Bankipur MLA and political strategist Prashant Kishor’s unannounced meeting with Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) leader and Maharashtra’s deputy chief minister Sunetra Pawar Thursday (Aug 6) night has once again highlighted the internecine unrest within the organisation. Ever since the demise of then deputy CM Ajit Pawar in an air crash in Baramati, the party is witnessing one jolt after another. Soon after the six-hour meeting with Kishor was over, reports began surfacing that Kishor had advised her to replace state NCP president Sunil Tatkare, a staunch loyalist of the late leader. Hurriedly, NCP spokesman Suraj Chavan clarified that there was no truth in the whispers about Tatkare. However, Sunetra’s son Parth, Rajya Sabha member, is said to be dead against Tatkare and another party heavyweight Praful Patel. Incidentally, Parth was present at the meeting with Kishor, who has advised Sunetra not to give importance to criticism against her, especially to remarks like ‘Goongi Gudiya’ and to concentrate on rebuilding the party organisation as well as focus on her governmental work. Kishor has been in touch with Sunetra after Ajit Pawar’s death. This is their second meeting in two months. There was a gap in meetings since Kishor was busy with electioneering at Bankipur, Bihar. At the Thursday meet, Kishor told Sunetra that he will undertake a survey across the state to assess the NCP’s potential and submit his recommendations, based on its findings. Their next meeting will take place soon, according to a party leader.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s reassurance to the six MPs who have defected from the Shiv Sena (UBT) to the ruling NDA that “not to worry, I am with you” has boosted their morale to another level. After meeting NDA MPs today in New Delhi, Modi made it a point to meet the half dozen former Sena (UBT) Lok Sabha members separately. This came as a pleasant surprise for them as it is interpreted as a guarantee for their political course. Modi told them, “You are now part and parcel of the NDA.” Modi hosted over 40 new and first-time NDA Lok Sabha members, inviting those MPs, which included the members who have left the Trinamool Congress as well. The six Maharashtra MPs have joined the faction led by state deputy CM Eknath Shinde. Besides the promise to ‘to take care’ of them, Modi also asserted on good governance. The Prime Minister advised the ‘new’ members on public outreach, parliamentary conduct and effective implementation of government schemes in their constituencies. Of late, the political scene in Maharashtra is witnessing various permutations and combinations, giving rise to speculation that major changes in the government and the organisation of each constituent of the ruling triumvirate is likely very soon. Frequent and unscheduled trips by CM Devendra Fadnavis and Eknath Shinde have been adding fodder to the gristmill. Against this backdrop, Modi’s direct communication with the breakaway Sena (UBT) MPs is considered significant.

Mamachya Govyala Jauya, directed by Viju Mane and starring Santosh Juvekar, Kushal Badrike, Abhijit Chavan and Ankush Chaudhari, has delivered a modest box-office performance in Maharashtra. Early estimates place its India lifetime collection around Rs 1 crore, with an opening weekend of roughly Rs 72 lakh. In a year when titles like Raja Shivaji and Deool Band 2 have shown Marathi cinema’s commercial potential, these numbers feel underwhelming. More striking than the collections were the promotional tactics. The campaign repeatedly highlighted how Marathi films struggle for multiplex screens and cannot compete with a global franchise like Spider-Man: Brand New Day. There were also claims that Hollywood profits largely leave India, ignoring the substantial benefits that Indian exhibitors and theatre chains gain from such big releases. Adding emotional weight, it was publicised that director Viju Mane had mortgaged his wife’s, sister’s and mother’s gold ornaments to finance the film. While personal sacrifice may evoke sympathy, using it as a primary marketing tool risks coming across as victimhood rather than confidence. Comparing a mid-budget Marathi comedy to a multi-decade international franchise is neither fair nor strategic. Audiences and exhibitors respond to content that delivers, not to complaints about unequal treatment. Emotional rants about lack of shows or family jewellery do not fill seats. Quality does. Marathi cinema has repeatedly proved this with films like Ghabadkund and the Deool Band franchise, which succeeded through strong storytelling and craft. The industry does not need more orthodoxy or self-pity. It needs filmmakers who prioritise making better films. When the product is strong enough, screens and audiences follow.

RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat’s remarks in Mumbai on August 6 at an interaction with Gen Z is bound to make the top BJP leadership take note. The Sangh appears to be taking the lead over the Modi government in starting a dialogue with the youth, before PM Modi does. Bhagwat stated that Gen Z protests over issues like exam paper leaks are a legitimate form of dialogue. He has asserted that youth grievances are genuine and should not be labelled anti-national. Observers view his remarks as a nudge toward constructive engagement and systemic reform rather than confrontation.  He emphasised that the era of blind obedience is over, and today’s youth demand logic, discussion, and reasoning. Coming amid youth-led agitations and public debates, his comments are widely interpreted as advocating an empathetic, communicative approach rather than an adversarial response. Were the RSS Chief’s remarks a wake-up call for the BJP? The statement places the RSS directly inside the debate over how India’s political establishment engages with a generation often dismissed as unserious or confined to social media. The message is clear: disagreement is not disloyalty, and young people taking to the streets cannot automatically be portrayed as enemies of the nation. Bhagwat has pushed back against attempts by many government and BJP leaders to brand protesting youngsters as anti-national. He said Gen Z is more honest than earlier generations and has the right to question those in power. The “wake-up call” narrative is built on several key interventions by Bhagwat over the past few years.. Amid intense student protests over NEET paper leaks—which forced the resignation of Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan—Bhagwat asserted that “if Gen Z is protesting, they are not anti-nationals” and that the government must address grievances using logic and dialogue rather than dismissal. This directly contrasted with aggressive rhetoric from several BJP leaders.

Well it is not only PM Modi and the BJP who have been troubled by the youth agitations. Even LoP Rahul Gandhi too, following which he reached out to students, on August 6, protesting in Jharkhand over alleged irregularities in government recruitment examinations. He assured them that their concerns would be raised with the JMM-Congress state government and expressed support for their demands. The conversation comes amid the continuing agitation by JPSC-JSSC aspirants in Ranchi demanding the cancellation of the disputed exam, a fair investigation into the irregularities and comprehensive reforms in the recruitment process. Rahul and Opposition leaders did not expect the Ranchi protests to become such a huge embarrassment like the Jantar Mantar protests did to PM Modi. At Ranchi’s Jaipal Singh Munda Stadium, student leader Devendra Nath Mahto has been on an indefinite hunger strike and has drawn the same attention as activist Sonam Wangchuk’s in Jantar Mantar. On August 5, following a video call with Wangchuk, Mahto agreed to at least take water while continuing his fast. The demands of protesters were to cancel the disputed 14th Combined Civil Services Preliminary Examination, order a CBI probe and restore public faith in Jharkhand’s recruitment system. It started on July 2, when the JPSC announced the examination results, naming 2,204 successful candidates for recruitment to 103 civil service posts. More damagingly, the JPSC failed to publish category-wise cut-off marks, a basic requirement of transparency. On July 21, the Jharkhand CID arrested eight persons of TSR Data Processing Pvt Ltd (TDPL) which was entrusted with the examination process. Days later, JPSC chairman L Khiangte resigned. Nine competitive examinations, including the Civil Services Mains, have been postponed indefinitely. What began as a protest against one disputed examination has evolved into a movement demanding structural reform of Jharkhand’s recruitment machinery. CJP...

Who got the Meta top officials, including CEO Mark Zuckerberg, to tender an apology to the government of India? Was it IT Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw’s deft approach or BJP MP Nishikant Dubey’s aggressive posture as head of the Parliamentary Committee, who issued a three-day ultimatum to apologise for the brief removal of PM Modi’s July 23 video, and take action against those responsible for it? Or did Meta think it risked losing business in India if the government got very tough? Not only did Zuckerberg apologise for the temporary removal of Modi’s Facebook post, but his top executives also admitted to significant “content moderation” failures, including issues with child sexual abuse material, deepfakes, and the paid boosting of certain content. Meta’s global affairs head, Joel Kaplan, flew in from the U.S. for meetings with Vaishnaw. The IT Minister apparently grilled Meta global policy officials during the August 5 meeting. Vaishnaw knew Meta India’s gross advertising revenue reached Rs 29,392 crore ($3.5 bn) in fiscal year 2025. Meta needs India. Meta is one of the world’s most powerful companies, but its CEO had to accept its mistakes and tender an apology. This reflects the might of Indian laws. During the recent Jantar Mantar students’ protest, thousands of deepfake videos were circulated, rumours were spread through AI-generated content, inciting posts were sent from handles based in Pakistan, objectionable messages through Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp became viral. Meta did not take corrective action. Those who support Dubey think that it was he who forced the IT Minister to act tough. Dubey warned in a letter that protection and immunity available to Meta could be withdrawn if no apology was forthcoming. That is, the protection it receives under the ‘safe harbour clause’ would be withdrawn. Had the protection been withdrawn, the way to file a FIR against Meta officials could have been cleared.

Social media algorithms have rewritten the rules of visibility in Indian public life. They do not reward traditional hierarchy, institutional experience or even consistent ideology. They reward engagement, outrage, novelty, humour, emotion and shareability. The result is a new class of algorithm-born stars who appear everywhere, regardless of a user’s political leanings. Prashant Kishor exemplifies the phenomenon. Once a behind-the-scenes strategist, he is now omnipresent after his Bankipur by-election victory. Short, sharp clips of his speeches, critiques of the status quo and youth-focused messaging travel relentlessly across feeds. Platforms amplify what keeps users scrolling; Kishor’s content delivers high retention, so the algorithm pushes it into timelines of both supporters and sceptics. Neha Bora and the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) show how the same system can manufacture stars almost from nowhere. Founded by Abhijeet Dipke as satirical pushback against a judicial remark, CJP weaponized memes, AI-generated imagery and youth frustration over unemployment and exam scandals. Within days it amassed millions of followers. Neha Bora, an AISA activist linked to the movement’s hunger strikes and protests, became a recurring face after a viral dance video and protest footage. Algorithms detected the emotional charge and recirculated her content widely, making her unavoidable even for those who never sought her out. The same logic works in reverse. Established BJP-linked celebrities such as Ravi Kishan and Kangana Ranaut, once algorithm favourites, now face meme-driven decline when their content underperforms or invites ridicule. Platforms care little for loyalty; they care about what sustains attention. In the U.S., the 2016 Trump campaign thrived because X’s engagement-driven feed rewarded provocative posts, turning him into a constant presence. Similarly, TikTok’s For You page has elevated obscure creators into political voices, just as Instagram Reels did for CJP....

After facing intense heat from the student community, Opposition parties, and the media, Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan was left with little choice but to step down following the NEET paper leak controversy, despite retaining the support of PM Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah. His resignation was the core demand of the student-led Cockroach Janta Party to end their 36-day agitation at Jantar Mantar. Following his exit, rumour mills went into overdrive. Would he be assigned a new ministry, or roped in as an election strategist for the upcoming Punjab and Uttar Pradesh polls? Against this backdrop, his recent visits to his home state of Odisha—where he received a rousing welcome from local BJP leaders—are raising eyebrows. Was it a routine visit, or is he planning to base himself back in the state? Immediate speculation suggests an organizational shake-up in Odisha, where Pradhan could be handed a larger regional mandate focused on bolstering the BJP’s grassroots presence. With state elections less than three years away, political analysts believe Pradhan could well emerge as the BJP’s Chief Ministerial candidate for Odisha.

Bhumi Pednekar’s recent statements on the Cockroach Janta Party protests reveal a deliberate pattern of dual engagement rather than ideological flip-flops. In mid-July, she backed student protesters after the ‘Sansad Chalo’ march, condemning police force, highlighting education system failures like paper leaks, and calling for dialogue while noting she did not agree with everything said at the protests. Soon after, she posted a video criticising the abusive slogans against Prime Minister Narendra Modi, calling such language un-Indian and stressing respect for the highest office and cultural values. The video drew sharp backlash for perceived selective outrage. She followed up by defending a young female protester facing rape and death threats, linking it to broader women’s harassment and her own experiences of online bullying. Pednekar was never a hardcore “Modi Bhakt.” Early in her career she supported aligned government initiatives such as the plastic ban and Swachh Bharat messaging, and donated to PM-CARES. Simultaneously, she condemned police violence during the 2019 anti-CAA/Jamia protests and defended peaceful dissent. Her consistent public focus remains gender equality, climate action, and education. She has also indicated openness to politics, saying national service is “in her blood.” No imminent film release drives the timing. Her major upcoming project, the historical epic The Pride of Bharat: Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, is targeted for 2027. The statements appear aimed at sustaining a broad, responsible-celebrity brand: progressive on social issues, respectful of institutions, and positioned for constructive change rather than confrontation. This keeps her relevant across audiences without locking into one political camp

The arrest of former Tamil Nadu deputy CM Udhayanidhi Stalin by the Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) government under chief minister C. Joseph Vijay marks the latest chapter in TN’s long tradition of political vendetta. Booked for alleged sexually suggestive remarks linking Vijay and actor Trisha during a Cauvery protest, Udhayanidhi was detained from his Chennai residence, taken to Thanjavur for questioning, and released on station bail after Madras High Court intervention. The episode reveals how even a fresh political force quickly absorbs the state’s established grammar of power. This pattern is not new. The bitter rivalry between M Karunanidhi and J Jayalalithaa institutionalised revenge as governance. The 1989 Assembly clash, in which Jayalalithaa’s saree was pulled, poisoned relations for decades. After the DMK returned to power in 1996, Karunanidhi’s government filed multiple corruption cases against Jayalalithaa, leading to her arrest and the creation of special courts. In 2001, after AIADMK’s victory, Jayalalithaa repaid the debt with theatrical force: a midnight arrest of the 77-year-old Karunanidhi in a flyover scam case, complete with physical resistance, media cameras, and the detention of Union ministers who tried to intervene. Subsequent regimes followed the same script: raids, selective prosecutions and public humiliation of rivals whenever power changed hands. Vijay’s TVK, which ended nearly six decades of DMK-AIADMK dominance in the 2026 elections, was expected by many to break this cycle. Instead, it has deployed the identical toolkit. In TN, control of the police and prosecution remains the quickest way to assert dominance and settle old scores. Vijay’s early resort to this method shows that star power and outsider status offer no immunity. The train of revenge politics continues, simply with a new driver at the helm.

Though DMK president M K Stalin has lashed out at the TVK government after his son and Leader of the Opposition, Udhayanidhi Stalin, was detained by the police over his allegedly misogynistic remarks, which were seen as targeting a Tamil film actor Trisha, reports from Chennai say Stalin was quite upset with the DMK cadres for taking an anti-woman stance. He reportedly had a strong word for party cadres that had taken part in Udhayanidhi’s Thanjavur meeting. He felt an anti-woman perception about the DMK could put off women voters in the state. Stalin is one DMK leader who is always known to be moderate in his language. It is being said he did not expect the DMK cadres to get involved in his son personal brawl with CM Vijay. Before the Parliament Session, Stalin had even advised DMK MPs also not to directly confront PM Modi. Oddly, Lok Sabha MP Kanimozhi took a position in Udhayanidhi’s support. She dubbed his arrest by the TVK Govt as “blatant cowardice” done with the purpose of preventing him from attending the Legislative Assembly, whose Budget Session begins on August 5.  At the same time, Stalin said the TVK government, lacks the resolve to safeguard Tamil Nadu’s rights in the Cauvery water issue and showed no regard for Udhayanidhi’s position as LoP when it arrested him and took him to Thanjavur. He alleged that the government was attempting to intimidate Udhayanidhi by registering cases against him under multiple sections. He questioned the government’s actions, asking, “If the objective was merely to conduct an inquiry, why couldn’t it have been done in Chennai? Why was he taken to Thanjavur?

A day after cabinet expansion on August 3 when he inducted 19 ministers, Karnataka chief minister D K Shivakumar was heard talking tough as sulking MLAs who were left out of the gravy train threatened to quit the Congress party. He declared that he would have no hesitation in accepting their resignations. Interacting with the media, he said those who wish to continue in politics should remain with the party as “if there is a party, everything else follows.” What is the basis for DKS’s confidence in adopting a tough stand? Party sources insist that it is not just that Gandhis have decided to back DKS for now. It is also because the entire cabinet reshuffle exercise was fine tuned in Delhi with inputs of who should be included were filtered by two party functionaries or apparatchiks close to the Gandhis. It may seem odd but the buzz is that two people who helped DKS finalise the cabinet list are: Sunil Kanogulu and Sasikanth Senthil Kumar, a former Karnataka cadre IAS, who is now a Lok Sabha MP from Tamil Nadu. An election strategist, Kanogulu was appointed as advisor by CM Siddaramaiah. This courtesy was extended to him for bringing the Congress to power by strategising its campaign in 2022. Of course, it may be one thing to reward a poll strategist with a plum post but to let him call the shots in cabinet making! Many Congress leaders feel that perhaps the party bosses were perhaps going over the top. Or it is quite possible that Kanogulu may have only been a front; he was being used by a well-oiled machinery to make money for cabinet posts for a section within the party. Or else why would the Cabinet expansion have come exactly two months after DKS took oath as the CM?

The time has arrived for Indian cricket to cast its net far and wide to find fast bowlers and their ilk. The non-availability of the phenomenal achiever Jasprit Bumrah for the two-Test series in Sri Lanka — part of the ICC World Test Championship cycle — is, to put it euphemistically, a massive blow. India is placed fifth on the WTC points table, and the Shubman Gill-led team will be hard-pressed to get its act together in the absence of Bumrah as the spearhead. Talking about the larger picture, and given Bumrah’s plight in the last couple of years, India should embark upon an undertaking to unearth talents for multi-day examinations at the highest level. Bumrah’s limbs are constantly asking questions after eight remarkable years of sending down 1671.5 overs (10031 balls) in 52 Tests, with returns of 234 wickets at a mind-boggling economy rate of 2.77 an over! After his debut in 2018, the fast bowler with a unique action has missed 28 Tests for various reasons; 18 in the last five and a half years. With Mohammed Shami also out of contention, India’s fast bowling stock consists of Mohammed Siraj, Prasidh Krishna and young Gurnoor Brar, who is yet to be capped. The selectors have options for white-ball cricket, but clearly the basket doesn’t have many for the rigours of Test match cricket. Since January 1, 2021, the selectors have chosen 15 fast bowlers, giving opportunities to achievers in domestic tournaments, but only Krishna appears to have made the cut with 25 wickets in seven Tests. And so Krishna is a tyro in a way; he needs a lot more under his belt to play the lead role. With Bumrah laid low, sort of alarm bells are ringing for Indian cricket.

They were a far cry from their best. Yet, the likes of high jumper Anil Sarvesh Kushare, long jumper Murali Sreeshankar, and triple jumpers Praveen Chithravel and Selva Prabhu Thirumaran set the field events on fire during the Commonwealth Games in Glasgow.  Decathlete Tejaswin Shankar brought joy by winning a bronze. After the jumpers sustained the interest for a few days, India’s premier achiever in track and field for close to a decade, Neeraj Chopra, was the cynosure of all eyes in the Javelin throw The champion thrower of the spear was not a firm favourite to win the gold, with Sri Lanka’s Rumesh Pathirage closing the contest in the final with an 89.75 m in his second attempt, the only legal effort in six in the showdown. Chopra won the silver and Yash Vir Singh the bronze. Elsewhere in the track events, Gulveer Singh clinched the 5000m bronze and 10000m silver to prove that India has the wherewithal to shine in the long distance running events. He was the first Indian to win two medals in individual events at the Commonwealth Games. While the men picked up nine medals, only Seema Kaliramna (Bhiwani, Haryana) in the women’s progressed for a podium finish – in the discus throw. Only seven of the 29 entered (without the 4×400 men’s relay) ended up winning medals. The sprinters Gurindervir Singh and Animesh Kujur found the going tough within the 100m and 200m dash. India’s medal count, in track and field, at Glasgow was a modest 10 without the yellow metal. Very soon the athletes will compete in a difficult competition at the Asian Games in Japan. Gurindervir and Animesh will get a big opportunity to showcase their gifts.

Following his surprise win in Bihar’s Bankipur bypoll, Jan Suraaj Party founder and election strategist Prashant Kishor described his win as a “message to the BJP.”  PK, who had arrived on the election management scene in 2014 by handling the election of PM Narendra Modi, has now managed to enter the state legislative assembly in his home state exposing the underbelly of the BJP. Responding to his win, Kishor asserted that he could succeed only because “people of Bihar want a good CM” someone who can improve education, create employment opportunities for the youth, and ensure that the children of Bihar do not have to migrate elsewhere for work. He even suggested that the BJP leadership should change the Bihar CM before the 2029 Lok Sabha elections. PK’s Jan Suraaj Party which drew a blank in November 2025 assembly elections has suddenly seen an upswing in its fortunes? The NDA had won 202 of 243 seats. So what has happened in the intervening nine months that has altered the mood of people in Patna? According to PK the reason for the change in people’s mood is because BJP leadership opted for Samrat Choudhary, son of former RJD leader Shakuni Choudhry and habitual party hopper, as CM. Modi-Shah zeroed in on Samrat because of his backward Koeri caste. This has resulted in a huge resentment among upper castes who have traditionally backed the BJP. PK had cited Samrat’s alleged criminal antecedents as an election issue.  Bankipur has a sizable student population and could have also been swayed by Jantar Mantar protests. Many may have been influenced by PK’s promises to create better educational facilities. Patna, being a Kayastha dominant seat will any day value creation of an equipped education hub. BJP sources, however, insist that Bankipur was lost mainly because the RJD actively transferred its votes to the JSP.

As the Independence Day weekend of 14 August 2026 approaches, two films stand locked in a high-stakes clash: Emraan Hashmi’s Awarapan 2 and Sunny Deol’s Batwara 1947. One rides on 19-year-old cult nostalgia; the other on patriotic scale, Aamir Khan’s production muscle and AR Rahman’s score. Yet trade circles and social chatter note a striking imbalance. While Batwara 1947’s trailer, dropped on 28 July, generated immediate heat and “Gadar vibes,” Awarapan 2 has struggled to sustain comparable mass visibility despite a planned promotional runway. Hashmi’s lead track record largely explains the caution. Since Raaz 3 in 2012, his films have largely underperformed. Selfiee in 2023, Ground Zero and Haq in 2025 were disappointments. Supporting turns in Tiger 3 and the Telugu hit They Call Him OG earned praise and box-office association, but they did not restore the “opening power” once associated with the serial-kisser phase. Audiences have grown selective; nostalgia alone no longer guarantees footfalls when recent leads have disappointed.  Against this backdrop, Awarapan 2’s campaign has been steady but restrained. The teaser arrived on 29 June and drew warm fan response for its brooding tone and reworked Toh Phir Aao. Songs followed: Ve Junoon on 7 July and Yeh Awarapan by Arijit Singh on 21 July. A motion poster on 29 July teased the return of Tera Mera Rishta. Vishesh Films had signalled a month-long push centred on music and character. Yet the music has not delivered the expected chart dominance the original album still enjoys. Has Emraan lost hope? Awarapan 2 still holds the advantage of an emotional core and a loyal following that turned the 2007 original into a cult phenomenon long after its theatrical failure. Whether that converts into theatre numbers is a moot point. For now, the marketing gap is real and it mirrors the star-power gap Emraan has been trying to close for over a decade.

The holy Kaveri, considered the Ganga of the South, takes birth in Karnataka and wends her way to the Thanjavur Delta in Tamil Nadu considered the rice granary of India. But politicians of both these States are playing out a despicable game over water sharing. Now, a new threat is now emerging …the planned Megadatu dam that will definitely impact the TN farmers and their livelihood. But even before this looming threat, a new chapter in the bitter political flexing of muscles is making news. The new CM of Karnataka DK Shivakumar has already sounded the conch of battle saying water will not be released for TN. When J Jayalalithaa undertook a fast on the Marina Beach, Kalaignar opposed it severely …justifying that diplomacy was better as Tamils in Karnataka would be targets of violence. Despite so many political stunts no party has cobbled a lasting solution. On his way to Delhi to file TN plea for water, TVK Minister for Legal Affairs, Nirmal Kumar shared “insights” of the politics being brazenly played by M K Stalin and DKS. According to Nirmal Kumar, Stalin had met DKS in Karnataka. He alleged that their bonhomie went beyond party ideology. When in power DMK did nothing to resolve the Kaveri problem. Chennai South DMK MP Dayanidhi Maran targeted LoP Rahul Gandhi who was on a two-day visit to Mahabalipuram. Gandhi had ranted about the “Ettappans” (Judas) of TN. Maran flayed the Congress saying, “Trust is sold for power by these poisonous snakes”. He was obviously targeting the Congress which had kicked the DMK ladder for alliance with Vijay’s TVK. But as they say man proposes …and nature disposes. Suddenly the monsoon fury in Kerala flooded the Kabini river, a tributary of the Kaveri. The holy Kaveri swelled up with uncontrolled inflow …a big threat to Karnataka. And the hatches had to be opened…the waters gleefully rushed down to the delta, 3500 cusec per day …Mere politicians cannot overcome nature.

Ranbir Kapoor’s first full look as Lord Rama in the Ramayana trailer has left many feeling underwhelmed. Where the Animal trailer exploded with raw intensity, unforgettable screen presence and a character that lodged itself deep in the audience’s mind, this one feels strangely ordinary. The impact that was expected for a film of this magnitude simply isn’t there. Ranbir looks regular, slightly out of sync and artificial. He does not inhabit the element of Rama. The dialogue delivery stays flat and familiar, carrying no novelty or divine authority. For a project this massive, some experimentation with the character was essential. Instead, the costumes and overall presentation lean into excess artificiality, giving the frames a fake, ordinary sheen that has triggered mixed reactions. The problem is compounded by timing. Audiences are still under the spell of Ranbir’s Animal avatar. That performance was so brilliantly etched and embedded in public memory that anything following it was always going to be measured against that high. Earlier, the shift from romantic hero to intense action figure felt digestible. After Animal, however, this Rama comes across pale and weak. The gravity and quiet power the role demands are missing. Ramayana is ultimately the story of Rama. Technicians, scale, VFX and a formidable Ravana where Yash is clearly commanding attention, will support the film. Yet the central figure must carry the emotional and spiritual weight. Right now, Ranbir’s Rama does not rise to that mark. The trailer has grandeur, but the soul of the protagonist feels diluted, leaving viewers hoping the final film rediscovers the force that Animal delivered so effortlessly.

It seems Odisha’s political leadership led by CM Mohan Charan Majhi and bureaucratic leadership led by Industry Secretary Hemant Sharma are in the spotlight. Both have managed to woo big investments into the state thus beating the neighbouring Andhra Pradesh led by Chandrababu Naidu. It may be recalled that Lakshmi N Mittal who had originally zeroed-in on Odisha for huge investment in greenfield steel plant changed his mind at the eleventh hour and shifted it to Andhra. To make it up, Odisha is consolidating its position in other sectors. A case in point is power. Tata Power has finally selected Odisha and not Andhra Pradesh to set up its clean energy solar ingot and wafer facility in Tata SEZ Gopalpur. The investment is pegged at around Rs 6700-10,000 crore. It is said the Odisha government offered Tatas huge concessions and incentives to bag the project. According to Odisha Industry Minister Sampad Charan Swain, Odisha has emerged as the second-highest investment destination in the country after Andhra Pradesh under Utkarsh Odisha initiative.

The Tata Group has demonstrated terrific support to sustain the Tata Mumbai Marathon, a long-distance running endurance competition that spellbinds Mumbai once a year! The TMM, promoted by Procam International’s dynamic duo in Anil Singh and Vivek Singh, and held on the third Sunday of a new calendar year with a melange of cultures, is easily the best sporting event of the year and several corporates, including the IDFC FIRST Bank, the Maharashtra Government and its departments, and several others deserve a  pat on their back and “shabhaash” encomiums. The Tata Sons and Tata Consultancy Services are the two top-of-the-drawer brands that have sponsored the marathon, which has raised well over Rs 500 crore for charitable causes in India. It’s their unstinted support that has enabled the event to be accorded the Gold Label Race badge. The African runners – from Kenya and Ethiopia – have dominated the marathon – with a prize money pool of $ 389,524 for the January 2027 race — for many years. They lend admirable quality to the premier race over 42 km and other races like the full marathon, half marathon, Open 10k, Dream Run, Senior Citizen and Disability Run. Air India Express got on board for the 22nd edition and joined others like ASICS, AMARON, Bisleri, Red Bull, Vedanta, Trident Hotel, United Way Mumbai and Sir H N Reliance Foundation Hospital, all of whom take pride in supporting the race that’s run through the city’s iconic localities and landmarks like the Coastal Road and the Worli Sea Link. The African runners take away a substantial part of the money, and the Indian runners too, mostly from the armed forces. In three years, the TMM will complete its silver jubilee, an occasion for Mumbaikars to celebrate memorably.

Hotel Ritz Carlton in Pune was witness to a high-profile political gathering on July 29. It once again endorsed Maharashtra’s culture in which personal and political factors are kept apart. The occasion was the betrothal of deputy CM Sunetra Pawar’s son Parth with Kainaat Dara. As announced earlier, the wedding will take place on 27 February next year. The prominent among those present were Nationalist Congress Party patriarch Sharad Pawar with wife Pratibha, chief minister Devendra Fadnavis and deputy CM Eknath Shinde, NCP bigwigs Praful Patel and Sunil Tatkare as well as a score of VIPs. The occasion had heightened political suspense since contrasting reports have been emanating from both NCP factions about their possible merger. While Pawar himself has discounted any such development, certain leaders are said to be hopeful even now. The engagement ceremony was fraught with emotion with memories of Parth’s late father Ajit Pawar, who died in a plane crash in Baramati. The probe in the mishap is still on. The atmosphere was silent for a minute as Parth broke down while bowing to his father’s portrait. Care was taken to ensure that nothing was left to chance. For instance, a NCP leader had called on Karveer Peeth Shankaracharya a couple of months ago to seek clearance about holding the ceremony since certain quarters believe that a sacred event should be celebrated in a family which is in bereavement within one year or only after three years. All eyes now will be on the day of the wedding.

Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) leader Abhijeet Dipke is the focus of anti-BJP parties in Maharashtra. Even former chief minister Uddhav Thackeray has sought his time and invited him to Matoshree when the young agitator visits Mumbai. On his part, Abhijeet has started lobbing one political missile after another against Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union home minister Amit Shah. Besides threatening another mass agitation if the demands of the fledgling outfit are not honoured, Abhijeet has taken a cautious stand by declaring that CJP does not support violence. His modest apartment in Chhatrapati Sambhaji Nagar in Marathwada is the new place of attraction. Senior minister Sanjay Shirsat from the Shiv Sena (Shinde) was among the first to call on Abhijeet. Both families have a long-time relationship, it was stated. Shirsat has demanded police protection for Abhijeet. Soon thereafter, Sena (UBT) leader Chandrakant Khaire reached the residence of the new youth icon and made a call to Uddhav. Both conversed for a little while and Uddhav invited Abhijeet to Matoshree. He is said to have replied in the affirmative.  Unfazed by the spotlight on him, Abhijeet has reiterated all his charges against Modi and Shah. Meanwhile, the subject of curiosity about Abhijeet is the young girl who was seen with him after the Delhi agitation was called off.

Ajinkya Rahane was part and parcel of the Fab-4.2 which took over the mantle of India’s Test cricket batting from the 2010 decade and after the exit of Fab-4.1 in Sachin Tendulkar, Rahul Dravid, Venkatsai Laxman and Sourav Ganguly. And so, one has to say Indian cricket has been beautifully blessed with the likes of Virat Kohli, Cheteshwar Pujara, Rahane and Rohit Sharma taking the centre stage for over a decade of time. In the Fab-4.1 edition, Tendulkar and Rahul Dravid were the terrific twosome who scored 15921 and 13265 runs in 363 Test matches together; in the following version, none has a 10000+ accumulation. Seven were middle order champions (with the exception of Rohit, 66 innings as an opener and 50 in the middle order) by their own right. Missing the Fab-4 rank are the spectacular Virendra Sehwag and the stoical Gautam Gambhir. Rahane with 5077 runs embellished with 12 x 100s deserves a place in the Fab-4.2 version, scoring 3-figure knocks at Wellington, Lord’s, Melbourne (twice), North Sound (Antigua), Kingston and Colombo (twice). The cool as a cucumber Rahane was capped 85 times (winning 44), but not once did he play at his home ground at the Wankhede. After playing the 85th Test in Roseau against the West Indies, Rahane dragged on for three years before calling it “Quits”. He was keen and eager to show his gifts at the Wankhede and to achieve the 100-Test mark; both eluded him. He ought to be disappointed. He captained India in six Tests and did not go down once, and that will be a feather in his cap! A typical Mumbai cricketer, showing nerves of steel when the going became tough, Rahane earned encomiums and respect of the cricket world after winning the Test series in Australia in the 2020-21 series. Rahane was an important chapter in India’s Test cricket.  

The past month was rife with talk about Tamil Nadu chief minister C Joseph Vijay planning to settle in Poes Garden – Chennai’s epicentre of heated politics, high drama and intrigue. The hum about Vijay eyeing late CM J Jayalalithaa’s palatial bungalow to be his CM abode is gaining credence every day…the denizens of this tony neighbourhood are again shaken and stirred. Memories of an earlier CM’s dominance and security cordons are still fresh …add to this the domineering presence of her close confidant Sasikala is even more fresh. She has built her own palatial residence just across Veda Nilayam. Just around the bend is super star Rajini’s sprawling home, a place he coveted and contracted as his own nearly 50 years back. It is said that JJ’s convoy once had stopped Rajini entering Poes Garden. The latest is his estranged son-in-law actor Dhanush has built a Rs 150 crore lavish mansion in the same vicinity. The most unexpected win of Vijay’s TVK has changed many an equation. Imagine the shock of these same denizens when Dhanush posed for a huge fan club from his balcony. He is now harbouring accelerated political ambitions…if Vijay can, why not me? He is said to have even hit upon his party flag and social service plans. The huge crowd that gathered in Poes Garden on his 43rd birthday on July 28, augured yet another star entry into this crowded arena. Is TN uniquely distinct in this jump from cinema to politics? Only MGR had that genuine charisma, neither filmy nor posturing …he loved his state and even today has a phenomenal following. Many a star like Sivaji Ganesan, Kamal Haasan, Vijaykanth and a smattering of junior artists have thrown their hats in the ring, only Vijaykanth could make some dent.

Congress leader Priyanka Gandhi Vadra’s unwholesome attack on IIT Madras Director V Kamakoti dubbing him as “gaumutra expert” as part of her effort to target the Centre’s newest high-powered expert panel to reform India’s examination system was not only way off the mark but also raised serious questions about her speech writers. She was speaking over the introduction of the Public Examinations Amendment Bill 2026 in the Lok Sabha. How on the earth could she cheerily dumb down a scientist known for his work on microprocessors, not medicine? Questioning the composition of the newly constituted task force, she said its members included “a former IB chief (Tapan Deka), the owner of an IT company (Nandan Nilekani) and even an expert on gaumutra.” The flippancy of her remark, offered without elaboration, was unmistakably aimed at IIT Madras Director V Kamakoti. It revived a controversy that first surfaced in January 2025, when Kamakoti claimed cow urine had antibacterial and digestive properties, a comment that drew swift criticism from scientists and opposition leaders alike. Kamakoti Veezhinathan, who joined IIT Madras faculty in 2001 and took over as Director in January 2022, specialises in computer architecture, information security and VLSI design, which is the process of packing millions of tiny electronic switches called transistors onto a single silicon chip. He heads the institute’s Microprocessor Development Programme and its Information Security Education and Awareness Programme. He led the team behind SHAKTI, India’s first indigenous industrial grade microprocessor, a homegrown chip meant to reduce the country’s reliance on imported processors in areas such as defence and communications. His other roles include membership of the National Security Advisory Board and, earlier, chairmanship of the Artificial Intelligence Task Force set up by the Ministry of Commerce and Industry.

At the peak of Cockroach Janata Party (CJP) protests at Jantar Mantar, New Delhi last week, an embarrassing episode unfolded at Kerala House, the state guest house run by the Kerala Govt located close to the protest site. Congress leader from Bihar, Kanhaiya Kumar, who earned his spurs in Left-oriented politics as student leader of JNU, experienced some embarrassing moments. It may seem odd that Kumar faced trouble when he tried to avail facilities at Kerala House. That too when the Congress led UDF is heading Kerala. So how come Kumar, a member of the influential Congress Working Committee, faced trouble? Apparently, Kumar got detained by the Delhi Police on July 24 following an altercation at Kerala House. Kumar, who is in charge of the National Students’ Union of India (NSUI) at the AICC, and considered close to Rahul Gandhi, was taken into custody after the Resident Commissioner of Kerala filed a complaint against him. He said he was told that Kerala Governor Rajendra Arlekar was expected to visit Kerala House later in the day. It seems it is the Governor problem again. “Governor was coming, and Governor is King,” Kumar was quoted as saying. The Congress leader said he had only gone to meet a friend at Kerala House and alleged that his detention reflected the functioning of the Union Govt and blamed HM Amit Shah and the Delhi Police for it. Reportedly, Kumar had gone to Kerala House to stay in a room booked under his friend’s name. However, officials informed him that no rooms were available. He then approached Kerala Resident Commissioner Puneet Kumar to seek clarification. The conversation reportedly turned into an argument, after which the Resident Commissioner called the Delhi Police and requested that Kumar be removed from the premises.

Mayank Yadav’s telling blows caught one’s attention in the three-match Twenty20 series against Zimbabwe. While the attention in the series was anchored on the 15-year-old find in left-hander Vaibhav Sooryavanshi, the express fast bowler Yadav who was laid low by injuries, treatment, recovery and rehabilitation for close to 22 months also drew much of the attention. After a three- match series against Bangladesh in October 2024, Yadav was treated for injuries related to a lumbar stress fracture, lower back injuries, side strain and also elbow and toe issues. So different parts of the body were non-functional, but the selection committee — recognising a rare talent who could bowl in excess of 150 kmph — placed their faith in the fast bowler for three engagements in Harare. In four days, Yadav spearheaded the men in blue attack — in the absence of Jasprit Bumrah, Arshdeep Singh, Hardik Pandya and Harshit Rana — sending down 11 overs, not bowling the fourth in the second match. He struck in the first ball of his return to international games, removing opener Brian Bennett, and went on to take five wickets at 6.55 an over, virtually choking Zimbabwe in the first six-over power play. Clearly he had been looked after at the BCCI’s Cricket for Excellence facility in Bengaluru over the last 22 months. Yadav can turn out to be a match-winner in the shortest format, but he is not in the Indian team for the Asian Games in Japan, where Bumrah, Arshdeep, Rana and Nitish Kumar Reddy are expected to play their parts. But Reddy is down with a left quadriceps injury, and Rana with a Grade 1 hamstring niggle, and there could be an opening for Yadav to get in for the Asian Games squad.

When Dharmendra Pradhan declared himself as a “street fighter” during a brief but sharp exchange with Congress leader Jairam Ramesh on July 27 in the Parliament, it just seemed as if the former HRD minister was all geared up for a long haul. At every step, the BJP leadership had been trying to cushion the blow for him. Two days ago, when he had put in his papers over NEET paper leaks, who’s who of the Union Cabinet – from HM Amit Shah to Raksha Mantri Rajnath Singh to FM Nirmala Sitharaman—had visited his residence to express solidarity with him. When he reached Parliament’s Makar Dwar, NDA MPs waited to receive him. As he entered the complex, party colleagues greeted and escorted him inside. Pradhan was apparently seen smiling as his colleagues welcomed him. What moved everyone was the fact that Pradhan had resigned without facing any personal allegation or any direct involvement in the NEET paper leak. After all, those who leaked the papers were three Pune-based Chemistry professor and teachers. Interrupting Pradhan’s interaction with NDA MPs, Jairam Ramesh reportedly approached Pradhan and expressed sympathy over his resignation. “It happens,” the Congress leader told him. “Nothing happened,” Pradhan shot back and snappily added: “I am a street fighter. Not an AC room activist.” The sharp exchange was seen by BJP leaders as a signal that Pradhan remained politically confident despite stepping down. One of the party’s tallest leaders in Odisha, Pradhan played an important role in BJP’s West Bengal campaign, where the party formed its first government; a successive Govt in Haryana. It is likely he could work in Punjab or head for UP. For some odd reason the Congress is trying to block passage of law in Parliament to enhance punishment for those leaking papers. It is more focussed on peripheral issues like use of excessive force against students.

Now all eyes are on former Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan as to what will be his next role? Pradhan was forced to resign following mass protest by the student-based satirical movement, the Cockroach Janta Party over NEET paper leak. He is too important person to be benched. He played a strategic role in West Bengal, Odisha and Haryana elections ensuring BJP win. Both PM Modi and Amit Shah immensely value his contribution and there are talks he may be asked to work on the forthcoming Punjab election. But in his home state where he engineered BJP’s win to defeat 24-year old well entrenched Biju Janata Dal, there are different kinds of buzz. He may be given a bigger role in the state is one version and chief minister Mohan Charan Majhi’s group fears that Pradhan entry may diminish their roles. This apprehension may seem correct because Pradhan never hid his aspiration as a contender to become the Odisha CM. But PM Modi had other plans for him at the Centre, and chose Majhi instead playing tribal card. The burning question is: Will CM Majhi face leadership challenge with Dharmendra’s likely entry into Odisha politics? Keep watching this space.

Amidst the rejoicing in Tamil Nadu after the capitulation of the Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan and his resignation, the talk about his earlier insults to the Tamilian is flying around like a locust swarm. Quotes and recalls of his deeds and misdeeds are raining …some are not even aware of the why of his resignation. “Ashes flyback into the face of him who scatters them” is the famous Thirukkural quote; any person who does not rein in his speech, stands to regret that which tumbles out. Dharmendra Pradhan an accomplished BJP leader has many credits to his name. As a Petroleum Minister he was known as Modi’s Ujwala man, a reference to his scheme of free LPG cylinders to families below the poverty line. But his continued and vociferous push back of the Tamils when he tried to push through the New Education Policy (NEP) still rankles the state. When DMK MP Kanimozhi and others asked him why this new policy should be adopted, he shot back “Tamilians are uncivilized”, a slur he had to take back. But he hammered the state’s stance insisting that the Tamils are obsessed over language and use language as a political tool to oppose any new programme. Till Tamil Nadu accepts our NEP, we won’t release the education fund. Stalin and his party were enraged by this threat. The curse of the Tamils …is it too far-fetched or is it just an emotional outburst?

Anirudh Ravichander has seen a meteoric rise to the top of the music scale from his Kolaveri song debut in 2012. This young man has since drummed and strummed up many a maniacally magic tune, directed music for all top Tamil hero films. Kavya daughter of Kalanithi Maran and Kavery Maran, the sole heir to her father’s vast media, sports  empire is in her own right just as notable a celebrity. Kalanithi Maran, is the Founder Chairman of the Sun Group which is valued at Rs 30,000 crore. This news was first reported by Tamil website Minnambalam, a digital platform that breaks happening news. Anirudh is particularly close to super star Rajinikanth as his wife Latha is his aunt. His mother Lakshmi Ravichander is a well known dancer and dad has acted in many TV soaps. One of the most eligible bachelors in Kollywood, Anirudh has been in the news for some time …right now is not an opportune time to dredge up old buzz about how smitten he was by Andrea Jeremiah. But this time Kavya and he have truly vowed to be together. Kavya is well known as a career business woman, owning the Sunrisers Hyderabad franchise.She is also part of the Sun group‘s other media businesses. Former Tamil Nadu chief minister M K Stalin, Maran’s cousin, is expected to attend the wedding in Barcelona, Spain. Only 100 people are being invited to Barcelona. But a grand reception is to follow in Chennai.

In a surprise move, Dharmendra Pradhan quit as Union Education Minister on July 25 saying the decision was driven by the need to protect the future of students and prevent “anti-national forces” from exploiting the massive youth protests at Delhi’s Jantar Mantar. Clearly, his exit must have been on the advice of PM Modi. The nearly month-long protests by the Cockroach Janata Party (CJP) had virtually affected traffic movements in central business districts of Delhi. Some Congress leaders pointed out that student protests weren’t just confined to India. “We were told Indian students abroad were also planning to protest in the U.S. campuses to seek Pradhan’s ouster. Guess, that’s why PM Modi must have stepped in and asked Pradhan to put in his papers,” says Telangana Congress leader Madhu Yaskhi. Pradhan is the first senior minister of the Modi government to step down bowing to street protests and political pressure. He quit ahead of the government’s second round of talks with CLP. Normally, no minister quits when the Parliament is in session. Guess, PM Modi must have found one week of the Monsoon Session lost in obstructionism too much of a waste of time. Besides Pradhan is such a good political manager for elections, Modi and Amit Shah may have better use for him in a poll-bound state such as Punjab then to subject him to political sledgehammering in the Parliament. As for the pumpkin of the anti-NEET campaign, the crown will certainly go to Rahul Gandhi—who on July 25 morning tweeted that the minister would be moved to another ministry. As for Abhijit Dipke who made cat calls to 7 Lok Kalyan Marg upon Pradhan’s exit, it is being said he must now worry about his return home.  It’s not going to be easy.

Shiv Sena (UBT) and Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) have decided to hold a demonstration in Mumbai on Sunday (July 26) in support of the Cockroach Janta Party’s (CJP) on-going protest in Delhi and elsewhere. This comes on the heels of a ‘bandh’ organised by Republican leader Prakash Ambedkar. Of course, his effort to paralyse Mumbai went almost unnoticed but is viewed as a fresh injection of energising the Opposition, which had failed to nail the Fadnavis government in the just concluded legislature session. Ever since the CJP launched its stir, one Opposition party after another and a large number of their leaders are warning the Union government and PM Narendra Modi of serious consequences despite their meagre strength in the state and Mumbai. Seizing on the situation, Uddhav and Raj Thackeray have announced that their two parties will hold a joint protest in Mumbai on 26 July. This will be to condemn the police action against students protesting in various places. The march will begin from Shivaji Park and conclude at Siddhivinayak Temple, a short distance. On the other hand, Maharashtra Congress president Harshwardhan Sakpal, legislative party leader Vijay Wadettiwar and former speaker Nana Patole have kept on attacking the BJP and Modi. Strangely, the three have not addressed a joint press conference so far. Fringe parties like the Communists are seen towing the line of the Congress or the Sena (UBT) while the Pawar faction of the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) appears totally confused on how to proceed, especially following Sharad Pawar’s call on Modi.

Officially speaking, PM Modi’s two emissaries, JP Nadda and Jitendra Singh convinced activist Sonam Wangchuk to end his 26-day hunger strike on Thursday night (July 23) by providing three specific written assurances regarding the NEET-UG paper leak controversy. This was after a four-hour high-level meeting chaired by Home Minister Amit Shah. Union Health Minister JP Nadda and Minister of State Dr Jitendra Singh met Wangchuk at Medanta Hospital in Gurugram where Nadda read out and handed over the government’s official commitment. The Centre promised not to register cases or launch punitive action against students who participated in the “Chalo Sansad” march on July 20, or those protesting peacefully at Jantar Mantar. The government officially committed to holding discussion in Parliament regarding accountability in the failing examination system and implementing urgent educational reforms. Lastly, the government agreed to positively consider suitable financial compensation for the families of students who committed suicide following paper leaks. Was there any commitment to Wangchuk on sacking Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan? The answer is not a clear “Yes”. Wangchuk was told that trouble-makers were gathering in strength to unleash violence and he would be blamed for the aftermath. Therefore, Wangchuk agreed to pause his fast despite his initial core demand for the resignation of Pradhan remaining unmet. He stated that protecting the future of peaceful student protesters from legal jeopardy took higher priority. Wangchuk cited that the decision was heavily influenced by appeals from 65 MPs across political parties. Wangchuk was told that a decision on a new Education Minister was not ruled out. It might take some time.  Prior to Wangchuk’s meeting, the Centre attempted to address student grievances by replacing Education Secretary Vivek Joshi and establishing a fast-track court. The ministers also conveyed that the government...

Why is PM Narendra Modi refusing to sack Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan despite intense pressure from Opposition parties and student groups? Is it because of a calculated political strategy focused on maintaining his authority? Or is it to prevent a domino effect of ministerial accountability? Modi’s aides say PM Modi probably thinks that the demand for Pradhan’s exit will not stop with him. There is a good chance the protesters will change the goal-post to next seek the exit of Home Minister Amit Shah citing the police action of some unruly elements near Jantar Mantar. Can Modi afford to allow that scenario? Already, Rahul Gandhi, Arvind Kejriwal and all those opposed to Modi may be toying with such a possibility. But it is well known that PM does not crack under political pressure. Sacking Pradhan would invite a “chain reaction” of “accountability” prompting the opposition and public to aggressively target other senior leaders such as Road Transport Minister Nitin Gadkari or Petroleum Minister Hardeep Singh Puri. Also, many senior BJP leaders believe forcing a high-profile minister to step down under public duress will be viewed as an explicit admission of failure of the Modi government. The BJP also thinks that elected governments with a parliamentary majority should not be forced into submission by street marches or hunger strikes. Till date the Modi administration has not capitulated to agitations, preferring to choose its own timing for changes or reshuffles rather than reacting to public ultimatums. But this time, can Modi resist the brewing storm?

Another high-profile wedding in Maharashtra is the talk of the town since the bridegroom is none other than the son of deputy chief minister, Sunetra Pawar. The scion, Rajya Sabha member Parth Pawar, will be betrothed to Kainaat Dara (also referred to as Dhara) in Pune on 29 July. They are scheduled to wed in Baramati on 27 February 2027. The engagement ceremony will be the first happy occasion for the family after the plane crash demise of then deputy CM Ajit Pawar. Just as a meeting between veteran leader Sharad Pawar and PM Narendra Modi two days ago has generated new speculation about the fate of the two factions of the NCP, both camps are feeling uneasy since none can predict which way Pawar will tilt. Pawar’s detractors recall that his granddaughter (Supriya Sule’s daughter) Revati married Sarang Lakhani just a few weeks ago in Nagpur. His father Arun Lakhani became a BJP MLC within days. Since then, the Congress and the Shiv Sena (UBT) are feeling miffed about how to react to the marital alliance. To add to the suspense, Pawar visited the Cockroach Janta Party agitation in Delhi in the morning and called on Modi the same evening. The schedule for Parth’s nuptial has thus only added spice to the guess game.  

Why did PM Modi choose a selfie-mode to convey his message to Gen-Z in the middle of a persistent protest by the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) at Jantar Mantar in Delhi? After Modi’s video promising tough action over paper leaks went viral, everyone was talking about something other than the fast-track courts he promised. It was about how the thing was shot. Modi put the message up at 11.52 pm on Thursday (July 23). He started by calling viewers “Friends” and speaking straight into what looked like a phone’s front camera, held at arm’s length. No podium, no studio, no formal backdrop. For a leader whose addresses are usually announced days ahead and treated as events, the vertical selfie seemed unusual. Modi wanted to appear to be speaking to the youth. “Is it Gen Z style to impress the Gen Z audience?” asked the Twitterati. Of course, CJP spokesperson Ashutosh Ranka noted that the Prime Minister had to release a selfie video at midnight and that showed that the pressure was very high to act on the demand to sack Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan. As expected, Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge objected to Modi’s selfie approach on X saying, “When Parliament is in session, the Prime Minister has to give a statement on the floor of the House; he should not make a late-night video and do a one-sided ‘Mann Ki Baat’ outside Parliament!”. He demanded that Pradhan be axed before Modi walks into Parliament next. Rahul Gandhi thinks that Modi is trying to outsmart his style of reaching out to the youth. While he has been wearing polo T-shirts, is Modi trying his outreach by selfie posts. “The PM’s promise is, as usual, hollow and only a headline-grabbing exercise…The fast-track courts are an eye-wash, an attempt to show responsiveness when there is none,” said Jairam Ramesh.

BJP’s national general secretary Sunil Bansal who is considered as one of the principal architects of the BJP’s first ever electoral win in West Bengal, is no longer confined to managing poll campaigns. His role within the party is steadily expanding, with growing influence over organisational affairs and strategic decision-making. Party sources said after winning the 2026 assembly election, the BJP is concentrating on strengthening its organisational structure, reinforcing its booth-level network and bringing the state unit into closer alignment with the central leadership’s strategy. Bansal has been holding regular meetings with state BJP President Samik Bhattacharya, other leaders and reviewed the functioning of district units and assessed political situation across various districts. According to a senior BJP leader, Bansal is not just an election strategist his opinion carries weight on how the organisation should function, where changes are required and how the state unit should remain aligned with the vision of the central leadership. Party insiders also claimed that Bansal’s advice may play a role in shaping the state’s top bureaucratic structure in the future. Although the BJP has made no official statement on the matter, many within the party believe the central leadership is giving equal importance to long-term political and administrative planning alongside electoral preparations for the upcoming municipal polls. A veteran BJP leader at the central level said that the party is now placing greater emphasis on administrative preparedness, policy implementation and organisational coordination, for which Bansal’s responsibilities are gradually expanding. Several BJP leaders also point to the experience of government formation, noting that it took nearly a month to finalise the Council of Ministers, followed by another two weeks to allocate portfolios after the swearing-in.

Former BigBasket CEO Hari Menon may have stepped away from the top job, but he’s far from slowing down. While continuing on the company’s advisory board, Menon is now turning his attention to something much closer to his heart—music. His first venture is bringing busking—the tradition of street music performances, popular across Europe and the UK—to Bengaluru. Backed by the Karnataka government, with police and Bengaluru Metro permissions reportedly falling into place, the first public performances are set to begin on 24 July. Menon and his team have already started inviting aspiring musicians to sign up as buskers. The idea is simple: provide a platform to perform, improve, access a studio free of cost, and eventually grow into accomplished musicians. Together with his wife Shanti, a noted educationist, Menon plans to begin with four shows a month before expanding to daily performances at Metro stations, malls and other public spaces under the banner of Unboxing Bengaluru. The initiative is backed by Unboxing Bengaluru, a platform founded by Prashant Prakash, co-founder of Accel, and former The Economic Times journalist Malini Goyal, with the aim of promoting music, art and dance across the city.

There is tremendous pressure on the Modi government to replace Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan because of the NEET controversy which has eroded public confidence in BJP’s governance style. India’s major political parties and Odisha Opposition leader Naveen Patnaik of BJD are mounting pressure on PM Modi to sack Dharmendra Pradhan considered to be one most trusted election strategist. Congress leader and LoP Rahul Gandhi is already targeting PM Modi for the crises. Dharmendra Pradhan and his family are also facing the flak on social media. It’s learnt that Pradhan’s daughter has already shut off her Instagram account amidst online backlash. As of now the message that is coming out of BJP’s camp is that Pradhan may not be replaced. Instead, it will fix the failed educational system. Pradhan’s role far exceeds that of an education minister. He has proved his mettle in Odisha, Bihar, Haryana, UP and other states elections. It was largely because of Pradhan that BJP ended 24-year rule of BJD in Odisha. This apart, he is considered to be close to both PM Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah. Political observers say “Pradhan remains untouchable as he is the tallest OBC leader who could well become the next chief minister of Odisha.”  

The nearly month-long protest that had intensified at Jantar Mantar, New Delhi with Sonam Wangchuk announcing indefinite fast to secure justice for NEET students has drawn to a close. Reportedly, two Union Ministers, JP Nadda and Jitendra Singh met fasting Sonam Wangchuk at Medanta Hospital in Gurugram on July 21. The ministers conveyed to the activist that the doors of communication were “open”, signalling the government’s willingness to hold a dialogue with the protesting students. Wangchuk who had amplified  the  agitation of the Cockroach Janata Party (CJP) led by Abhijit Dipke, by his indefinite fast on June 28 announced that he would end his hunger strike if the government assured him that no punitive or retaliatory action will be taken against students and protesters who took part in the July 20 “Chalo Sansad” march  to the Parliament. Clearly, it was the entry of this Ladakhi leader that had amplified the protest and made political parties such as the AAP hitch its bandwagon to the agitation. With CJP leader Dipke being a former AAP volunteer, it was only natural that senior AAP leaders like Manish Sisodia were found mobilising support for CJP’s protest march.  AAP leaders wanted to use the Delhi protest outcome to influence Punjab Assembly elections early next year where the Congress is seen to have an upper hand. The Congress which had initially kept away acquired a competitive interest in highlighting NEET issues only after Rahul Gandhi picked up the gauntlet. As the Lok Sabha LoP himself put across succinctly at a presser on July 22, that he did not mind any attack on him. He said, “The very cops who dragged me away whispered in my ear…‘Get rid’ of this government.” Sources say the Delhi police was forced to lift him and other Congressmen as they had tied “zip tags” to their wrists meant to deter cops from picking them up.

Could this be the final public performance of one of Goa’s most loved musical icons? Goan musical heartthrob and Bollywood singer Remo Fernandes, best known for the hit Pyaar To Hona Hi Tha, is all set to arrive in London for the Goan Festival 2026 on Sunday, 2 August 2026, at the Cranford Community College Grounds. The festival marks the Diamond Jubilee of the Goan Association UK, celebrating 60 years of service, culture, community engagement and charitable outreach. Adding an emotional touch to the event is growing belief that this could be Remo’s last public performance, making the festival a must-watch for fans eager to see the ageing superstar take the stage one more time. Sharing the spotlight with him will be some of Goa’s biggest musical names, including DJ Ryan Nogar, Godgodo, Raagas2Riches, Altitude and WestCoast, promising a spectacular day of music and nostalgia. The UK Goan Festival has grown into one of the world’s largest overseas Goan cultural celebrations, attracting more than 15,000 attendees every year. To make the celebration even more special, leading Goan bands are flown in from Goa to perform alongside Remo. Over the years, the festival has welcomed distinguished guests including Reita Faria, the first Goan Miss World; Longinus Fernandes, the choreographer behind Slumdog Millionaire; and Lorna Cordeiro, widely celebrated as the Nightingale of Goa. If reports are true that this will indeed be Remo Fernandes’s final public appearance, the 2026 UK Goan Festival could become one of the most memorable chapters in the singer’s illustrious career.

The July 21 Martyrs’ Day event across Kolkata exposed the deepening cracks within the Trinamool Congress (TMC) ever since the Suvendu Adhikari-led BJP government assumed office in West Bengal. While former chief minister Mamata Banerjee managed to draw a large crowd, rival TMC factions failed to match the turnout. The Congress emerged as the surprise performer with a massive mobilisation. Mamata’s rally near the Birla Planetarium drew thousands of supporters, with crowds spilling onto adjoining roads through the afternoon. In contrast, the rebel TMC camp led by LoP Ritabrata Banerjee attracted a comparatively smaller gathering. In New Delhi, another breakaway faction comprising 20 Lok Sabha MPs led by Sudip Banerjee and Kakoli Ghosh Dastidar, now merged with the Nationalist Citizens Party of India (NCPI), observed the day at Rajghat. The annual event commemorates the 13 Youth Congress workers killed in police firing during a march to the then Writers’ Building in 1993. For nearly two decades after the TMC came to power, the programme remained among Kolkata’s largest political mobilisations. This year, however, the observance was split across venues after prohibitory orders barred a gathering at Central Business district of Kolkata. The Calcutta High Court subsequently permitted the TMC to hold its programme near the Birla Planetarium, while the Ritabrata faction was allotted space near the Mahatma Gandhi statue on the Maidan and the Congress assembled at Shahid Minar. Addressing supporters, Mamata reaffirmed her commitment to the Opposition INDIA bloc while attacking the BJP and rebel leaders. The rebel camp sharpened its attack on Mamata’s nephew, Abhishek Banerjee. Former ministers Madan Mitra and Firhad Hakim claimed Abhishek’s political stature was built by lakhs of Trinamool workers and urged Mamata to “hold the hands of grassroots workers” instead of her nephew. The Congress rally at Shahid Minar also drew thousands from across the state. Former MP Adhir Ranjan...

Union Minister of State in the PMO, Dr Jitendra Singh along with Union Home Secretary Govind Mohan, went across PM Narendra Modi’s official residence at — 7, Lok Kalyan Marg — on July 21 afternoon to have a chat with Lok Sabha LoP Rahul Gandhi and Rajya Sabha MP Mallikarjun Kharge, to end their sit-in protest.  He was apparently instructed to reach out to senior Congress leaders by PM Modi. Inspite of being very vocal about a discussion on NEET-related issues in the Parliament, Dr Singh disclosed that “The Congress Party had not given any notice to date for a formal discussion on this serious matter as per rules.” The minister was sent by PM Modi ‘in view of the dignity of the senior delegation”. A request was apparently made to Rahul Gandhi to end his sit-in, as the site – in the high security zone – was not meant for protests. Rahul Gandhi put forward the demand that if the government agrees to discuss in Parliament all issues related to NEET, he would immediately end his sit-in. Within a few moments, after taking permission from the government’s top leadership, Rahul was assured that his demand has been accepted. When this information was conveyed to Rahul, he said that he would not agree to this alone but also sought assurance for the resignation of the Union HRD Minister, Dharmendra Pradhan. Clearly, government’s move to reach out to the Congress on NEET irked the AAP which had lent a lot of support to Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) dharna at Jantar Mantar. AAP MP Sanjay Singh alleged that PM Modi had got Rahul Gandhi to sit in front of his house only to weaken the thrust of the youth movement of that got a boost with recent protests.

Will the wave of street protests unleashed in the central business district on a working day in Delhi by the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) achieve its goal? The disruptors may not have managed a regime change in the country but it now seems they will have the satisfaction of having some of their goals being partially met. It is now likely that the student community could perhaps have a new HRD minister. In fact, emergence of Union Health Minister and former BJP president JP Nadda as points man is being seen as a sincere move by Modi government to open the dialogue with student community. Nadda met with CJP representatives a day ahead of the protest at his official residence. The buzz is that while Nadda could take charge of the HRD Ministry, the much-reviled Dharmendra Pradhan could be shifted to some significant portfolio or they could be possibly swapping departments. It is being said that the emergence of Nadda as a trouble shooter is not accidental. Nadda brings a combination of political stature, organisational experience and a reputation as a consensus-builder in the party. Within the BJP, Nadda has cultivated the image of a low-key organiser rather than an aggressive leader. A Himachal-born leader who has worked in Bihar, Nadda is often deployed when the party wants to lower the political temperature. Colleagues describe him as accessible, patient and willing to hear out opposing viewpoints before responding. His appeal to the CJP delegation reflected that approach. Instead of rejecting the demands outright, he assured them that the government leadership would deliberate on the issues raised by them. Significantly as Health Minister, he reached out to the injured in hospitals. Rahul Gandhi, LoP in Lok Sabha, and Wayanad MP Priyanka Gandhi also met the injured at Delhi’s Ram Manohar Lohia Hospital.  

BJP’s National vice president, the 62-year old Baijayant Jay Panda seems to have proved his mettle within the party. Reportedly, PM Modi is quite pleased with Jay Panda’s contributions and achievements for the party. This came to fore, when PM Modi recently visited Odisha’s Rairangpur along with President Droupadi Murmu. In the course of his speech, PM Modi was heaping praise on some of the BJP leaders present at the dais…and then suddenly he praised Jay Panda’s for his immense contribution even though he was not physically present at the said meeting. This immediately set the rumour mill buzzing that Panda may be rewarded with the ministerial berth at the Centre. Panda who hails from an illustrious business family, quit the Biju Janata Dal and joined the BJP in 2019. In a short time, he emerged as a key organizational strategist, successfully leading the state campaigns and won the Lok Sabha seat in 2024 from Kendrapara constituency. It may be recalled that he was entrusted with handling of critical party units and campaigns, serving as the election in-charge for states like Assam and Delhi. He played a pivotal role in the BJP’s core group for the amendment of Article 370 in Jammu & Kashmir and chaired the High-Level Expert Committee for the revamp of the NCC. He is regarded as an articulate and effective party strategist, operating quietly behind the scenes to help manage organizational affairs and deliver successful electoral outcomes.    

The Trinamool Congress’s (TMC) annual July 21 Martyrs’ Day rally, the party’s biggest political mobilisation for nearly three decades, has turned into a battle for legitimacy following its defeat in the 2026 West Bengal Assembly elections and the subsequent split within the organisation. The day commemorates the killing of 13 Youth Congress activists in police firing on July 21, 1993, when Mamata Banerjee was a Youth Congress leader. Since the formation of the TMC in 1998, the anniversary has become synonymous with Didi’s political rise and the party’s organisational strength. This year, however, rival TMC factions, the Congress and the ruling BJP are all seeking to shape the political narrative around the anniversary. Mamata will address the official TMC rally from a new venue after the party failed to secure permission for its traditional venue. The rebel faction of TMC led by Leader of the Opposition Ritabrata Banerjee is organising a parallel July 21 programme. The camp, which claims the support of 65 of the party’s 80 MLAs, views the event as its first major public demonstration of organisational strength and its claim to the party’s legacy.  However, sources of Ritabrata faction said several senior leaders and one time aides of Didi including Arup Roy, Firhad Hakim, Javed Khan, Chandrima Bhattacharya and Madan Mitra, continued to acknowledge Mamata’s electoral appeal even as they projected the programme as that of the Trinamool Congress rather than any faction. The Congress has also sought to reclaim the anniversary, with state president Subhankar Sarkar inviting Mamata to its July 21 programme while arguing that the 1993 movement belonged to the Congress.  The BJP, meanwhile, questioned the TMC’s organisational strength, suggesting Brigade Parade Ground as a more appropriate venue and portraying the controversy as evidence of the party’s declining political relevance.

It was the first day, first show of Christopher Nolan’s eagerly expected The Odyssey at the original showcase of Chennai, Sathyam Cinemas. For an afternoon show, the crowd was overwhelming…80% were young people, film buffs who had descended not just for a rediscovered theatre experience…but many other touch points that attract youth. Are you surprised that a 2800 years old Greek epic, The Odyssey has churned up so much enthusiasm for Greek Gods and Goddesses? Have the young had enough of streaming, now wanting to participate in tradition showcased, celebrate cinematic oeuvres by masters? These young enthusiasts sat through the 3 hours, no cat calls, no disparaging whistles…just an audience immersed in the talent of Christopher Nolan unfurling the epic features of the Greek civilisation. Those of us who were taught Greek history could identify the similarities of Homer’s saga with our own grand epics —The Ramayan and Mahabharata. The Odyssey is a gripping legend of war, the rise and fall of Greek supremacy, and the conflict between faith and human failures. Matt Damon as Odysseus, the colossus who leads his army to Troy, encounters human and monstrous powers, and fights his way back to his beloved Queen Penelope (Anne Hathaway) and his kingdom, Ithaca, plays the lead with restraint. Tom Holland as Telemachus, the son and heir to the throne is a fitting choice, as he persistently refuses to accept that his father is dead or lost. This film adaptation of Homer’s epic was made at a cost of $230 million …a scale and grandeur reflected in every frame …the Trojan Horse, the Blue Aegean Sea, the depiction of the Siren Song …are masterful skill. But the intense involvement of Nolan in his film has made it somewhat lengthy.

When Vijay won CM’s status of Tamil Nadu, talk about his twin competitor, Ajith Kumar hogging the top film status in this void reached a high decibel. The two had entered the film world almost simultaneously and commanded enviable, and high remuneration per film. Even as Vijay nurtured his political ambition, Ajith had carved a parallel passion track as a Formula1 racer, speeding in a Porsche, 992 GT 3 in European and Middle East high stake races. The dashing dare devil race car driver and his alter ego persona, film hero, aligned perfectly. His last film, Good Bad and Ugly was promoted as a high voltage entertainer. Clint Eastwood and his iconic namesake film had made the spaghetti Western, a cult. Ajith’s film made at a cost of Rs 270 crore just about managed Rs 212 crore worldwide. News of Ajith Kumar’s next film, tentatively named AK 64, directed by Aadik Ramchandran sent his fans into a tizzy, starved as they were for their hero’s film and his notable absence. News circulated fast about which production house would be bank rolling AK 64. But there were no takers, including Sun Pictures…strange!  The real reason circulated fast and furious …the hero had stipulated Rs 150 crore as his salary. Thiruppur Subramaniam who heads the Tamil Films Distributors Association said, “not many can afford this”. Suddenly the news spread that his wife Shalini Ajith Kumar would turn producer, after decades of hibernation. The final list of cast, crew and other details would be announced by Shalini in August. Ajith Kumar is all set to stride the screen with guns blazing.

Why did Union Home Minister Amit Shah suddenly replace Delhi police commissioner Satish Golcha? Senior IPS officer Anurag Kumar was asked to take charge as the new Commissioner of Delhi Police on July 17. A 1994-batch IPS officer, Kumar was serving as the Special Director in the Intelligence Bureau (IB) before being entrusted with the top post in Delhi Police. Golcha was removed before his scheduled retirement in 2027. Golcha had taken over as the city police chief in August 2025. Delhi comes directly under the Union Home Ministry because it is a UT. Does his removal have anything to do with the Cockroach Janata Party’s 20-day-old sit-in at Jantar Mantar? An MHA order stated that Golcha, a 1992-batch AGMUT cadre IPS officer, will report to the Lieutenant Governor of Delhi for his next posting after Anurag Kumar formally assumes charge. That means he was removed without a new posting. The new police chief Anurag Kumar is one of the senior officers with extensive experience in both policing and intelligence. Before his stint at the IB, he served as DCP in several districts of Delhi. At IB he held several important assignments related to internal security and intelligence operations. His appointment comes months after the Delhi Police underwent a major administrative reshuffle on March 3. In one of the biggest transfers in recent years, 70 officers, including 50 IPS officers and 20 DANIPS officers, were shifted to new postings with immediate effect after approval from the Lieutenant Governor. The exercise covered appointments and transfers across several senior ranks, including Special Commissioners, Joint Commissioners, Additional Commissioners and Deputy Commissioners of Police (DCPs). The reshuffle impacted key wings, including district policing, crime, traffic, security, and other specialised units.

If an Army General is the Governor of a state, this is bound to happen. A guard of honour for the President, a Governor or a CM is a ceremonial — typically military or police personnel — arranged in a row to greet, escort, or pay respects to a distinguished guest, dignitary, or deceased person. But many police personnel are found not doing it properly. Recently, Bihar Governor Lieutenant General (Retd) Syed Ata Hasnain had to teach the word of commands to a Bihar Police officer during an inspection of a guard of honour at Nalanda Open University. The Bihar Governor was seen correcting the police commander who he said, was rushing through the guard of honour procedure. “You are moving too fast…That should not be the case,” he could be heard saying in Hindi. Hasnain, a former General Officer Commanding (GOC) of the Army’s Srinagar-based 15 Corps and the Bhopal-based 21 Corps, reached the university on July 15 for a function. He then went on to salute the commander twice as part of the ceremony, as the latter followed his instructions, shouted out the commands aloud, and sheathed his sword in the end to signal the end of the ceremony. Hasnain was further seen briefing the commander and the Superintendent of Police regarding the process. “Respect Guard, Wait…National Salute, Salami. Yes. Not Cut. Cut. Cut…No need to end so soon,” he apparently said.