There’s a fear of post-poll violence in West Bengal!  That is why around 50,000 central forces will remain in the state till counting day on May 4. Yet home ministry mandarins acknowledge that their deployment will remain a constitutional challenge without the state government requisition as law and order are state subjects. The CAPF’s operational powers will be legally limited, creating federal tension. Under Article 324, the ECI requisitions central forces to ensure free and fair polling. But once the ballot boxes are unsealed and votes counted that authority begins to fade. The BJP is confident of winning Bengal but fears post-verdict violence, which Amit Shah wants to prevent. A party source said the Union Home Minister who is likely to arrive in Bengal after the election results are announced on May 4, would monitor the situation to avoid a replay of 2021. Shah has already announced that the central forces would remain in Bengal for two months after the election results to prevent post-poll violence. He has sent his deputy and Union minister of state, Nityananda Rai to Bengal even before the exit poll results were announced. BJP Bengal poll manager and Union minister Bhupender Yadav will reach Kolkata by May 2. Apart from administrative vigilance, Shah asked party workers and leaders to refrain from violence during victory celebrations. State BJP president Samik Bhattacharya said, “We want to ensure that what happened to our workers and supporters in 2021 does not happen to anyone this time. We are afraid that TMC workers will attack their own party workers once the BJP wins.,” Both the BJP and Trinamool have issued warnings to each other’s alleged goons over what might happen after the results are declared on May 4. Shah has warned that Trinamool goons will be “hung upside down and straightened out”.

In the 2026 assembly elections CPI (M) in West Bengal is banking on the youth brigade to win a few seats and re-enter the Assembly. It is trying to woo the youth with a development plank, deviating from the TMC, BJP and Congress focus on freebies and doles. It has fielded young leaders across key constituencies, signalling a generational shift. Candidates include Minakshi Mukherjee from Uttarpara, Kalatan Dasgupta in Panihati, Dipsita Dhar in Dum Dum Uttar, Mayukh Biswas in Dum Dum, and Afreen Begum in Ballygunge. Many emerged from student and youth movements with strong organisational work. The party is shifting discourse from identity and welfare politics to issues like inflation, unemployment, education, healthcare and civic amenities. Leaders say the campaign engages youth through direct outreach. Postcard campaign urges voters to reject religion-based appeals and economic and civic issues. Candidates target BJP for polarisation and TMC for corruption and governance failures. The Left Front contests with the Indian Secular Front and CPI(ML) Liberation, with CPI(M) in 195 of 294 seats. Yet Bengal remains seen as a TMC-BJP bipolar contest. CPI(M) says its development focus is on real issues. It notes both rivals attack the Left, signalling relevance. However, it faces an uphill task. After 34 years in power, it lost in 2011, with seats falling from 40 in 2011 to 26 in 2016 and zero in 2021. Vote share dipped, despite minor local recoveries. The defection of Pratikur Rahman to TMC adds pressure. Senior leaders like Biman Bose join padayatras, backing grassroots mobilisation and youth strategy to regain ground. Whether this yields gains is uncertain, but the final push shows CPI(M)’s bid to reinsert itself in Bengal’s contest.

Will I-PAC’s decision to pause operations in West Bengal impact the Trinamool Congress? The question looms large as chief minister Mamata Banerjee battles anti-incumbency while seeking a fourth consecutive term. With the first phase of polling scheduled for April 23, the TMC faces fresh turbulence after political consultancy firm I-PAC paused its official operations in Bengal citing legal complications. In an internal communication on April 20, I-PAC asked employees to pause field activities, limit external communication, and avoid official emails, with several teams shifting to remote work amid legal concerns and repeated summons. The situation stems from an ED probe that began as a money-laundering investigation into alleged financial irregularities linked to a 2020 coal smuggling case. Searches were conducted at I-PAC offices in Kolkata and Delhi. While the ED maintained that the investigation was routine and not election-related. The matter escalated after Didi physically intervened during a raid at co-founder Pratik Jain’s residence. The agency claimed that documents and electronic evidence were removed—an allegation denied by the TMC. Mamata accused central agencies of targeting her party and attempting to seize sensitive political data, directly attacking Union Home Minister Amit Shah. The probe has led to the arrest of I-PAC co-founder Vinesh Chandel and questioning of director Rishi Raj Singh. Amid disruptions, TMC supremo has termed the ED’s action a “conspiracy” to intimidate the TMC ahead of the April 23 and April 29 polls. Notably, despite past differences with I-PAC after strategist Prashant Kishor exited the organisation, the TMC leadership—particularly Abhishek Banerjee—had continued relying on I-PAC. In recent months, however, Abhishek’s office has developed an in-house structure mirroring the consultancy’s functions, potentially cushioning the impact of the current disruption.

The fall of the 131st Constitutional Amendment  (Women Reservation Bill) in the Lok Sabha last week and the BJP ratcheting up attack on the Opposition for not helping in its passage —  complete with PM Modi’s address to the nation, street protests in Delhi and outside Congress leader Rahul Gandhi’s residence – is not helping ordinary BJP karykarta in Bengal fighting the Trinamool Congress (TMC). In fact, BJP sources are quite puzzled as to why PM Modi tried to even bring a women’s quota bill at this juncture in the midst of Bengal polls. That too, when the government was aware it was set to fall? What was the big idea? Atleast in Tamil Nadu, AIADMK chief Edappadi K Palaniswami (EPS) is able to take pot shots at DMK leader M K Stalin for putting the state at a disadvantage in the delimitation gamble. In Bengal, TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee has gone on a disinformation overdrive. It was as if the defeat of the women’s quota bill had given a new lease of life to the TMC. Her campaign has naturally upset the BJP leaders and workers. Mamata, who was fighting with her back to the wall as she had begun to sense hostilities to the TMC among the Hindus, used the defeat of the Bill to describe it as “beginning of BJP’s downfall”. At a rally in Howrah, Didi went on to portray that the BJP had been “defeated” and was surviving in office only with the support of its allies. She was clearly trying to scare potential BJP voters by portraying that the national party no longer mattered in Delhi. Meanwhile senior Congress leader Ashok Gehlot too suggested that the government ought to seek a fresh mandate on the gender issue.

With just a week to go before the first phase of the two-phase West Bengal Assembly elections, the Trinamool Congress has rolled out an aggressive, data-driven campaign under its 250-Seat Strategy, aiming to expand beyond the 215 seats it won in 2021. Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has set a target of 226 seats, while party insiders say Abhishek Banerjee is pushing for around 250 seats in the 294-member Assembly. The strategy is based on granular analysis of past election data, focusing on 30–35 constituencies across 29 Lok Sabha seats won in 2024 and over 100 Assembly segments where 2021 margins were within 15,000 votes. At least 34 seats had margins below 5,000 votes, with BJP winning 21 and TMC 13. The narrowest margin was 273 votes in Balarampur, while Cooch Behar Dakshin saw just over 4,300. Similar trends appeared in 2024, including Balurghat at 9,673 votes and TMC wins in Arambagh and Bishnupur by 6,308 and 6,172. The Special Intensive Revision (SIR) has intensified focus, with 44 constituencies seeing deletions exceeding past margins. Seats with 5,000-10,000 margins numbered 33 with TMC winning 24 and BJP nine. The campaign emphasises booth-level management, with war rooms in all 294 constituencies staffed by about 20 Trinamool members. Over one lakh shadow agents monitor electoral rolls, while leaders hold three to four rallies daily and micro meetings of 250–300 people weekly per booth. The approach reflects a shift from charisma-driven campaigns to structured mobilisation, daily voter engagement, and continuous monitoring of outreach, grievances and constituency-level electoral dynamics across the state overall.

The BJP has intensified its Bengal campaign in the run-up to the April 23 polling, unveiling what party insiders describe as an “all-out strategy” to flood the ground with messaging, mobilisation and leadership presence. Almost 500 rallies, roadshows and meetings will be held across 152 constituencies voting in the first phase, with at least one event in each seat addressed by a senior leader to push last-mile outreach. Union minister and election observer Bhupender Yadav said a Bengal leader will also address at least one rally in every constituency, reinforcing coordination between central and state units. The campaign is led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union home minister Amit Shah, who together anchor the high-decibel push. Modi is addressing around 11 rallies for this phase, while Shah is addressing about 30. Chief ministers from BJP-ruled states, including Himanta Biswa Sarma and Yogi Adityanath, have been deployed to target regions such as border belts and tribal areas. Alongside physical outreach, the party has launched a structured media offensive from April 15, aligning with the Bengali New Year, with daily press conferences focused on manifesto themes and governance critiques of the Trinamool Congress government. The messaging marks a calibrated shift, avoiding direct personal attacks on Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee after backlash in 2021, and instead focusing on governance, economic distress and agrarian concerns. A central campaign issue is the potato crisis, highlighting price crashes, export restrictions and inadequate storage. This year, supply disruptions in Kolkata and price spikes halted inter-state sales. Combined with bumper output, this has hurt farmers even as consumers face volatility. The BJP argues this reflects administrative failure, promising market access and fair prices, while deploying over 700 external personnel to manage campaigns despite factional challenges.

At the end of the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) process in West Bengal, around 9.1 mn names have been deleted from the electoral rolls, but the Election Commission has not disclosed the religious composition of those deletions. Based on its organisational assessment, the TMC claimed that 63% of the deleted names belong to Hindus and 35% to Muslims, indicating a ratio of roughly 2:1, a figure that could be politically uncomfortable for the BJP. The BJP has not questioned the accuracy of the figures but has raised questions about how the TMC accessed such data. TMC’s estimates indicate that in the first phase of the SIR process about 5.8 mn names were removed –around 4.4 mn Hindus and about 1.35 mn Muslims. In the second phase, around 550,000 names were deleted, of which 528,000 were Hindus around 97%, roughly 13,000 Muslims about 2.5%. In the third and final phase, approximately 2.7 mn names were removed with Muslim names outnumbering Hindu names — 1.75 mn Muslims and 835,000 Hindus. TMC alleged that in the process of identifying infiltrators and Rohingyas, people across communities had been subjected to scrutiny and names removed from the voter list. Some observers argued that the deletions should not be viewed solely through a religious lens but also in terms of categories. They said first-phase deletions, largely migration or duplicate entries, contrasted with the third phase where minority names formed the majority of deletions. TMC leaders have indicated in internal discussions that large-scale deletions of Hindu names could have an impact in Matua-dominated areas, where the BJP has performed strongly in the last three major elections.

The BJP has identified 58 Assembly constituencies in West Bengal where it believes a swing of 1.92 lakh votes could change election outcomes. The strategy is based on an internal analysis of vote margins and voter list revisions. According to party sources, the analysis includes constituency-wise data on the vote gap between the TMC and BJP in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, along with the impact of the SIR on electoral rolls. Professional survey agencies prepared the report. In these 58 constituencies, the total vote margin between TMC and BJP in 2024 was slightly over 3.8 lakh. The BJP estimates that shifting 1.92 lakh votes in its favour could overturn results. This requires an average swing of about 3,310 votes per constituency. Party leaders, however, said it is difficult to ensure that the entire shift comes from TMC voters. After the SIR process, about 91 lakh names were removed from the voter list. With an average turnout of 80%, analysts estimate that around 73 lakh votes may not be cast. The BJP assessment indicates that a larger share of this reduction could affect TMC’s vote base. The identified constituencies are mainly in Malda, Murshidabad, Howrah, Hooghly, North 24 Parganas, South 24 Parganas and Kolkata. These areas were strongholds of TMC in previous elections. The report also notes that TMC has large vote margins in 114 constituencies, mostly minority-dominated, which increase vote share but do not add seats. The BJP has 35 such constituencies. In 2024, the “ineffective margin” was about 55.8 lakh votes for TMC and 11.9 lakh for BJP. A similar pattern existed in the 2021 Assembly elections.

In an interesting move TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee charged DMK chief M K Stalin of having tacit understanding with the BJP. This is outrageous, considering the DMK is part of the anti-BJP INDIA bloc that Mamata associates with according to her convenience. The West Bengal CM has been an all-weather friend of the BJP when it suits her.  Like she was part of the Vajpayee government. Maybe just as the DMK too was. However, Mamata felt quite comfortable taking a swipe at Stalin at a public rally in her state this week. The moot point is why did Didi suddenly find Stalin to be BJP friendly? While four states and a Union Territory headed to the hustings in the next few weeks, Mamata feels the Election Commission which she terms as “BJP stooge”, had only targeted bureaucrats close to her for punitive action. The EC had sent many of Bengal’s IAS and IPS officers to TN. She found that several officers including those instrumental in local law enforcement and development initiatives, had been sent to TN as observers. She alleged that out of 510 officers removed as observers across five poll-bound territories, a staggering 500 (approximately) were drafted from Bengal alone. “What are you thinking? Outsiders from Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh will come and (conduct the) vote?” she asked. Meanwhile, as the DMK-led Secular Progressive Alliance and the AIADMK-led NDA battle it out in TN, DMK surprised political watchers by the way it handled the SIR exercise in the state. It did not make a song and dance of SIR, the DMK simply took it in its stride. This may have led an old ally like the TMC to suspect it of being a friend of the BJP!

With polling date fast approaching for the West Bengal Assembly elections, the central investigative agencies have got into their act, summoning candidates from the ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC). Polling for all 294 seats is scheduled in two phases on April 23 and 29. Both the Enforcement Directorate (ED) and the National Investigation Agency (NIA) have intensified probes in respect of four TMC candidates in cases linked to alleged recruitment scams, land-grabbing and a blast investigation. Among those summoned are: Sujit Bose, state’s Fire Minister, contesting from Bidhannaga. He has been asked to appear before the ED on April 6 in connection with alleged irregularities in municipal recruitments. Bose won the Bidhannagar seat in 2021 by around 8,000 votes. The case relates to alleged multi-crore irregularities across 123 municipalities and seven municipal corporations, including South Dum Dum, Kamarhati, Panihati, North Dum Dum and Baranagar, based on a CBI FIR alleging illegal recruitments between 2014 and 2018 in exchange for money. In a separate case, Debasish Kumar, TMC candidate from Rashbehari and a member of the Kolkata Municipal Corporation’s Mayor-in-Council, has been summoned three times within 15 days by the ED in an alleged land-grabbing case. He was questioned for several hours on March 30 and April 3. Senior TMC leader Rathin Ghosh, contesting from Madhyamgram, was summoned on April 9 in connection with 1,500 alleged illegal municipal recruitments during 2014–2018. Manab Kumar Parua, candidate from Bhagabanpur, appeared before the NIA in the 2022 Bhupatinagar blast case. TMC spokesperson Arup Chakraborty accused the BJP of using central agencies to target candidates. He claimed leaders like Tapas Roy, Suvendu Adhikari who joined the BJP are not being investigated.

⁠Union Home Minister Amit Shah is so convinced that the BJP is in a position to defeat Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress (TMC) in Bengal that he wants to concentrate more on the state than in Tamil Nadu. Once elections are over in Assam, Kerala and Puducherry on April 9, Shah will spend more than two weeks in Bengal. PM Modi is likely to address two rallies within a week. The BJP has pressed a battery of leaders into action, hoping to unseat the TMC government. “A number of our senior leaders are camping in the state, and more are set to join once the elections in Assam are over…”  says a senior BJP leader. Work is being carried out in silos — at the level of both assembly and Lok Sabha constituencies. The BJP has divided West Bengal into nine zones, each zone is being handled by senior leaders, including ministers such as Dharmendra Pradhan, Nityanand Rai, Gajendra Singh Shekhawat, Sanjay Jaiswal, and Nishikant Dubey. Most of the leaders deployed so far are from Chhattisgarh, Bihar, Jharkhand, Uttar Pradesh, Tripura, among others.”The fact that Amit Shah ji has himself announced that he will campaign and stay in West Bengal for 15 days shows the party’s commitment and seriousness,” a senior leader said. The BJP is also making sure to counter any ‘negative narrative’ by the TMC to ensure such a depiction does not affect its prospects. For instance, soon after Mamata Banerjee claimed that the BJP would ban fish, meat, and even eggs if it came to power, Union Minister Sukanta Majumdar claimed that Bengal’s next CM from the BJP will be a ‘non-vegetarian’ when it comes to food habits. Shah has said, “I have a shortcut for bringing change to the state. Just make Suvendu Adhikari win from Bhabanipur (against Mamata), and the change is bound to happen.”

This Assembly elections, the BJP has launched a focused outreach to women voters, crafting a candidate list featuring women activists and public figures to challenge West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s strong hold over the women vote bank. Over 15 years in power, Didi has built a strong rapport with women through welfare schemes such as Lakshmir Bhandar and Kanyashree. Notably, ahead of the elections, the TMC government increased monthly assistance under Lakshmir Bhandar. In a strategic shift, the BJP has fielded candidates directly associated with protests against alleged violence or injustice, particularly in cases linked to individuals associated with the ruling TMC. Ratna Debnath, mother of the RG Kar Hospital rape victim, has been fielded from Panihati. Rekha Patra, a key figure in the 2024 Sandeshkhali protests will contest from Hingalganj. Tumpa Kayal, known for leading protests after the 2013 Kamduni rape and murder case in North 24 Parganas, has joined the BJP. Together, Ratna, Rekha and Tumpa represent the BJP’s effort to foreground real-life experiences of violence against women and are expected to campaign across the state, including Bhabanipur, where Opposition leader Suvendu Adhikari is contesting against Mamata. The BJP has also fielded women candidates such as actors Roopa Ganguly, Sarbori Mukherjee, Papiya Adhikary, and advocate Priyanka Tibrewal, who contested against Didi in the 2021 Bhabanipur bypoll after her defeat in Nandigram. Meanwhile, TMC has raised concerns over a reported drop of nearly 57 lakh women voters after the SIR. It claims numbers rose from 3.59 crore (2021) to 3.73 crore (2024), before falling to 3.16 crore (2026), alleging many women were marked “under adjudication” due to marriage, address, or surname changes, effectively excluding them and weakening participation.

Nandigram has once again become a key political battleground. Unlike 2021, the focus this time is on Opposition leader Suvendu Adhikari. Former close aide of Suvendu, Pabitra Kar, switched to Trinamool Congress (TMC) and was given ticket to contest from Nandigram. The defection — timing, messaging and disruption — is a masterstroke by West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee and her nephew Abhishek Banerjee. TMC leaders interpret Pabitra’s candidature as an indication that political equations in Nandigram are changing. The move raises questions about Suvendu’s organisational strength and internal stability. Kar poses a serious threat as he knows the local terrain and Suvendu’s political network from within. BJP leaders acknowledge the challenge admitting that the contest in Nandigram has become more uncertain due to this development, but maintain that Suvendu retains a strong voter base. Kar has grassroots connections, family political presence, and links with local religious organisations. Local BJP unit has admitted that the timing of the defection has hurt perception, though its real impact will depend on ground-level translation. Defections like this can influence booth management, cadre morale, and voter perception. A section of the party believes that local workers may face confusion due to Kar’s shift, affecting campaign coordination. Nandigram has a history of tight elections—Didi lost by just 1,956 votes against Suvendu in 2021.  Nandigram remains politically symbolic and emotionally significant in Bengal politics. Political observers believe that elections here are decided by booth management, local equations, and last-mile outreach—not rallies. Kar’s insider knowledge could influence these micro-level dynamics. For Suvendu, 2026 elections is a different test as he must not only defend Nandigram but also Bhabanipur where he challenges Mamata Banerjee.

In a strategic shift ahead of the upcoming Assembly elections in West Bengal, the BJP has decided to release a comprehensive “chargesheet” alleging decline in various sectors in the state during the 15-year rule of Chief minister Mamata Banerjee. Party sources said that before unveiling its election manifesto, this document will be released on March 28 by Union Home Minister Amit Shah and is expected to outline a series of allegations against the state government in 14 key areas. The chargesheet will not only target Mamata but will also hold her nephew and second-in-command of the party, Abhishek Banerjee accountable. The move signals a recalibration of the BJP’s campaign approach, placing emphasis on alleged governance failures before presenting its Bengal Manifesto in early April. The broader outline of these allegations includes corruption and scandals such as the ration scam, irregularities in School Service Commission recruitment leading to 26,000 job losses, misappropriation in the mid-day meal scheme and also cattle smuggling syndicate. Besides these, the BJP has also levelled allegations on administrative breakdown and political mis-governance, Incidentally, the TMC has already published its manifesto charting out “Didi’s Dash Protigya” (Didi’s 10 Promise). Following the chargesheet, the BJP’s manifesto is likely to outline a range of promises, including increased funding for existing welfare schemes such as Lakshmir Bhandar and Yuva Sathi, development of Singur as an industrial hub, and improved road connectivity between North and South Bengal. Besides, the central leadership is also expected to include the promise to implement the 7th Pay Commission within 45 days of coming to power and payment of pending Dearness Allowance dues.

Food culture has emerged as a parallel campaign theme in the current West Bengal assembly election. The phrase “Mache Bhaate Bangali”, signifying the deep-rooted connection between Bengalis and fish-rice cuisine, has gained prominence in the political discourse. Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee had earlier foregrounded “Bengali asmita” in her campaign. Food habits are now being projected as an extension of that identity. The ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC) has sought to frame dietary practices as part of the state’s cultural fabric, raising concerns that these may come under threat with the BJP’s possible rise in influence. TMC leaders have repeatedly portrayed the BJP as an “outsider” force and flagged issues around “vegetarianism” and restrictions on meat consumption in BJP-ruled states. They have suggested that similar policies could affect Bengal’s established culinary traditions. Mamata Banerjee has alleged “food control politics”, warning that dietary freedoms, including the consumption of fish and meat, may be at risk. The BJP in West Bengal has responded by rejecting allegations of imposing dietary restrictions. State BJP president Samik Bhattacharya said fish and meat would remain part of daily life, while indicating that certain regulatory positions on beef would continue. BJP candidates have also sought to emphasise their connection with local food culture. Campaign activities have included public displays of consuming fish and carrying staple varieties such as katla and rohu during outreach programmes. Leaders including Swapan Dasgupta and Rudranil Ghosh have highlighted their preference for traditional Bengali meals. Bidhannagar candidate Sharadwat Mukhopadhyay drew attention by carrying a raw katla fish during campaigning. With campaigning intensifying, the TMC is expected to sharpen its “outsider versus insider” narrative, focusing on cultural identity. The BJP, meanwhile, is attempting to recalibrate its messaging to counter perceptions of cultural disconnect...

It’s a high stakes battle in Bhabanipur between West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee and Leader of Opposition Suvendu Adhikari. Didi will do everything to defend her urban stronghold, while Adhikari — former TMC heavyweight turned BJP leader defeated her in the 2021 Nandigram contest — has entered the fray to challenge her once again. Interestingly, Adhikari will also contest from Nandigram as well. Observers say this could be BJP’s strategy to pin down Mamata to a gruelling local fight in Bhabanipur so as to limit her ability to lead a state-wide campaign. Her presence remains vital for TMC candidates across West Bengal’s closely contested districts. The constituency itself, often called “mini Bharat,” features a diverse demographic where nearly 40% of voters are from non-Bengali communities—including Gujaratis, Marwaris, Punjabis, and Odias—alongside a 20% Muslim electorate. While the seat has leaned toward the TMC since 2011, the BJP is aggressively courting the business community to bridge the gap. The build-up to the April 23 and April 29 two-phase elections has been marked by a fierce dispute over the electoral rolls. Reports indicate over 47,000 names were removed during a special intensive review, with another 14,000 under scrutiny. While the BJP justifies the deletions as a clean-up of duplicate entries, the TMC alleges a conspiracy involving the Election Commission to disenfranchise genuine voters. Despite these tensions, Didi enters the race with a formidable record, having won her 2021 by-election by over 58,000 votes. Her party’s broader list reflects a push for representation, featuring 52 women, 95 SC/ST candidates, and 47 minority representatives.

West Bengal’s upcoming Assembly election will be held in two phases, dividing the state into contrasting political zones, with data from the 2021 Assembly polls and 2024 Lok Sabha segment mapping indicating the battle for power will unfold differently across the two regions. The first phase, scheduled for April 23, covers 152 constituencies across 16 districts, including North Bengal, the western belts, and coastal Purba Medinipur. A retrospective mapping of the 2021 results suggests a competitive landscape where the TMC held 92 seats against the BJP’s 59. While the BJP previously capitalised on anti-incumbency here, 2024 Parliamentary data shows a tighter race; the TMC secured a 52.6% vote share, the BJP 39.5%, and the Congress-Left alliance 7.9%. With an average victory margin of just 9.89%, this zone remains highly volatile. Social demographics add further complexity. Of the 39 constituencies with minority populations exceeding 40%, the TMC’s 2021 clean sweep faced fragmentation in 2024, with the TMC leading in 21 segments, the Congress-Left in 11, and the BJP in seven. Furthermore, voter list adjudication poses a mathematical threat: in 48% of these seats, voters under adjudication outnumber the 2024 victory margins. On April 29, the battle shifts to 142 seats in the South Bengal heartland, encompassing Kolkata and the 24 Parganas. This remains a formidable TMC stronghold; the party won 123 seats here in 2021 and maintained an 80.3% lead in 2024 segments with a wide 15.05% average margin. Interestingly, this region shows high voter deletion rates, averaging 12.7% in TMC-won seats. As the BJP’s strongest areas vote first, the TMC may benefit from a schedule that allows it to consolidate momentum toward its core base in the final.

As the BJP revs up its engine with the high-decibel “Parivartan Yatra”, its ideological backbone, the RSS, is quietly weaving a different tapestry on the ground. Through a strategic public awareness campaign, RSS volunteers are navigating the state’s neighbourhoods in small, discreet groups. Their mission is a classic ground-game manoeuvre: speaking directly to residents about the perceived excesses of West Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee’s administration and the urgent need for Hindu voter mobilisation. This quiet storm aims to challenge the Didi’s long-standing dominance by ensuring a maximum turnout among the Hindu electorate. The narrative being pushed by right-wing leadership, including the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, centres on a dual grievance of economic stagnation and a controversial “appeasement” policy. Sangh members argue that this shift stems from a growing perception that the TMC has favoured a small circle of influential leaders over the broader Muslim community, leaving many to feel like a neglected vote bank. This discontent is reportedly spreading across the socio-economic spectrum, from tribal communities to the traditional Bhadralok class. To capitalise on this, right-wing organisations are eyeing the upcoming Ram Navami celebrations as a pivotal moment for further mobilization. However, a strategic shadow hangs over the saffron camp’s momentum: the lack of a projected Chief Ministerial face. While the BJP central leadership often favours a “faceless” campaign to avoid internal factionalism—a tactic seen in Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh—many within the RSS believe this could be a tactical error in Bengal. They argue that entering the fray without a leader of sufficient public stature leaves the party at a disadvantage against a formidable opponent like Didi.

An unprecedented political confrontation between the President Droupadi Murmu and West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has become an election campaign issue with both BJP and TMC framing the debate around tribal identity ahead of the Assembly elections. The BJP has attacked the ruling TMC over what it calls an “insult” to President Murmu, India’s first tribal woman President while Mamata has accused the BJP of exploiting the President politically for electoral gains.  The focus has shifted from the SIR issue to tribal representation. The BJP is targeting tribal-dominated constituencies, where it had made gains in the 2019 Lok Sabha poll in Jangalmahal but lost ground to TMC in the 2021 Assembly elections. In the 2024 Lok Sabha election, TMC recovered three seats in western West Bengal — Bankura, Jhargram, and Medinipur. While only 16 of West Bengal’s 294 Assembly constituencies are reserved for Scheduled Tribes, at least 52 constituencies across Birbhum, Hooghly, Purba Bardhaman and Paschim Bardhaman have significant tribal populations, making the issue electorally relevant beyond reserved seats. Some TMC leaders feel Didi’s strong reaction against President Murmu, might have been better measured, as it risks alienating some tribal voters at a time when BJP is actively capitalising on every opportunity. Political analysts predict the confrontation will continue. Other issues, including the SIR debate and rising cooking gas prices, may fade as the President-CM dispute will dominate West Bengal’s political narrative.

Political observers are seeing a discernible shift in the articulation and positioning of Abhishek Banerjee, general secretary of Trinamool Congress (TMC). Over the past four months, his speeches, decisions, literary references and historical analogies have echoed themes associated with the Left, prompting critics to describe the emergence of a “Bamcharitmanas,” or Left-leaning narrative. The shift first drew attention last November when two women from South 24 Parganas entered into a same-sex marriage. They were felicitated at an event organised by Trinamool MP Bapi Halder. Abhishek congratulated the couple for challenging social orthodoxy. Recently, a senior advocate Menaka Guruswamy, a member of LGBTQ, thanked Abhishek after being nominated to the Rajya Sabha. More. He posted a poem on social media invoking resistance against state power, language historically associated with Left and ultra-Left literature. In Parliament, he concluded his Budget speech by quoting poet Nabarun Bhattacharya, whose work is emblematic of protest politics in Bengal. At a press conference targeting the Election Commission, he referred to the Battle of Stalingrad, often cited by Left forces as a defining victory over fascism. On an earlier occasion he had quoted composer Salil Chowdhury: “Pathe ebar namo sathi, pathei hobe e path chena” which is known to be a Left Revolution call. Analysts feel Abhishek’s shift is very much in line with chief minister Mamata Banerjee, whose rise drew support from Left-leaning individuals disillusioned with the CPI(M).  Since 2006, several former Left leaders and cultural figures have joined Trinamool. However, the CPI(ML) Liberation has criticised the approach as “cultural appropriation”. Some argue the party is seeking to reclaim Left voters who shifted to the BJP.

The BJP’s much-publicised Parivartan Yatra in West Bengal will be flagged off on March 1 by the Union Home Minister Amit Shah from Raidighi in South Bengal, a stronghold of the ruling TMC. The two-day mobilisation –March 1—2 — will span nine of the BJP’s 10 organisational divisions in the state. The Kolkata Metropolitan division has been excluded, as it is tasked with organising the party’s concluding Brigade rally. The decision to have Shah launch the yatra from Raidighi is politically significant. The area falls within South 24 Parganas, a district that has stood firmly behind TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee since 2008 — even before she came to power in 2011. In the 2008 panchayat polls, the TMC wrested the South 24 Parganas Zilla Parishad from the Left Front. In the last Assembly elections, the party won 30 of the district’s 31 seats; only Bhangar went to the ISF. Raidighi is under the Mathurapur Lok Sabha constituency, while TMC national general secretary Abhishek Banerjee represents neighbouring Diamond Harbour in Parliament. Joining this yatra will be eight central leaders and nationally prominent BJP faces marking an unprecedented concentration of the party’s top leadership in West Bengal. The two-day event will be attended by Union ministers like Rajnath Singh, Shivraj Singh Chauhan, Jagat Prakash Nadda, Dharmendra Pradhan, Annapurna Devi including Maharashtra CM Devendra Fadnavis. Newly elected BJP national president Nitin Nabin will be present on both days. Five years after its high-profile “joining fairs” ahead of the 2021 polls, the BJP is avoiding mass inductions. Instead, it is banking on a concentrated show of organisational strength to signal its intent to breach what the ruling party calls its most impregnable fortress.

 The Bengal Pradesh Congress has decided to contest the forthcoming West Bengal Assembly elections independently, ending nearly a decade of electoral coordination with the Left. Since the 2016 state polls, Congress and the CPI(M) had worked in tandem in a bid to challenge chief minister Mamata Banerjee and her party – TMC. That partnership, however, failed to yield significant gains, culminating in a washout for both sides in 2021 when neither secured a single seat. Party leaders say the decision to go solo is aimed at rebuilding the organisation in a state where Congress has not governed on its own since the Left Front came to power in 1977 under the CPI (M). Strategists argue that fighting alone may help the party reclaim political space and prepare for the 2029 Lok Sabha elections. The move also reflects an effort to disrupt the entrenched TMC-versus-BJP narrative that has dominated Bengal politics since 2019. Questions persist over whether Congress possesses the organisational depth and resources to field candidates across all 294 constituencies. Its limited booth-level presence during the Election Commission’s voter roll revision exercise has raised concerns internally about campaign preparedness. In traditional strongholds such as Murshidabad and Malda, once associated with leaders like A B A Ghani Khan Choudhury and Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury, the party is attempting to regain lost ground. The recent return of former TMC MP Mausam Benazir Noor to Congress has provided a morale boost. Political observers suggest that as the CPI(M) works to assemble a broader front excluding both the TMC and the BJP. The Congress opting out of alliance with CPI(M) will lead to fragmented opposition that could ultimately benefit the ruling TMC.

With the West Bengal Assembly elections just months away, political battle has acquired a sharper digital edge. The principal rivals — TMC and BJP — are not only trading barbs at rallies but are also locked in a parallel battle across social media platforms, where videos, satire and personal controversies are swiftly reframed as political statements. What distinguishes this election cycle is the central role of content creators. YouTubers, podcasters and self-styled influencers are increasingly shaping narratives, with their content amplified by party ecosystems, blurring the line between independent commentary and partisan mobilisation. Two recent, unrelated controversies involving Bengal-based creators illustrate how combustible the intersection of identity politics, personal disputes and electoral timing has become. The first involved actor and YouTuber Sayak Chakraborty, who alleged in a viral video that a Muslim waiter at Olypub deliberately served him beef instead of mutton, calling it an affront to his Hindu Brahmin identity. Though the video was later deleted, it spread widely and triggered protests by fringe Hindutva groups in Kolkata. The waiter was initially arrested, while a counter FIR was filed against Chakraborty for allegedly instigating communal disharmony. Following social media protests by sections of civil society, the waiter was granted bail. BJP leaders amplified the clip, turning a restaurant dispute into a communally charged controversy. Soon after, 25-year-old content creator Shamik Adhikary, known online as ‘Nonsane’, was arrested days after releasing a sharply worded Bengali political satire titled Button. His girlfriend accused him of sexual violence and wrongful confinement. The BJP characterised the arrest as political retribution by the TMC government, with senior leader Amit Malviya sharing the satire and alleging suppression of dissent. In both cases, viral content triggered outrage, partisan amplification followed, and original facts...

West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s in-person appearance at the Supreme Court in the SIR matter has put her party Trinamool Congress on a strong footing. Her party leaders and workers see Didi’s Supreme Court intervention as scoring brownie points. It reinforces her as the principal face against the BJP in Bengal while squeezing CPM and Congress, rebuilding minority trust where resentment had emerged over Waqf amendments and new political formations, protecting base amid BJP polarisation. Since the Election Commission’s SIR drive to update West Bengal’s 7.62 crore elector rolls began, 58 lakh entries were removed due to relocation, duplication or death. Also, 1.26 crore individuals received notices for verification hearings over “logical inconsistencies” or missing 2002 SIR linkages, with nearly 60 lakh awaiting proceedings. Initially BJP stayed silent, adopting a wait-and-watch line and avoiding social media sarcasm, but later circulated clips of the court proceedings showing judges suggesting her senior lawyer argue and rejecting her claim. Bengal BJP leaders mocked Mamata’s courtroom conduct as political drama. Political analysts say appearance may hold no legal value but produces two effects. By cultivating a solitary fighter image, Didi strengthens core support. Repeated confrontations with central institutions sharpen her political identity. As a woman leader, she contrasts with the Centre’s pro-Hindutva posture, projecting a less aggressive image than a regional party like the TMC, hence Mamata brand is difficult to counter. By aligning her legal battles with voters dealing with discrepancy notices, Didi positions the 2026 election to focus less on governance outcomes and more on instinctive politics of protection.

When PM Modi’s reply to Motion of Thanks to the President’s address in the Lok Sabha was hastily called off a little after 5 pm on Feb 5, the Opposition benches felt triumphant. The House had to be content with just passing a statement thanking the President without PM’s reply. It was as if the Congress strategy of deploying women MPs on PM Modi’s way into the House and his path upto his seat had paid off. The party felt it had chased away PM out of the Lok Sabha using its girl power — a gaggle of women MPs. However, the Congress’s devious plan was thoroughly exposed by Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla as he declared that it was he who had advised PM to stay away from the House proceedings based on concrete inputs of an “unexpected/inappropriate incident” being planned by Congress MPs. Though details of the “indecent incident” that was planned are not available, it is quite clear it would have lowered the dignity of the House as well as   the high office of the PM. Official sources confirmed that the Govt too had security concerns about allowing PM Modi, a SPG protectee, inside Lok Sabha. Since SPG can’t go inside House, it would have to rely on House marshals. Interestingly, when PM Modi addressed the Rajya Sabha, women marshals were in good number. In his address to the Rajya Sabha, PM Modi took on Rahul Gandhi for attacking his junior ministerial colleague Ravneet Singh Bittu. “What happened yesterday – the ‘Yuvraj’ of Congress who has ‘shaatir dimag’, called an MP of this House ‘traitor’…He did not call anyone else who has left the Congress a traitor. But he called the MP a traitor because he is a Sikh.” Firing salvo at the TMC, he said while developed nations are throwing out infiltrators, in India political parties are using it to protect infiltrators.

With Assembly elections around the corner, the idea of a minority-led alliance has introduced a fresh layer of uncertainty for the West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee and her party the Trinamool Congress (TMC). While there is little concrete evidence to suggest an imminent erosion of the TMC’s minority vote base, emerging formations and alliance talks could complicate electoral arithmetic in select pockets of the State. The most visible symbol of this mobilisation has emerged along National Highway 12 in Beldanga, Murshidabad district, where suspended TMC MLA Humayun Kabir has begun constructing a replica of the Babri Masjid. Kabir, who has floated the Janata Unnayan Party (JUP), has accused the TMC of pursuing policies harmful to minorities and is seeking to politically consolidate Muslim voters. Early January, Indian Secular Front (ISF) MLA Naushad Siddiqui called for a minority party alliance against TMC and BJP. The ISF, linked to the Furfura Sharif shrine in Hooghly, has held discussions with the JUP, alongside talks involving the SDPI, the political wing of the banned Popular Front of India. Muslims constitute about 27% of West Bengal’s population. Minority and women voters have been central to the TMC’s dominance since 2011. Minority leaders cite discontent over OBC list exclusions, Waqf law amendments, and the return of TMC MP Mausam Benazir Noor to the Congress in Malda. Yet, many Muslims continue to see Mamata as the most credible bulwark against the BJP, which is banking on minority vote fragmentation and Hindu consolidation. Kabir met CPI(M) State secretary Mohammed Salim in Kolkata to explore the possibility of contesting the elections together with the ISF. The meeting has sparked unease within sections of the CPI(M), particularly in refugee-dominated and urban areas of south Bengal. Some leaders fear that association with Babri Masjid symbolism could be electorally damaging.

Nearly two decades after the Singur agitation reshaped West Bengal politics, the fertile stretch in Hooghly district has re-emerged as a key electoral flashpoint. With the 2026 Assembly elections nearing, the BJP has revived the Singur narrative, promising the return of Tata Motors and large-scale industrialisation if voted to power. The Trinamool Congress (TMC), however, continues to project Singur as a landmark victory for farmers against forcible land acquisition. BJP leaders argue that Tata Motors’ exit in 2008 marked the onset of de-industrialisation and that only a change in government can restore investor confidence. The BJP has also contrasted West Bengal’s industrial trajectory with Gujarat’s rapid expansion, presenting the latter as a development model. The party sees Singur as a way to reach Left-leaning voters by emphasising employment and economic growth rather than identity politics alone. The TMC has countered by reiterating that the Singur movement centred on protecting cultivable land and farmers’ rights. It cites the Supreme Court verdict declaring the 2006 land acquisition illegal and ordering land to be returned to unwilling farmers, calling it both legal and moral vindication. The conflict began in 2006 when the Left Front government acquired nearly 1,000 acres for Tata’s Nano project. The decision sparked sustained protests led by Mamata Banerjee, including police action and a 21-day hunger strike. Amid escalating unrest, Tata Motors withdrew in 2008 and shifted the project to Sanand, Gujarat. The Singur and Nandigram agitations later became central to the TMC’s rise, ending 34 years of Left rule in 2011. At present, about 300 acres have been restored to cultivation. Farmers’ groups have demanded that another 300 acres be made arable, suggesting the rest could be considered for industry. As elections approach, Singur’s abandoned fields have again become a battleground of competing visions of development and memory.

West Bengal Chief Minister and TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee once again placed confrontation at the centre of her politics on January 8, when she entered the residence of political strategist Pratik Jain just as the Enforcement Directorate began a search. Jain is the director of I-PAC, the political consultancy that has advised the TMC since 2021 and is widely credited with playing a key role in the party’s landslide Assembly victory that year. According to Mamata, the agency’s objective was not law enforcement but the seizure of confidential TMC poll material, including candidate lists, campaign strategy documents, SIR-related papers and electronic data. The episode reinforced an image Banerjee has cultivated over decades as a political “street fighter”. Supporters point to her early days as a Youth Congress worker protesting against Jayaprakash Narayan, her emergence as a “giant-killer” after defeating Left heavyweight Somnath Chatterjee in the 1984 Lok Sabha elections, and decades of street battles against the Left that culminated in the Singur and Nandigram movements and the fall of the 34-year Left Front government in 2011. Senior TMC insiders cite precedents where confrontation brought political dividends: her February 3, 2019 dharna after a CBI raid on then police commissioner Rajeev Kumar in the Saradha scam case; her February 23, 2021 confrontation with a CBI team probing a coal smuggling case involving Abhishek Banerjee and his wife; and her May 17, 2021 six-hour stay at the CBI office as several TMC leaders were arrested in the Narada sting operation case. Leaders argue such confrontations help counter anti-incumbency, mask internal factional rifts and deflect attention from economic management and alleged scams. As elections approach, Didi has returned to the mode that has long defined her career: fighting her battles on the street.

Ahead of the 2026 West Bengal Assembly elections, a sharp political divide is emerging. Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee is foregrounding Bengali language, asmita, and secularism, projecting her government as pro-people through social welfare schemes and friendly governance. Conversely, the BJP is centring its campaign on illegal infiltration, corruption, misgovernance and a “climate of fear,” as outlined by Union Home Minister Amit Shah. During a three-day Kolkata tour, Shah intensified attacks on the Trinamool Congress, alleging that 15 years of rule have been paralysed by “syndicate-driven practices” and corruption, hindering development and central scheme implementation. Shah accused Mamata of nepotism, claiming power concentrated around her nephew, Abhishek Banerjee. He further criticised the appointment of senior police officials, alleging deviations from norms via the use of retired officers as proxy heads. On national security, Shah labelled illegal immigration a critical concern. He alleged the state failed to provide land for border fencing, claiming while infiltration dropped in Assam and Tripura, it persists in Bengal due to “vote-bank considerations.” He cited the BJP’s growth from 17 % vote share and two Lok Sabha seats in 2014 to 39 % vote share and 12 seats in 2024 as evidence of momentum. Banerjee launched a counterattack by questioning why the Centre focuses on Bengal while ignoring security issues in regions like Jammu and Kashmir. Finally, she questioned the timing of BJP’s deportation promises, noting that Bengal and Punjab bore the historical brunt of 1947’s Partition displacement.

More than a decade after the Tata Group exited Singur following protests led by then Opposition leader Mamata Banerjee, the Trinamool Congress (TMC) supremo, now West Bengal chief minister, has cleared a Rs 500-crore investment proposal for the same area, signalling a renewed push for industrial development. Political observers see this as an effort to reinforce her government’s pro-industry image and revive Singur ahead of the 2026 Assembly elections. The Mamata Banerjee-led Cabinet approved a large warehouse and logistics project at Singur, marking a symbolic turnaround for a site central to her political rise. Minister of State for Finance Chandrima Bhattacharya said Nahar Industrial Enterprises Ltd will invest Rs 500 crore, with 11.35 acres allotted on a 99-year lease. The facility is expected to bolster logistics and delivery operations for major e-commerce players such as Amazon and Flipkart, generate employment, and strengthen supply-chain infrastructure. Singur gained national prominence in 2006–08 after protests against land acquisition for the Tata Motors Nano factory under the CPI(M)-led Left Front government. The agitation, led by Didi, ended with Tata Motors pulling out in October 2008, and the Left branding her “anti-industry.” More than 14 years after assuming power in 2011, Mamata has now facilitated major private investment at the same site. This follows a 2016 Supreme Court verdict directing the TMC government to take possession of about 1,000 acres and return it to farmers, declaring the earlier acquisition illegal.

With the West Bengal Assembly elections just months away, veteran politician Humayun Kabir’s decision to launch his own outfit, Janata Unnayan Party and openly challenge chief minister Mamata Banerjee has added an unexpected twist to an already heated political season. Kabir announced that his party will contest 135 of Bengal’s 294 Assembly seats. There is speculation that he could split the Muslim votes in the state. If that happens, it could seriously hurt Didi’s Trinamool Congress party, which draws significant support from Bengal’s 27% Muslim population. The TMC has downplayed the move as a sideshow. The development has invited comparisons with Banerjee’s own break from the Congress in 1998, when she formed the Trinamool Congress, eventually ending the Left Front’s long rule. According to a section of political observers, Kabir’s situation is different as he does not command a mass following, nor have a statewide organisational structure or a clear ideological pitch that can cut across regions and communities. However, his move cannot be dismissed entirely since his criticism of the Trinamool’s leadership style — particularly its highly centralised decision-making — have quietly circulated within party ranks. By stepping out, Kabir has brought these murmurs into the open. From an electoral perspective, the immediate impact on the ruling party is likely to be limited as Trinamool remains firmly deep-rooted across most of the state. A section of party sources, however, feel that in tightly contested constituencies, even a marginal split in votes — especially among minorities — could tilt the balance. For the opposition, including the BJP, Kabir’s entry not only highlights cracks within the ruling camp but may also split the anti-Trinamool vote further.

With the Election Commission releasing West Bengal’s draft electoral rolls following the SIR exercise, which saw over 58 lakh voters removed across the state on grounds including death and migration, and voter profiles redrawn across districts and border belts ahead of the 2026 assembly elections, there is a disquiet in the ruling Trinamool Congress. What has particularly upset West Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee is voter deletion in her Bhabanipur constituency – nearly 44,787 voters have been deleted. The CM is also surprised that no complaints are forthcoming since the draft rolls were published. That is why the TMC leadership decided to deploy its booth-level agents for a fresh, door-to-door verification of deleted voters’ names in her constituency. Bhabanipur had 206,295 voters as of January 2025. The newly published draft rolls list has 161,509 names. TMC leaders are particularly upset over a large number of voters being marked “dead”, “shifted” or “absent”. “The party leadership made it clear that no valid voter’s name should be deleted under any circumstances. Every deleted name must be physically verified,” a TMC source said. Bhabanipur is a dense urban seat with many residents originally from Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Odisha. Mamata is also surprised that maximum deletion of voters, 74,533 has happened in Chowringhee constituency of her close friend Naina Bandhopadhya. In contrast, voter deletion from Nandigram — from where she lost – is just 10,550. The seat is now represented by her BJP rival Suvendu Adhikari. Reacting to names deleted in the SIR exercise, BJP leader Amit Malviya says the process has revealed that TMC chief Mamata Banerjee has stayed in power due to votes cast in the names of illegal Bangladeshis and Rohingyas.

West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee sacked state Sports & Youth Welfare Minister Aroop Biswas following the inept handling of the legendary footballer Lionel Messi event which turned ugly leading to chaos and vandalism at the Salt Lake stadium. The CM who has instituted an inquiry will handle his portfolio for now. Thousands of fans had bought costly tickets but failed to get a glimpse of GOAT Messi. The visuals of the vandalised parts of the stadium shown worldwide embarrassed the ruling Trinamool Congress. Biswas came under sharp criticism after images of him accompanying Messi at the stadium went viral, with football fans alleging that he remained in close proximity to the footballer during the event. Though Biswas wrote to Banerjee expressing his willingness to step down till the probe was completed, sources said the chief minister did not speak to him during two high-level meetings. Some of his associates had expected the controversy to be eclipsed by the publication of the draft voter list. The inquiry committee submitted its preliminary report to Nabanna on Monday (Dec 15) night. Acting on its recommendations, Chief Secretary Manoj Pant on Tuesday issued show-cause notices to DGP,police commissioner, principal secretary etc.  Apparently, there has been a turf war between two TMC ministers — Sujit Bose and Aroop Biswas –over access to Messi. Bose has deep roots in Bengal’s sports administration and enjoys high visibility at major events, while Biswas, as Sports Minister, has overseen marquee tournaments, giving him clear institutional authority over visiting athletes. Beyond sports, the two are also perceived as rivals in Durga Puja — Sujit’s Sribhumi versus Aroop’s Suruchi Sangha. While Sujit’s interactions with Messi unfolded in the controlled confines of the hotel, Aroop sought to reclaim visibility at the stadium, where mass crowds and public attention mattered more. As a result the public anger focused on Biswas and Didi had to...

The Bengal BJP is recalibrating from its earlier hardline Hindutva stance to adopt a more measured political tone, even as chief minister Mamata Banerjee intensifies her charge that the party is anti-Bengali, communal, and attempting to bring the NRC into the state through indirect means. The shift became most evident when Leader of the Opposition Suvendu Adhikari softened his long-held claim that the BJP neither expects nor needs minority votes. After months of asserting that minorities never support the BJP and that a 5-6% rise in Hindu votes would be enough to form government, he has now reinterpreted his stance, saying the party simply does not receive minority votes rather than rejecting them. There is no indication that the BJP’s central leadership has instructed the state unit to soften its tone, and even central leaders acknowledge that polarisation has helped the party perform better in rural regions. Trinamool Congress leaders argue that Adhikari has realised Hindutva alone will not secure victory for the party. Party insiders see the shift as a strategic effort to weaken the strong perception that a BJP government would threaten minorities and instead minority votes may fragment rather than consolidate behind the Trinamool. Adhikari has recently suggested that AIMIM and ISF could draw minority support and predicted that the Trinamool may not win any seat in Malda, with the BJP securing a significant share. The BJP’s choice of Shamik Bhattacharya, viewed as a moderate, as state president was aimed at appealing to the liberal urban middle-class Bengali electorate that is harder to draw with hardline rhetoric.

The Trinamool Congress’ internal dynamics have once again brought its simmering generational rifts into sharp focus. A routine review of the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise has instead revived questions about the shifting balance of authority within the party. TMC’s National General Secretary Abhishek Banerjee’s pointed remarks have taken on significance beyond administrative evaluation, highlighting renewed tension with the so-called Didi faction — Kolkata’s influential old guard long viewed as chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s core circle. The party had earlier instructed booth-level agents (BLAs) to coordinate with the Election Commission–appointed booth-level officers (BLOs) and update daily enumeration progress on the ‘Didir Doot’ app. Abhishek’s sharp reprimand came during a massive virtual meeting with around 25,000 leaders, where he identified eight Assembly constituencies as the poorest performers in voter-list verification. Six of these are in Kolkata — traditionally the base of Mamata’s closest lieutenants. The numbers were strikingly low: BLA activity was only 22% in Kolkata Port (represented by Firhad Hakim), 24% in Kashipur–Belgachhia (Atin Ghosh), 34% in Ballygunge (Babul Supriyo), and similarly low in Beleghata, Entally, Madhyamgram and Chowringhee. His assertion that performance was “non-negotiable” — along with the mention that Mamata Banerjee reviews his reports every 15 days — signalled that his expanding organisational authority carries the Chief Minister’s sanction. His decision to explicitly name certain leaders, including ministers Malay Ghatak and Manoj Tiwary, separate conversations with Hakim and Biswas, and plans for a follow-up meeting with Kolkata MLAs and councillors have reinforced the perception that the National General Secretary is tightening oversight over a region historically dominated by Mamata’s earliest loyalists. As the party shifts toward a data-driven, app-based organisational culture under Abhishek, Kolkata...

For 2026 Assembly polls, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee and her party Trinamool Congress (TMC) appear to be adjusting their political messaging. The party is presenting a more explicit secular position, moving away from repeated accusations that it favours one community. The TMC’s December 6 rally — usually managed by the minority cell — has been handed this year to the student and youth wings, signaling a shift in how TMC wants the event to be viewed. The rally commemorates the demolition of the Babri Masjid, but TMC’s leadership wants the day to be framed as an appeal for communal unity rather than a community-focused programme. Calling December 6, a “symbolically strong day”, the party wants the event to mark the opening of its grassroots-level campaign for 2026 with both Didi and her nephew Abhishek Banerjee likely to address the gathering. The party leaders say the aim is to counter what they see as increasing communal mobilisation by the BJP. Internally, TMC leaders acknowledge that recent political trends — including the limited impact of SIR in Bihar — have prompted a reassessment. The party believes the BJP is using the issue to sharpen religious polarisation, and it wants to respond with a message that can consolidate secular-leaning voters. Predictably, BJP leader Suvendu Adhikari has criticised the rally, saying it is another attempt at appeasement. The decision to involve younger wings of the party is also intended to suggest a wider, more inclusive organisational base. The effectiveness of this shift will depend on whether TMC can follow the rally with sustained outreach. The move indicates that TMC recognises that the political narrative in Bengal is changing, and that it must adapt if it hopes to shape voter sentiment ahead of 2026 Assembly polls.

The BJP’s emphatic victory in Bihar has prompted the party leadership to project confidence about replicating the outcome in West Bengal in 2026. Yet, despite the celebratory rhetoric, the ground situation in Bengal presents a far more complex—and arguably unfavourable—terrain for the saffron party. Buoyed by Bihar, senior leaders such as Union ministers Giriraj Singh, Sukanta Majumdar, who was the former state president have asserted that the mandate reflects a decisive shift toward the BJP. Singh, who has previously had several direct confrontations with the TMC, stated unequivocally that with Bihar delivering its mandate, Bengal would be next, as the people of the state are growing increasingly dissatisfied with chief minister Mamata Banerjee. Majumder, meanwhile, likened the TMC regime to what he described as a shadow of the “jungle raj” associated with Lalu Prasad Yadav’s era. However, analysts argue that such comparisons reveal more political impatience than electoral realism. A section of political analysts pointed out that Bihar’s outcome was shaped by pro-incumbency and by the NDA’s existing administrative footing—advantages the BJP does not enjoy in Bengal. The TMC’s long tenure, rather than weakening it, has consolidated its organisational strength, particularly across the rural belt where nearly 70% of the state’s electorate resides. While the BJP has succeeded in capturing segments of the urban vote with its Hindutva messaging and pro-industry posture, it continues to lag the TMC’s 48% vote share by a significant margin. More critically, the party has yet to develop a robust grassroots network capable of countering the TMC’s deeply entrenched cadre structure built since 2011, when Mamata rode the Singur and Nandigram land movements to power.

Political controversy has intensified in West Bengal over the ongoing Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls after a report in Jago Bangla, the official mouthpiece of the Trinamool Congress (TMC), claimed that chief minister Mamata Banerjee had personally accepted the SIR Enumeration Form. In response, Didi clarified that she had not personally received the form. In a social media post, she explained that the designated Booth Level Officer had visited her neighbourhood and residential office, made routine inquiries about the number of voters in the household, and left the forms accordingly. She added that she had not filled out her form and that she would do so only after every eligible person in Bengal had completed theirs. Earlier this week, Didi led a protest march from Red Road to Jorasanko Thakurbari, terming the ongoing process “SIR terror” and urging citizens to remain cautious. The Opposition BJP criticised Mamata’s clarification, accusing her of double standards. Former state BJP president and Union Minister of State Sukanta Majumder stated that the CM’s actions contradicted her public position and claimed that she had accepted several forms despite urging people not to cooperate with the process. Senior TMC leaders rejected the allegations, describing them as politically motivated attempts to discredit the CM’s campaign against the SIR. Party functionaries said the report about Didi personally receiving the form was misleading and aimed at undermining the ongoing movement. According to party sources, Mamata is planning to take the issue beyond Bengal and raise it at the national level. TMC national general secretary Abhishek Banerjee has already indicated that the party will intensify its protests in the coming weeks.

Barely a month after his closed-door meeting with Trinamool Congress national general secretary Abhishek Banerjee in September, former Kolkata Mayor and ex-Minister Sovan Chatterjee has once again stirred Bengal’s political cauldron. This time, he reportedly held a two-hour long private meeting with West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee during her recent visit to Darjeeling to oversee the aftermath of a natural disaster. Interestingly, while Sovan’s earlier meeting with Abhishek took place in the presence of his long-time companion Baisakhi Banerjee, his latest conversation with Mamata happened privately — despite Baisakhi being in Darjeeling on vacation. Though both camps have remained tight-lipped, sources close to Sovan claim he may re-enter active politics within the next couple of months, marking a potential return to the TMC fold. Speculation about Sovan’s comeback has surfaced multiple times. But, this time, insiders say the talks appear far more serious. Political observers believe the timing is crucial — hinting at possible internal rebalancing, especially amid mounting criticism of Kolkata Mayor and State Urban Development Minister Firhad Hakim, who is one of the closest aides of Didi. Hakim faced severe backlash, even within the party, over the city’s September deluge that killed 10 people and left large parts of Kolkata waterlogged for nearly 48 hours. His removal as HIDCO Chairman and his uneasy equation with Abhishek Banerjee have further fuelled speculation. Sovan’s history with Hakim is well-known. As Kolkata Mayor in 2010, Sovan worked alongside Hakim, then his deputy, but their relationship remained strained. Later, as Mamata consolidated power, Hakim rose to a cabinet position overseeing municipal bodies — including KMC. After resigning from both posts in 2018, Sovan briefly joined the BJP but soon withdrew from politics. Now, it is learnt that ‘ghar wapsi’ has begun, Sovan has been inducted as NKDA chairman which is basically under...

BJP has escalated the recent attack on its Maldaha Uttar MP Khagen Murmu and Siliguri MLA Shankar Ghosh in flood-hit North Bengal into a major political narrative, framing it as violence against a tribal leader. The party plans to use the image of Murmu’s bloodied face to highlight what it calls the TMC’s failure to protect elected representatives and to question the INDIA Bloc’s commitment to tribal welfare. While BJP has accused TMC supporters of carrying out the assault, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee visited Murmu in a Siliguri hospital. According to BJP sources, the state leadership had recently submitted a report assessing its North Bengal strength, predicting 44–48 wins out of 54 Assembly seats, up from 30 in 2021. The report highlighted TMC’s weak position, except in a few minority-dominated areas in Malda and the Dinajpurs, and suggested the Murmu incident could further consolidate BJP support. In 2021, BJP won 30 seats, TMC 23, and the Tamang faction of GJM one; by-elections have since adjusted the tally to 25 for BJP and 28 for TMC. In the last Lok Sabha polls, BJP led in 32 segments, TMC 15, and Congress-backed candidates seven. State general secretary Deepak Barman said relief may not sway rural votes but can influence urban middle-class sentiment. The party intends to nationalize the Murmu attack, highlighting tribal issues in Jharkhand, Bihar and Odisha, aiming to weaken Mamata’s national stature and put Congress and JMM in a difficult position within the INDIA Bloc. Interestingly, BJP believes this campaign could influence tribal voters in Bihar’s border areas.

West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has once again turned Durga Puja into a campaign arena and cultural outreach, leaving Opposition parties scrambling to match her scale. While the BJP views the festival as a potential political weapon, Mamata has neutralised it, ensuring the celebrations remain firmly under her influence. Over the past seven years, the number of Puja committees spanning Kolkata and remote districts has grown from 28,000 to 45,000. Likewise, the financial support during the same period has also scaled up from Rs 10,000 to Rs 110,000 this year alongside electricity bill waivers. In effect, Mamata expanded her reach from Cooch Behar to Kakdwip as chief patron of the festivities. During the Left Front era, the CPI(M) maintained organisational control in several spheres but deliberately kept a distance from Puja. Leaders like late Subhash Chakraborty occasionally engaged, but the party never made the festival a political stage. This allowed Mamata, post-2011, to steadily enlarge her presence, transforming Puja inaugurations into high-visibility public relations opportunities. Even Opposition leaders like BJP’s Suvendu Adhikari seldom attended Puja inaugurations in Kolkata or districts, leaving the party largely absent from major events. Apart from Sajol Ghosh in Kolkata, BJP has no significant foothold. Initially questioned in courts, these grants have been strategically tied to Bengali cultural identity, intertwining Durga Puja with heritage and pride recognized by UNESCO, effectively transforming the festival into both a cultural and political instrument. Didi has also expanded the Puja arena not only through grants but the puja idol immersion carnival inspired by Brazil’s Rio de Janeiro, now institutionalised and set for Red Road on October 5.

The elevation of Chandrima Bhattacharya, Minister of State for Finance and Health, as chairperson of the Housing Infrastructure Development Corporation (HIDCO) is being read as more than a routine appointment. Within the Trinamool Congress (TMC) and administrative circles, the move is seen as part of West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s strategy to recalibrate responsibilities among her trusted lieutenants, thereby reinforcing her grip on key institutions. Incidentally, Didi is the head of the departments of both health and finance. Already managing the party’s women’s wing, Chandrima now assumes control of an agency instrumental in developing Kolkata’s fringes — New Town and Rajarhat and other major urban infrastructure projects. HIDCO’s chairmanship has been a hot seat in recent years, with another close aide of Mamata and senior cabinet minister for Urban Development, Firhad Hakim heading it since 2021. However, in December 2024 the cabinet shifted HIDCO out of his department and placed it under Administrative Reforms and Personnel, overseen directly by Mamata. Hakim was removed from the chairmanship and the state’s former chief secretary Harikrishna Dwivedi temporarily held the fort. At the time, Hakim publicly maintained that it was solely Didi’s decision and a matter of cabinet prerogative, brushing aside speculation of alleged fallout with Mamata. Observers point out that such shifts underline the political weight HIDCO carries and several allegations and rumours of corruption in land distribution by the Opposition. By handing over the reins to Chandrima, Mamata has underscored both her close scrutiny of government functioning and her intent to silence any speculation around administrative decisions.

The war of words between BJP leader and actor Mithun Chakraborty and TMC spokesperson Kunal Ghosh has now escalated into a full-blown legal battle, with Mithun slapping a Rs 100-crore defamation suit on Ghosh. The BJP star accused Ghosh of launching a politically motivated smear campaign by linking him to chit fund scam, alleging he joined the BJP to escape investigation, dragging his son into a rape case, and even questioning his wife’s financial dealings. Mithun said the remarks were “false, baseless and malicious,” tarnishing his image as a Padma Bhushan and Dadasaheb Phalke awardee, while also costing him film and advertising projects. Seeking damages and a bar on future comments, he has deposited the maximum Rs 50,000 court fee. Ghosh, however, remained defiant. He retorted that a person with true honour would not switch political sides repeatedly and added that the matter would be settled in court. He claimed he too has filed a case against Mithun, vowing to expose the actor’s alleged connections with four to five chit fund companies and demanding a CBI probe. Taking the fight a step further, Ghosh invoked the “Rajeev Kumar model,” referencing his face-to-face grilling with the former Kolkata Police Commissioner during the Saradha probe in Shillong. He announced he would ask the court to similarly confront Mithun under CBI supervision. Once close allies, the duo’s relationship soured after 2011, and today their personal fallout has turned into a high-stakes political slugfest.

As Bengal gears up for the 2026 Assembly elections, Nandigram has once again returned to the political spotlight. The constituency, which staged the dramatic face-off between Mamata Banerjee and Suvendu Adhikari in the last polls, is already buzzing with speculation and strategy. The controversy from the previous election still lingers. Trinamool Congress (TMC) had accused the BJP of manipulating votes through orchestrated power cuts, and the case continues in court. Yet, long before a verdict, the battlefield is being readied for the next round. The central question remains whether Mamata Banerjee would contest from Nandigram in 2026 or not. The BJP seems convinced. Pralay Pal, Tamluk district vice-president, declared on social media that “confidential sources” and a “secret report” by TMC’s National General Secretary and Mamata’s nephew Abhishek Banerjee, confirm the West Bengal chief minister’s candidature from Nandigram in 2026. He went further, asserting that the BJP would repeat its victory. The TMC camp, however, is striking back with confidence. However, Bappaditya Garg, president of Nandigram Block 1 TMC, dismissed the BJP’s claims and stressed that the party’s candidate would be revealed in due course. Yet, he was emphatic on one point: Suvendu Adhikari will not fight from Nandigram again. Garg buttressed his claim with electoral data—TMC’s win in Adhikari’s own booth at Nandanayekbari during the cooperative polls, a 412-vote lead in his locality in the Lok Sabha election, and a 2,500-vote lead from Panchayat Samiti voters in the same.

In West Bengal the Leader of the Opposition Suvendu Adhikari has challenged chief minister Mamata Banerjee once again, stating that he is prepared to contest against her in the next Assembly election, even from Bhabanipur. Referring to the ongoing “special intensive revision of electoral rolls,” Adhikari claimed that several names would be struck off the voter’s list. BJP sources indicated that Adhikari has initiated a survey in Bhabanipur to assess the voter base, booth-level details, and party performance. There is also speculation that he may establish a separate office in the constituency. Meanwhile, TMC national general secretary Abhishek Banerjee has shifted focus to Nandigram, Adhikari’s constituency. Over the past few weeks, he has held meetings with district-level leadership across several organisational units. Abhishek met leaders from the Barasat and Tamluk districts. According to party sources, Abhishek stated during the discussions that he would convene a separate meeting dedicated to Nandigram. Booth presidents, local leaders, and functionaries of different party wings from the constituency are expected to be part of the deliberations. Though the date of the meeting has not been finalised, the constituency is set to receive additional attention in Trinamool’s electoral preparations. In the 2021 Assembly election, Nandigram witnessed a high-profile contest between Didi and Suvendu, who won by 1,956 votes. The outcome remains under judicial review. Political sparring between the two parties has continued since then, with the TMC describing Adhikari as the “load-shedding Leader of Opposition,” while the BJP refers to Mamata as the “compartmental chief minister.”

In a significant political shake-up, West Bengal chief minister and Trinamool Congress (TMC) supremo Mamata Banerjee has appointed her nephew and party’s national general secretary, Abhishek Banerjee, as the leader of the TMC Parliamentary Committee. He replaces veteran leader Sudip Bandyopadhyay who has been ailing for some time now. The move comes as Mamata appears to brace for anti-incumbency ahead of the upcoming state assembly elections after three terms in office. Simultaneously, Mamata replaced senior advocate and Sreerampore MP Kalyan Banerjee as Chief Whip with Barasat MP Dr Kakoli Ghosh Dastidar. Birbhum MP Shatabdi Roy has been promoted as Deputy Leader of the party in Parliament. The reshuffle underscores the TMC’s need for stability and strategic leadership at the national level as Parliament becomes a key platform for the Opposition to confront the BJP. Sources say Kalyan’s removal stems from his inability to contain a prolonged feud with Krishnanagar MP Mahua Moitra. At a recent internal meeting, Mamata expressed anger over some MPs damaging the party’s image, sharply criticising Kalyan for poor coordination and for not stepping up during the absence of leaders like Sudip Bandyopadhyay and Saugata Roy. An incensed Kalyan tendered his resignation and questioned Mamata’s understanding of Parliament’s workings. Despite Abhishek urging him to remain quiet until the INDIA bloc dinner hosted by Rahul Gandhi on August 7, Kalyan continued to attack both Mamata and Mahua publicly. While Mamata initially resisted accepting his resignation, persistent defiance left her and Abhishek with no choice. The overhaul also signals Abhishek’s growing influence and a generational shift within the TMC, long marked by tension between the old and new guards.

Having remained silent and absent from the INDIA Bloc’s public engagements for a while, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has made her stance unmistakably clear — she’s aligned with regional parties in the broader national agenda to defeat the BJP in upcoming assembly elections.  Acting on Mamata’s suggestion, Opposition parties are set to gherao the Election Commission of India’s office in New Delhi on August 8 calling out widespread allegations of irregularities in the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls. With elections due this year in Bihar, as well as next year in non-BJP-ruled states such as West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, and Kerala, the issue is rapidly gaining traction as a national political flashpoint. Ahead of the protest, top leaders from the INDIA Bloc will convene in New Delhi on August 7 to finalise the gherao strategy. According to party sources, TMC national general secretary Abhishek Banerjee will attend the meeting and also dinner hosted by Rahul Gandhi. Discussions may include not only the logistics of the EC gherao but also preparations for the Vice-Presidential election scheduled for August 9.  It may be recalled that on July 21, Didi warned the TMC would not hesitate to gherao the EC if the names of legitimate voters were found to be removed from Bengal’s electoral rolls under the SIR. In effect, Mamata has reasserted her political clout within the INDIA Bloc — not just through participation, but by driving the narrative on what she sees as a fundamental threat to democracy through electoral roll manipulation.

West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee announced a substantial 30% hike in honorarium for community Durga Puja organisers, raising the amount from Rs 85,000 last year to Rs 1.10 lakh per club. Playing high on Hindutva card, with approximately 45,000 clubs organising community pujas across the state, the move will cost the state exchequer an estimated Rs 495 crore. Didi also urged electricity supply companies to offer an 80% rebate to puja committees on power usage. The announcement, coming just months before the State Assembly elections, sparked sharp criticism from the Opposition parties, which termed the hike a “bribe” by the ruling Trinamool Congress. Emphasising the cultural and emotional significance of Durga Puja in Bengal, the CM urged organisers to prioritise safety and crowd control over competition. She encouraged clubs to deploy more volunteers and maintain separate entry and exit routes in pandals. She also appealed to the puja committees to support returning migrant workers who, she claimed, have faced mistreatment in BJP-ruled states. This year’s Durga Puja festivities will take place in the last week of September, followed by the annual carnival on October 5.

The BJP one learns has set its Bengal house in order. Former state president in West Bengal Dilip Ghosh had remained absent from PM Modi’s rally in the state on July 18 claiming that the state leadership had not invited him.  A solid RSS leader, Ghosh’s absence had begun to bother the BJP leadership as he has been skipping important party events and rallies in the recent past, including events attended by Modi at Alipurduar and Amit Shah in Kolkata this year. His latest absence from the Modi rally at Durgapur was particularly worrying since he had contested from the Bardhaman-Durgapur Lok Sabha constituency in West Burdwan district in 2024 and lost. Speculations were rife that he may cross over to the TMC amid reports of a souring relationship between him and the State BJP leadership. It may be recalled that it was under Ghosh’s leadership that the BJP had done well in Bengal – winning 18 out of the State’s 42 Lok Sabha seats in 2019. In May this year, Ghosh drew criticism from the BJP when he met CM Mamata Banerjee at the inauguration of the Digha Jagannath Temple. He had also made some statements backing Mamata. In this backdrop, BJP chief JP Nadda reached out to Ghosh, met with him in  Delhi and had detailed discussions. Party sources say Ghosh is keen to contest as a party candidate in the 2026 West Bengal Assembly polls but from the same Assembly constituency from where he got elected for the first time in 2016 — Kharagpur (Sadar) in West Midnapore constituency. However, he had to resign as the MLA from Kharagpur (Sadar) in 2019 after winning from the Midnapore Lok Sabha constituency in the same year.

West Bengal chief minister and Trinamool Congress (TMC) supremo Mamata Banerjee has made it official that her party will take on BJP in the run-up to the State Assembly polls based on Bengali Asmita. Addressing a massive Martyrs Day rally in Kolkata she accused BJP of unleashing linguistic terrorism and Mamata made it categorical that another Bhasha Movement will be embarked upon to safeguard Bengali pride. She claimed that more than 1,000 Bengali-speaking individuals have been detained and jailed in BJP-ruled states such as Odisha, Chhattisgarh, Rajasthan, and Madhya Pradesh. TMC supremo stated that terror has been unleashed on the Bengali language and described the BJP’s actions as a massive conspiracy against Bengali identity. She warned that if linguistic profiling of Bengalis does not stop, the resistance movement will be taken to the national capital. Mamata also announced a statewide protest campaign against what she described as the ongoing oppression of the Bengali language. Directly attacking Assam chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, Didi said he is unable to manage his own state but continues to interfere in West Bengal’s affairs. Interestingly, she went a step further in her political critique, claiming that the present Indian government is being remotely controlled by U.S. President Donald Trump. Significantly, during the rally, Mamata introduced the gathering to the father of Jhantu Ali Sheikh and a family member of Bitan Adhikari—both victims of the Pahalgam terror attack earlier this year.

West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has once again invoked the powerful sentiment of Bengali Asmita ahead of the 2026 Assembly elections. In a move reminiscent of her successful 2021 campaign, Banerjee accused the Centre of systematically targeting Bengali-speaking individuals and migrants across BJP-ruled states, painting it as part of a larger political design to marginalise Bengalis. This protest comes just days ahead of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s scheduled rally in Durgapur on July 18 and the TMC’s annual Martyrs’ Day on July 21. The TMC supremo led a protest rally on July 16, alleging that the Union government had secretly issued a notification permitting detention of individuals — especially Bengali speakers — on mere suspicion of being illegal migrants from Bangladesh. Walking alongside her nephew and party’s National General Secretary, Abhishek Banerjee — amid speculations of a strained relationship — Mamata projected a message of unity and communal harmony by notably including a Buddhist monk and a Muslim cleric, underlining inclusivity in the face of alleged divisive policies. She raised concerns over Bengalis being labelled as Bangladeshis despite having Aadhaar and PAN cards. She pointed out that over 1.5 crore migrant workers from other Indian states are working in Bengal with dignity, unlike the treatment meted out to Bengalis elsewhere. Didi cautioned that if Bengalis are detained, Bengal will politically detain the BJP through the ballot box. Political observers believe that the choice of location for the PM’s rally on July 18 in Durgapur is strategic as it will encompass the two key Lok Sabha constituencies of West Bardhaman district — Bardhaman-Durgapur and Asansol. In both constituencies BJP was defeated in 2024 Lok Sabha polls. Modi’s address is expected to clarify BJP’s stance — whether it will continue with a Hindutva-driven approach or pivot toward inclusive development.