevent their MLAS from being poached by the BJP. Abhishek is also headed for Goa where the TMC is expected to pick two or three seats. Ending all rumours of a rift with TMC, Prashant Kishor was also spotted attending an important TMC meeting last Tuesday.
Just before elections to 108 municipal bodies in February, Trinamool Congress Chief Mamata Banerjee has gone all out to empower party seniors. Didi’s decision came after protests over the candidates’ list in the Purba Medinpur district. Conscious of emerging differences between Abhishek Banerjee and senior TMC leaders, Mamta decided to act particularly upset over ongoing sparring between TMC chief whip in the Lok Sabha Kalyan Banerjee and her nephew. She announced that party MPs must consult Sudip Bandopadhyay while party MLAs likewise engage with TMC deputy leader Partha Chatterjee and Bengal unit chief Subrata Bakshi. Placing Sudip in charge of the party’s parliamentary formation is a major divergence considering TMC leader in the Rajya Sabha, Derek O’ Brien’s proximity to Abhishek. A miffed Abhishek slipped out of the TMC meeting as Mamata announced the organisational changes and subsequently joined the meeting via Skype from home. The nephew, credited with getting her re-elected for a third term, has allegedly told his aunt that any attempt to undermine him would weaken the party. Mamata is well aware that young Turk MLAs elected in 2021 pledge their loyalty to Abhishek, who has also clearly been pushing Didi to expand TMC voter base beyond Bengal. So far, TMC efforts to capture the Goa assemblies and Tripura civic bodies have failed to yield success.
In Goa’s assembly elections everyone is targeting outlier Goa Forward Party (GFP) chief Vijay Sardesai. From the manner in which the Trinamool Congress (TMC) fielded its Rajya Sabha MP Luizinho Faleiro from Fatorda to take on Sardesai, it does seem like Mamata Banerjee’s team is trying to take revenge on Sardesai who has aligned with the Congress. Sardesai himself feels the TMC is only trying to “put” pressure on him for a renegotiation. Unlike his assessment, however, the Trinamool appears to have forced Faleiro to contest the assembly elections from an unfamiliar seat. Apparently the TMC’s Bengal cadre was unhappy when Faleiro was given TMC’s Rajya Sabha nomination. Incidentally, the former Goa CM is not contesting from his traditional seat of Navelim and, his seat was allotted to Valenka Alemao, daughter of former NCP leader Churchil Alemao, who has joined TMC. Did the BJP, whose government Vijay has supported all these years, treated him any better? Of course not! The ruling party snatched his sitting MLA, Jayesh Salgaonkar and then fielded him from Saligao. “I contested four seats in 2017, won three,” recalls Vijay with pride. If one migrated to the BJP, he lost the other seat to a Congress ally. The Congress has fielded Delailah Lobo, wife of Minister Michael Lobo from Siolim, a seat GFP won in 2017. Lobo defected to Congress recently.
True to his style, senior Congress leader Rahul Gandhi returned from his two-week foreign trip on January 9 night and plunged straight away to take stock of Goa. He had a meeting with AICC observers for the state P Chidambaram and AICC General Secretary (organization) KC Venugopal. Much to Gandhi’s annoyance, PC has been advocating an alliance with the Trinamool Congress (TMC) and, speaking about a secular alliance in the western state to take on the BJP might. PC is also known to have personally written to Rahul for forging a tie-up with the TMC. Apparently, TMC strategist Prashant Kishor was sending feelers to the Congress for a tie-up. However, in a setback to the TMC in a late-night tweet on January 10, Gandhi through his close aide Venugopal clarified that the rumour in circulation that about “A possible alliance with the TMC was discussed by Rahul Gandhi in today’s meeting and is completely baseless and untrue.” Rahul is piqued that the TMC wants to do business with Congress after poaching its MLAs like Luizinho Faliero and Alexio Reginaldo Lourenco in Goa. TMC has reportedly spread the word in South Goa that it got the FCRA account of Mother Teresa’s Missionaries of Charities restored. But does Mamata Banerjee really have a friendly equation with the Centre to have secured anything for her home state?
TMC chief Mamata Banerjee has made acquiring Goa’s 40 assembly seats almost a prestige issue. She has apparently poured money to acquire political assets — namely three sitting MLAs, two belonging to the Congress — Luizinho Faliero and Alexio Reginaldo Lourenco, and one from the NCP, Churchil Alemao, ahead of the Goa assembly elections slated next year. With Alexio’s exit, only two of the 17 MLAs elected in 2017 are left with the party. Going against its grain of procrastination, the Congress for the first time decided to go ahead with finalizing candidates and released the first list of eight candidates last week, just to prevent TMC from poaching its leaders. It was apparently former Union Minister P Chidambaram’s idea to halt the erosion of rank and file. Sources say the TMC was so livid with the Congress’ first list that poll strategist Prashant Kishor even boasted to a Goa leader that he would poach a candidate even after the list was finalised by Rahul Gandhi. He did it with Alexio joining TMC. AICC in charge Dinesh Gundurao was aware of this development. Well, If you want to know why no effort was made to stop this MLA from Curtorim from leaving the party, it was because the AICC made no offer to finance the elections.
It ain’t for nothing that PM Narenrdra Modi warned on Constitution Day (Nov 26) about family-run parties being the biggest threat to democracy. Mamata Banerjee is no Narendra Modi. The same day she used the forthcoming Kolkata Municipal Corporation elections (set for Dec 19) to strengthen her family stranglehold on Kolkata by declaring her old network of supporters as candidates in the civic polls. She chose to give tickets to relatives and extended families rather than go looking for fresh faces. Ironically, she was doing all this on a suggestion from her strategist Prashant Kishor (PK) to change candidates. The TMC had dropped about 39 candidates in 144 wards. Mamata “misused” PK’s advice to field relatives– including her own sister-law Kajari Banerjee, dropping an influential incumbent Ratan Malakar. Kajari’s candidature so shocked Malakar that he filed papers as an independent. He and yet another councillor, both belonging to Mamata’s Bhowanipore assembly constituency, revolted. As of now PK is at odds with the TMC. Didi has told PK to leave out micro candidate issues to her. PK recently skipped a strategy-meeting on the polls. Meanwhile, the strategist is sending across train loads of young men — affiliated to his I-PAC — to Goa to work for the party. Left to herself, Mamata may be comfortable transferring Bengal voters to Goa. Just to prove a point!
Goa Forward Party chief Vijay Sardesai was all gung ho about his one-on-one meeting with Congress leader Rahul Gandhi. He had every reason to be. That is because his trip to Delhi not only established his equations with the Congress high command but also helped him take a swipe at the TMC which had poached his party functionary. In a slap to the TMC, Sardesai snitched an independent MLA Prasad Gaonkar from South Goa backing the TMC and brought him to Delhi. The TMC was naturally livid with Sardesai’s Delhi visit and his pact with the Congress. It took to social media to attack him. Of course, on his return to Panaji, Sardesai found his gains were short-lived. His third MLA Jayesh Salgaonkar had shifted to the BJP. It was felt Salgaonkar, who was a businessman and belonged to North Goa, may have been under pressure to switch to the BJP. At the national level, the BJP has been making new acquisitions. Manjinder Singh Sirsa, a close associate of the Badals, joined the party. Belonging to Haryana, Sirsa is a prominent Delhi gurudwara leader.
Ever since his appointment as general secretary in June this year, Trinamool Congress leader Abhishek Banerjee has been wielding enormous clout in the party. No, it has nothing to do with him enabling his aunt Mamata Banerjee to return to power for the third time in West Bengal. Of course he is credited with hiring election strategist Prashant Kishor who enabled the TMC to overcome jinx of incumbency. But at the heart of hero-worshipping the 34-year-old Diamond Harbour MP is a deeper tale of heart-burn. Abhishek has become so powerful in the TMC, that now no one feels the need to queue up before the aunt. They feel now it is better that issues of organisation and state issues are left with bhaipo (nephew in Bengali). And the bua or pishi (aunt in Bengali) is left to handle higher, national-level goals. Yet what has upset the TMC rank and file is the manner in which Abhishek has given away Rajya Sabha seats from Bengal to outsiders — like Sushmita Dev and former Goa CM Luizhno Faleiro. While many don’t grudge Sushmita who hails from Assam as she speaks Bengali, Faliero being rewarded with RS berth, has not gone down too well. Faleiro was entrusted with responsibility of spreading the TMC in Goa and doesn’t seem to have delivered much on ground.
Gambling syndicates in Kolkata are offering bets on the results of 2021 West Bengal Legislative Assembly elections, including picking the winners of 294 seats. The official results will be out on May 2. So, who will form the next government? How many seats will the TMC win? Will the BJP improve its tally? You get some answers from the bookies, based on their projections, as on April 12: BJP may win 154-156 seats, while TMC may bag 116-118 seats and the balance by other political parties. The going rate is even money, that is, 1:1, for both TMC and BJP. BJP is clearly the favourite as of now. Bookies are paying Rs 1.20 for WB Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee who is contesting from Nandigram and Rs 0.40 (40 paise) for BJP’s Suvendu Adhikari, Didi’s confidante-turned-adversary. Higher rate indicates lower winning probability while lower rate indicates higher winning probability. A month ago, before elections began, the bookies were paying Rs 0.40 for Didi and Adhikari. After the first phase, the rates for both Mamata Banerjee and BJP were Rs 0.90 each. The bookies were quoting a price of Rs 1.20 for TMC and Rs 0.40 for BJP after the second phase. High rate indicates lower winning probability, while lower rate indicates higher winning probability. The high-voltage poll rallies have kept the bookies on their toes as they are frantically exchanging notes almost every minute, and fixing rates for each party and candidate. Following the completion of the fourth phase of polling, Kolkata bookies claim BJP is clearly ahead of TMC. The fifth phase of the poll scheduled for April 17, may go in favour of TMC and Left Front, they speculate. As for the veteran political pundits, the fierce tussle seems to be leading towards a hung assembly!
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Trouble, they say, never comes alone. At least that is what West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee may be discovering much to her dismay. Many famous personalities who helped build Trinamool Congress from scratch and were part of her inner circle are quitting the party. Respected and seasoned politicians like Dinesh Trivedi, Adhikari brothers, Rajib Banerjee and film personalities are attributing their quitting to Didi’s temperament; as they are not able to put up with her angry outbursts, insults and uncharitable remarks. Add to this, the phenomenal rise of her nephew Abhishek Banerjee, who is rubbing senior party leaders the wrong way. The exodus continues and the latest news wafting from the Writer’s Building, according to reliable sources, is that the current Finance, Commerce & Industries Minister Dr Amit Mitra may relinquish his office after the assembly elections. It is learnt that Dr Mitra is keen to spend more time with family and focus on his health. It may be recalled that Dr Mitra was the familiar face in Delhi when he served as the Secretary General of the FICCI. Born in an illustrious family, economist Dr Mitra joined the All India Trinamool Congress in 2011 and defeated the then Finance Minister Asim Dasgupta belonging to the CPM. Incidentally, Dr Mitra is part of the ministers and MLAs who have been denied party tickets for the current Assembly elections.
TRENDS & VIEWS
Editor’s Note: Short Post Is Here To Stay…
Time, they say, flies—and how true that is. Here we are celebrating our 5th Anniversary. Five years ago, when Covid-19 was wreaking havoc across the globe, I took a leap of faith and launched Short Post, India’s first website for Authentic Gossip. That was on January 31, 2021. I was convinced there was a clear gap in the market for gossip that was credible, sharp, and impactful—especially if told in just 250 words.
In this, I was fortunate. Scores of senior editors across diverse verticals bought into the idea and, in the process, gave wings to my dream. Quite honestly, Short Post could not have crossed these milestones without the unflinching support of its contributing editors. Like all start-ups, we have seen our share of ups and downs, but these editors have stood by us like a rock. I take this opportunity to doff my hat to them.
Thanks to their commitment, we have published close to 5,000 stories spanning politics, business, entertainment, and sports. I say this with pride: we made our mark as people who matter read us. “Small packs, big impact” truly captures the essence of Short Post.
We all know that Covid-19 has reset businesses worldwide, and the media sector is no exception. In the post-Covid era, investors have become more cautious and selective—and advertisers too. To compound matters, the entry of AI has disrupted the media landscape in equal measure. So far, we have managed to hold our ground, hopeful that some angel investors will take a shine to us.
What gives me confidence is this: AI cannot smell news—especially the gossipy kind. In other words, AI cannot churn out Short Post-type stories, no matter the prompt. That puts us in a safe zone. As someone rightly said, “AI is a co-pilot, not a pilot.”