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Super star Rajinikanth had much to appreciate in daughter Soundarya’s February release, With Love. The film’s 10-day run proved that his delight in seeing the movie was not just paternal love. Soundarya’s Zion Films and MRP Entertainments have struck gold with this Rs 5 crore budget film; it has earned 19 crore in India, and Rs 23 crore worldwide in just 10 days. What made With Love such a heart-warming family entertainer? Remember King Cole’s unforgettable number Love is a Many Splendored Thing! This Valentine month’s offering did not have to try hard or pitch with glamour, action and steamy scenes. The debut hero, Abhishan Jeevinth is still recovering from the fame he cornered directing Tourist Family. He made a mark with love and his unknown co-star Anaswara Rajan, their quietly unfolding romance playing out to Sean Rolden’smusic…already the song Edukkuthan Intha kadhal (why this love), turning into a love anthem for the young. Debut director Madhan has literally unfolded his story like opening the fragile petals of a lotus…a blind date and how the duo discover that they vibe beautifully and turn their stranger’s status to love. Kollywood is on an innovation yet cost cutting run…make films that don’t make a pauper of the stakeholders, films that appeal to your entertainment need, yet leave a lasting impression, With Love. Has Kollywood finally found a film formula to get audiences again to cinemas? It seems so when huge budgets and dud films hurt. We hear you … .Superstar’s per film salary could make many such films …but then he is the one of a kind Rajinikanth.
India’s political landscape has seen many influential Godmen who have masterminded alliances and election outcomes. Isha Yoga presided by Sadguru Jaggi Vasudev is the current magnetic epicentre for many such influencer events. There is a belief that among all Gods in the pantheon, Lord Shiva is most easily pleased to grant wishes and bestow boons. The Shivratri celebrations at Coimbatore bring multitudes of political, filmi, intellectual and religious devotees who are drawn to Sadguru’s cool dancing and electric presence. This Shivratri had BJP’s Rajnath Singh, AIADMK’s S PVelumani, the elusive Premalatha (DMDK president), and hold your breath, Shobha Chandrasekhar, mother of Vijay converging at Isha. It is well known that Union Defence Minister Rajnath Singh usually leaves party strategy to Amit Shah. But the presence of two politically significant ladies raised surmises sky high. Premalatha who had kept all guessing about her choice of alliance tried to play down her Isha attendance. Premalatha, wife of late Vijaykanth who founded DMDK, had come to mediate and seek Divine wisdom for almost three years. But it just so happened that her accommodation at Isha was in the same block as Rajnath Singh’s. Premalatha meditated and prayed to Adi Yogi and the Shiva Ling…perhaps her intense devotion gave her the inspiration …to choose the BJP alliance, a move much welcomed by all the other parties that had chosen this block. But why had Vijay’s mother sought divine inspiration and guidance at Sadguru’s ashram? Kite fliers and media Astros are saying …in case Vijay is pushed too hard, he needs a fail-safe fall back. Godmen have honed brokering skills to an art form. Maha Shivratri was spent in intense soul sharing art form one presumes.
Odisha government led by chief minister Mohan Charan Majhi is now taking giant strides in the Artificial Intelligence space. The Bengaluru-based Servam AI led by CEO Pratyush Kumar and co-founder Vivek Raghavan have signed a MoU with the Odisha government to establish a $ 2.3 billion (approx Rs 20,000 crore) Sovereign AI Hub in the state that will create 5,000 jobs. The uniqueness of Sarvam is they can do what Chat GPT can’t do. It will provide AI solutions that understand India’s unique linguistic diversity, handling code-switching (blending languages like Hindi and English), regional accents, and cultural nuances better than global models, with key products like Sarvam Vision for document intelligence and Bulbul for text-to-speech. This explains why Sarvam has been selected under the India AI mission having data residency in India. Its immediate objective seems to be: One, make Odisha one of India’s AI hub wherein it becomes the net producer, exporter of trainers to other states. Two, Odisha will have the advantage to train and deploy similar AI models in other Indian languages when it gets rolled out in other states eventually. Odisha government sources say this project will serve as a national model for AI deployment eventually. What seems certain is that BJP-led Odisha government is now determined to make Odisha a success story in artificial intelligence space.
The AIADMK-BJP alliance that is planning to expand ahead of the polls has managed to rope in the DMDK. Aware that even the smallest percentage of votes may prove significant in what is expected to be a close-run race, the BJP was keen on getting Vijayakanth’s party on board. The necessary arrangement to offer them six seats plus a promise to give a Rajya Sabha MP seat, which is expected to be concrete this time, has been made and the announcement of the tie-up is expected any time soon. The BJP, driven by Amit Shah taking a personal interest in the Tamil Nadu polls thanks to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s determination to make an impact in the state, is extra keen to make every bit of alliance arithmetic to work. The other side is also planning to swing small vote percentages away from the AIADMK combine by encouraging Sasikala to form a new party and contest at least 40 crucial seats where her Mukkulathor (Thevars) connections can swing some votes of the community away from the AIADMK. The high stakes, no-holds barred campaign for power is so primed up now as to bring about this do-or-die fight. In fact, the AIADMK-BJP led alliance is also quietly watching the Vijay campaign as the odds are that the cinema star will take away more votes from the traditional DMK voter base. All parties have made Vijay and his TVK the villains in the poll drama, but some are enjoying his vote cutting presence.
With the first half of the Budget Session of the Parliament drawing to a close all eyes are on the biennial Rajya Sabha elections. Beginning April, a sizable number of MPs — about 73 members are set to retire this year. What is of political interest is that in at least two states where Congress members are retiring, Rahul Gandhi is keen to ensure that a person close to him is elected as Rajya Sabha member. He wants his team in Parliament from Madhya Pradesh as former CM Digvijay Singh has decided not to seek another term. Rahul is keen to get his long-time close aide Meenakshi Natrajan elected to the Rajya Sabha. Telangana CM Revanth Reddy had credited Meenakshi for delivering victory in the recently concluded civic elections. However, it is being said former CM Kamal Nath has not fully backed Meenakshi. It is also being said Rahul is keen to have those working closely with him on his speeches and his strategy– say Amitabh Dubey, who is already part of the AICC team– elected to the Rajya Sabha. There is also a buzz about getting party spokesman Pawan Khera into the RS from Rajasthan. In Maharashtra, from where atleast there will be seven vacancies, party sources admit that MVA can win only one seat if it puts up a united fight. It was also felt that the Sena (UBT) may call the shots as it has the largest number of MLAs in the MVA.
Why did PM Modi choose February 13 to inaugurate his new office called Seva Teerth and Kartavya Bhavan 1 and 2 in New Delhi? Because it was “Vijaya Ekadashi”! It was on this day Lord Rama observed the Ekadashi fast to bring back Sita from Sri Lanka and then crossed the ocean. PM Modi chose this day, in a symbolic way to suggest that he would succeed in his plans for India to become Viksit Bharat (Developed India) by 2047. Previously, his office was in South Block built by the British. Seva Teerth will house the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO), the National Security Council Secretariat, and the Cabinet Secretariat, bringing key decision-making institutions under a single, modern, integrated complex. Kartavya Bhavan 1 and 2 will accommodate important Union ministries, including Finance, Defence, Health and Family Welfare & Corporate Affairs. The inauguration of these buildings marks a major step in Modi’s Central Vista redevelopment project, which aims to create a modern, efficient, and people-centric governance infrastructure aligned with India’s long-term development vision. Union Minister Jitendra Singh added a different historical context to shifting of the PMO to Seva Teerth on Dara Shikoh Road — he described the relocation as a symbolic step in moving away from colonial legacies. Incidentally, on this very day in 1931, February 13, the British declared New Delhi the Capital of colonial India. South Block and North Block were completed in 1931 during British rule. India’s first Cabinet meeting under Jawaharlal Nehru was held at South Block after Independence. The PMO itself evolved over time. It began in 1947 as the PM’s Secretariat. In 1964, during Lal Bahadur Shastri’s tenure, it received formal status and Its authority expanded under Indira Gandhi. Only In 1977, the government led by Morarji Desai had renamed it as the Prime Minister’s Office.
Friday the 13th contrary to popular belief brought extraordinary luck to ration card holding women of Tamil Nadu… even as TN chief minister M K Stalin walked into the function to give the employment orders for government jobs, he seemed extremely pleased with his strategic generosity. He greeted his electorate “Today it is not just good morning to you all…it is a Super Good Morning to my sisters in TN. Your government has increased the women’s honorarium from Rs 3000 to Rs 5000.” Did people and media see him almost wink when he made the next announcement? “After jumping many obstacle hoops and challenges, I want to be CM for all…not just those who vote for the DMK. This largesse Stalin said would be increased to Rs 10,000 pm if I am voted back to power.” Stalin waxed eloquent about how TN had climbed the development charts to become the #1 state in many indices. Even as the milk sops doles were being announced, the new challenger on the block TVK’s Vijay was presiding over yet another mammoth public meet at Salem. He thundered “Whatever money is given, take from every party, blow the whistle to deafen them. Run and vote for me”! So much for dramatic campaigns and vainglorious speeches and promises. Maridas, a well-known blogger put this whole dole outpouring in perspective. Speaking about the futility of the budget deficit of TN, he said, “I am happy that the poor sisters of TN are getting this generous amount”. But at what cost? Whichever government is elected, the state deficit reality will far outweigh the gains 1.3 crore women got…wait till taxes hit you in the new government’s budget.” The men can drown their sorrows in TASMAC spirits …it is the women who have to work harder to keep the family fires burning.
With the West Bengal Assembly elections just months away, political battle has acquired a sharper digital edge. The principal rivals — TMC and BJP — are not only trading barbs at rallies but are also locked in a parallel battle across social media platforms, where videos, satire and personal controversies are swiftly reframed as political statements. What distinguishes this election cycle is the central role of content creators. YouTubers, podcasters and self-styled influencers are increasingly shaping narratives, with their content amplified by party ecosystems, blurring the line between independent commentary and partisan mobilisation. Two recent, unrelated controversies involving Bengal-based creators illustrate how combustible the intersection of identity politics, personal disputes and electoral timing has become. The first involved actor and YouTuber Sayak Chakraborty, who alleged in a viral video that a Muslim waiter at Olypub deliberately served him beef instead of mutton, calling it an affront to his Hindu Brahmin identity. Though the video was later deleted, it spread widely and triggered protests by fringe Hindutva groups in Kolkata. The waiter was initially arrested, while a counter FIR was filed against Chakraborty for allegedly instigating communal disharmony. Following social media protests by sections of civil society, the waiter was granted bail. BJP leaders amplified the clip, turning a restaurant dispute into a communally charged controversy. Soon after, 25-year-old content creator Shamik Adhikary, known online as ‘Nonsane’, was arrested days after releasing a sharply worded Bengali political satire titled Button. His girlfriend accused him of sexual violence and wrongful confinement. The BJP characterised the arrest as political retribution by the TMC government, with senior leader Amit Malviya sharing the satire and alleging suppression of dissent. In both cases, viral content triggered outrage, partisan amplification followed, and original facts...
Cash doles ahead of assembly elections has become a common occurrence in recent times, despite red flags raised by economists and RBI. In an attempt to woo women voters, the ruling DMK government announced that Rs 5,000 each has been credited to 1.31 crore beneficiaries under the Kalaignar Magalir Urimai Thittam. This includes advance disbursal of the monthly dole of Rs 1,000 for February, March and April, along with a “special summer assistance” component of Rs 2,000. Chief Minister M K Stalin defended the decision alleging there were attempts to stall the monthly disbursal during the election period. The move will cost the state government about Rs 6,500 crore. Stalin also promised that if DMK comes back to power the monthly amount would be increased to Rs 2,000. The DMK government’s move attracted sharp criticism from the Opposition parties. Interestingly, the AIADMK has promised a sum of Rs 2,000 per month would be paid to the woman-head of every family covered under the system of ration cards. DMK’s move follows a Rs 3,000 cash dole to more than 2.22 crore rice ration card-holders, which cost the state government Rs 6,936 crore. The recent Economic Survey has warned about unconditional cash transfer by States affecting the fiscal mix. Seems political compulsions overrule fiscal prudence during elections and it leaves no little room for capital spending.
Former Maharashtra chief minister Uddhav Thackeray is among the nine retiring members of the Maharashtra Legislative Council. Their term expires on 14 May this year. While resigning as chief minister way back in 2022, Uddhav had announced that he would quit the council as well. However, he did not give up the membership and was trolled for this change of heart. As the nine seats are elected from the lower house, the Opposition will have to plan its strategy cautiously as the ruling BJP-Sena (Shinde) alliance has a massive majority in the assembly. It has about 240 members on its side in the house of 286. Given this current arithmetic, the quota of 36 is likely to be fixed to get elected to the upper house. While the Opposition can send one candidate through the goal post easily, the moot question is who that individual will be. Uddhav had earlier indicated that he would like to return to the council. However, of late, there is complete silence in the Opposition camp on this sensitive issue. The other prominent names in the list include Neelam Gorhe, currently deputy chairperson of the house. After aligning with the Shiv Sena led by deputy chief minister Eknath Shinde, she is hopeful of staging a comeback. Indications are that the matter will be resolved through understanding, so that the election happens unopposed. Still, last minute manoeuvring is likely. Hence, both sides have kept their fingers crossed.
India’s political landscape has seen many influential Godmen who have masterminded alliances and election outcomes. Isha Yoga presided by Sadguru Jaggi Vasudev is the current magnetic epicentre for many such influencer events. There is a belief that among all Gods in the pantheon, Lord Shiva is most easily pleased to grant wishes and bestow boons. The Shivratri celebrations at Coimbatore bring multitudes of political, filmi, intellectual and religious devotees who are drawn to Sadguru’s cool dancing and electric presence. This Shivratri had BJP’s Rajnath Singh, AIADMK’s S PVelumani, the elusive Premalatha (DMDK president), and hold your breath, Shobha Chandrasekhar, mother of Vijay converging at Isha. It is well known that Union Defence Minister Rajnath Singh usually leaves party strategy to Amit Shah. But the presence of two politically significant ladies raised surmises sky high. Premalatha who had kept all guessing about her choice of alliance tried to play down her Isha attendance. Premalatha, wife of late Vijaykanth who founded DMDK, had come to mediate and seek Divine wisdom for almost three years. But it just so happened that her accommodation at Isha was in the same block as Rajnath Singh’s. Premalatha meditated and prayed to Adi Yogi and the Shiva Ling…perhaps her intense devotion gave her the inspiration …to choose the BJP alliance, a move much welcomed by all the other parties that had chosen this block. But why had Vijay’s mother sought divine inspiration and guidance at Sadguru’s ashram? Kite fliers and media Astros are saying …in case Vijay is pushed too hard, he needs a fail-safe fall back. Godmen have honed brokering skills to an art form. Maha Shivratri was spent in intense soul sharing art form one presumes.
The AIADMK-BJP alliance that is planning to expand ahead of the polls has managed to rope in the DMDK. Aware that even the smallest percentage of votes may prove significant in what is expected to be a close-run race, the BJP was keen on getting Vijayakanth’s party on board. The necessary arrangement to offer them six seats plus a promise to give a Rajya Sabha MP seat, which is expected to be concrete this time, has been made and the announcement of the tie-up is expected any time soon. The BJP, driven by Amit Shah taking a personal interest in the Tamil Nadu polls thanks to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s determination to make an impact in the state, is extra keen to make every bit of alliance arithmetic to work. The other side is also planning to swing small vote percentages away from the AIADMK combine by encouraging Sasikala to form a new party and contest at least 40 crucial seats where her Mukkulathor (Thevars) connections can swing some votes of the community away from the AIADMK. The high stakes, no-holds barred campaign for power is so primed up now as to bring about this do-or-die fight. In fact, the AIADMK-BJP led alliance is also quietly watching the Vijay campaign as the odds are that the cinema star will take away more votes from the traditional DMK voter base. All parties have made Vijay and his TVK the villains in the poll drama, but some are enjoying his vote cutting presence.
With the first half of the Budget Session of the Parliament drawing to a close all eyes are on the biennial Rajya Sabha elections. Beginning April, a sizable number of MPs — about 73 members are set to retire this year. What is of political interest is that in at least two states where Congress members are retiring, Rahul Gandhi is keen to ensure that a person close to him is elected as Rajya Sabha member. He wants his team in Parliament from Madhya Pradesh as former CM Digvijay Singh has decided not to seek another term. Rahul is keen to get his long-time close aide Meenakshi Natrajan elected to the Rajya Sabha. Telangana CM Revanth Reddy had credited Meenakshi for delivering victory in the recently concluded civic elections. However, it is being said former CM Kamal Nath has not fully backed Meenakshi. It is also being said Rahul is keen to have those working closely with him on his speeches and his strategy– say Amitabh Dubey, who is already part of the AICC team– elected to the Rajya Sabha. There is also a buzz about getting party spokesman Pawan Khera into the RS from Rajasthan. In Maharashtra, from where atleast there will be seven vacancies, party sources admit that MVA can win only one seat if it puts up a united fight. It was also felt that the Sena (UBT) may call the shots as it has the largest number of MLAs in the MVA.
Why did PM Modi choose February 13 to inaugurate his new office called Seva Teerth and Kartavya Bhavan 1 and 2 in New Delhi? Because it was “Vijaya Ekadashi”! It was on this day Lord Rama observed the Ekadashi fast to bring back Sita from Sri Lanka and then crossed the ocean. PM Modi chose this day, in a symbolic way to suggest that he would succeed in his plans for India to become Viksit Bharat (Developed India) by 2047. Previously, his office was in South Block built by the British. Seva Teerth will house the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO), the National Security Council Secretariat, and the Cabinet Secretariat, bringing key decision-making institutions under a single, modern, integrated complex. Kartavya Bhavan 1 and 2 will accommodate important Union ministries, including Finance, Defence, Health and Family Welfare & Corporate Affairs. The inauguration of these buildings marks a major step in Modi’s Central Vista redevelopment project, which aims to create a modern, efficient, and people-centric governance infrastructure aligned with India’s long-term development vision. Union Minister Jitendra Singh added a different historical context to shifting of the PMO to Seva Teerth on Dara Shikoh Road — he described the relocation as a symbolic step in moving away from colonial legacies. Incidentally, on this very day in 1931, February 13, the British declared New Delhi the Capital of colonial India. South Block and North Block were completed in 1931 during British rule. India’s first Cabinet meeting under Jawaharlal Nehru was held at South Block after Independence. The PMO itself evolved over time. It began in 1947 as the PM’s Secretariat. In 1964, during Lal Bahadur Shastri’s tenure, it received formal status and Its authority expanded under Indira Gandhi. Only In 1977, the government led by Morarji Desai had renamed it as the Prime Minister’s Office.
Friday the 13th contrary to popular belief brought extraordinary luck to ration card holding women of Tamil Nadu… even as TN chief minister M K Stalin walked into the function to give the employment orders for government jobs, he seemed extremely pleased with his strategic generosity. He greeted his electorate “Today it is not just good morning to you all…it is a Super Good Morning to my sisters in TN. Your government has increased the women’s honorarium from Rs 3000 to Rs 5000.” Did people and media see him almost wink when he made the next announcement? “After jumping many obstacle hoops and challenges, I want to be CM for all…not just those who vote for the DMK. This largesse Stalin said would be increased to Rs 10,000 pm if I am voted back to power.” Stalin waxed eloquent about how TN had climbed the development charts to become the #1 state in many indices. Even as the milk sops doles were being announced, the new challenger on the block TVK’s Vijay was presiding over yet another mammoth public meet at Salem. He thundered “Whatever money is given, take from every party, blow the whistle to deafen them. Run and vote for me”! So much for dramatic campaigns and vainglorious speeches and promises. Maridas, a well-known blogger put this whole dole outpouring in perspective. Speaking about the futility of the budget deficit of TN, he said, “I am happy that the poor sisters of TN are getting this generous amount”. But at what cost? Whichever government is elected, the state deficit reality will far outweigh the gains 1.3 crore women got…wait till taxes hit you in the new government’s budget.” The men can drown their sorrows in TASMAC spirits …it is the women who have to work harder to keep the family fires burning.
With the West Bengal Assembly elections just months away, political battle has acquired a sharper digital edge. The principal rivals — TMC and BJP — are not only trading barbs at rallies but are also locked in a parallel battle across social media platforms, where videos, satire and personal controversies are swiftly reframed as political statements. What distinguishes this election cycle is the central role of content creators. YouTubers, podcasters and self-styled influencers are increasingly shaping narratives, with their content amplified by party ecosystems, blurring the line between independent commentary and partisan mobilisation. Two recent, unrelated controversies involving Bengal-based creators illustrate how combustible the intersection of identity politics, personal disputes and electoral timing has become. The first involved actor and YouTuber Sayak Chakraborty, who alleged in a viral video that a Muslim waiter at Olypub deliberately served him beef instead of mutton, calling it an affront to his Hindu Brahmin identity. Though the video was later deleted, it spread widely and triggered protests by fringe Hindutva groups in Kolkata. The waiter was initially arrested, while a counter FIR was filed against Chakraborty for allegedly instigating communal disharmony. Following social media protests by sections of civil society, the waiter was granted bail. BJP leaders amplified the clip, turning a restaurant dispute into a communally charged controversy. Soon after, 25-year-old content creator Shamik Adhikary, known online as ‘Nonsane’, was arrested days after releasing a sharply worded Bengali political satire titled Button. His girlfriend accused him of sexual violence and wrongful confinement. The BJP characterised the arrest as political retribution by the TMC government, with senior leader Amit Malviya sharing the satire and alleging suppression of dissent. In both cases, viral content triggered outrage, partisan amplification followed, and original facts...
Cash doles ahead of assembly elections has become a common occurrence in recent times, despite red flags raised by economists and RBI. In an attempt to woo women voters, the ruling DMK government announced that Rs 5,000 each has been credited to 1.31 crore beneficiaries under the Kalaignar Magalir Urimai Thittam. This includes advance disbursal of the monthly dole of Rs 1,000 for February, March and April, along with a “special summer assistance” component of Rs 2,000. Chief Minister M K Stalin defended the decision alleging there were attempts to stall the monthly disbursal during the election period. The move will cost the state government about Rs 6,500 crore. Stalin also promised that if DMK comes back to power the monthly amount would be increased to Rs 2,000. The DMK government’s move attracted sharp criticism from the Opposition parties. Interestingly, the AIADMK has promised a sum of Rs 2,000 per month would be paid to the woman-head of every family covered under the system of ration cards. DMK’s move follows a Rs 3,000 cash dole to more than 2.22 crore rice ration card-holders, which cost the state government Rs 6,936 crore. The recent Economic Survey has warned about unconditional cash transfer by States affecting the fiscal mix. Seems political compulsions overrule fiscal prudence during elections and it leaves no little room for capital spending.
Former Maharashtra chief minister Uddhav Thackeray is among the nine retiring members of the Maharashtra Legislative Council. Their term expires on 14 May this year. While resigning as chief minister way back in 2022, Uddhav had announced that he would quit the council as well. However, he did not give up the membership and was trolled for this change of heart. As the nine seats are elected from the lower house, the Opposition will have to plan its strategy cautiously as the ruling BJP-Sena (Shinde) alliance has a massive majority in the assembly. It has about 240 members on its side in the house of 286. Given this current arithmetic, the quota of 36 is likely to be fixed to get elected to the upper house. While the Opposition can send one candidate through the goal post easily, the moot question is who that individual will be. Uddhav had earlier indicated that he would like to return to the council. However, of late, there is complete silence in the Opposition camp on this sensitive issue. The other prominent names in the list include Neelam Gorhe, currently deputy chairperson of the house. After aligning with the Shiv Sena led by deputy chief minister Eknath Shinde, she is hopeful of staging a comeback. Indications are that the matter will be resolved through understanding, so that the election happens unopposed. Still, last minute manoeuvring is likely. Hence, both sides have kept their fingers crossed.
A Shiv Sena (UBT) stronghold since the inception of the organisation way back in 1966, Parbhani will have a new mayor, Syed Iqbal Syed Khwaja, a staunch party worker. His election has kicked up a political storm since Syed is the first Muslim to be nominated for a high civic post by the Sena. Deputy chief minister Eknath Shinde, who broke away from the parent party in 2022, has lambasted Sena leader Uddhav Thackeray, reminding him of certain public statements of Balasaheb in this regard. On the other hand, Sena (UBT) MP Sanjay Raut has hit back, saying that a nationalist Muslim was preferable to a ‘Gaddaar’ (traitor), reminding Shinde about his decision to desert the undivided Sena. Sayed is a first-time corporator and is elected as mayor with the support of the Congress. He defeated his BJP rival Tirumala Khilare by securing 39 votes against her 26 in the 65-member Parbhani municipal corporation, a major town in Marathwada region of the state. Thus, Parbhani has become the sole civic corporation under Uddhav Sena. In the past, the united Sena had won assembly elections from Parbhani on communal campaigning. Taking a dig at Uddhav Sena, Shinde said its true face has been exposed while it had already sunk Balasaheb’s doctrine in 2022 while forming a government with Congress support. The Parbhani win is not surprising since the UBT has supported the BJP in installing its mayor in Chandrapur in Vidarbha region. Blurring party lines, local combinations have been taking place across Maharashtra where those forming such arrangements keep claiming that their decision is taken ‘in the interest of local development.’
There is apparently a divergence of views in the DMK about raising a banner of revolt against Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla as envisaged by LoP Rahul Gandhi. Many DMK MPs are keen to join the debate on the Union Budget, though some wanted to join Rahul Gandhi to sign no confidence against the Speaker. Apparently, there is a growing pressure on 23 DMK MPs in the Lok Sabha to raise TN issues in the House ahead of state polls. It is being said CM Stalin, who is also DMK Chief is not keen to nominate the seat sharing committee of his party to engage in negotiation with the Congress. Stalin is of the view that early seat-sharing discussions could divert attention from governance and key welfare initiatives of his Govt. Besides, he feels if the Congress wishes to walk out of the alliance, it is all very well. At least, the BJP in Delhi will be kind to the DMK. Tough stand of the DMK has made the Congress quite distraught. The Congress feels the DMK is behaving as if it wants the Congress to go out of the alliance. Meanwhile, it is being said financiers of TVK chief and superstar Vijay’s Jana Nayagan have become restless about the manner in which the film’s release has been held hostage by the CBFC. It is felt that the “political message” of the film has upset the BJP leadership. Sources say one of the financiers got in touch with top BJP leaders in Delhi and assured that Vijay will not “forge an alliance” with the Congress in TN. This only means that the Congress could end up as a pumpkin in TN politics. Ostracised, with no serious political player taking the party seriously!
With Lok Sabha forced to adopt the Motion of Thanks to the President’s Address without the Prime Minister’s reply, the focus is now on former Army chief General Manoj Mukund Naravane (Retd), who led the Indian Army through one of its most testing periods in recent history. The Opposition has disrupted the proceedings as Leader of Opposition (LoP) Rahul Gandhi insisted on quoting from General Naravane’s unpublished memoir to target PM Narendra Modi and his govt over its handling of a standoff with the Chinese military in eastern Ladakh in August 2020. It will remain a mystery as to why the much decorated officer allowed his unpublished book to be used by Rahul Gandhi? The buzz is that he was upset for not being considered for the post of Chief of Defence Staff (CDS)–before his retirement. General’s unpublished book had sparked a row in Lok Sabha on February 2 after Rahul Gandhi tried to quote a line from an article about the book that appeared in The Caravan magazine. The article details the 2020 India-China conflict, beginning with the moment the Indian Army’s Northern Command received a call about the movement of Chinese tanks toward Rechin La in eastern Ladakh. The Defence Ministry is yet to clear his book because it contains too many military details. According to media reports, it is the only book that hasn’t been cleared by the MoD. No wonder the General was quite philosophical about the outcome of the fate of his literary effort. Meanwhile, FM Nirmala Sitharaman under whose tenure as Defence Minister Gen Navarane took over as Army Chief, also made it clear that the Govt had no issues with the officer. Interestingly, The Caravan team which first published excerpts from the book aired its grouse that the mainstream media wasn’t focussing enough on the General’s “disappointments”. Why would anyone bother when both Delhi and Beijing are mending fences!
PM Modi is apparently very happy that the 16th Finance Commission’s recommendations will put a full stop to Opposition-ruled States attacking him for not giving adequate Central funds. When Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman presented the Union Budget 2026, one sentence tucked in the fine print drew the attention of every CM in the country. It was that the Centre had accepted the 16th Finance Commission’s recommendation to keep states’ share in the divisible tax pool at 41%. At first glance, that looked like continuity. But beneath that headline figure lies a quiet revolution. The commission’s new horizontal formula keeps the overall share fixed but changes how it is sliced. For the first time, a state’s contribution to the national GDP carries formal weight—10% of the total formula. This single tweak tilts the balance towards the country’s south and west, where economic output per capita is high, compared to the populous but poorer Hindi-heartland states that had benefited from the old population-heavy criteria. Preliminary calculations suggest that Karnataka, Kerala, Gujarat, Haryana, Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra are the top six gainers. Karnataka alone may receive around Rs 7,300 crore more each year. In contrast, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Bihar, Odisha and Jharkhand will see smaller shares; MP could lose nearly Rs 7,600 crore. Most losing states are either BJP or NDA-ruled, while the gainers are largely Opposition-governed. Since the first Finance Commission in 1951, the horizontal formula has revolved around the distances between population, area, and income. The 16th Finance Commission marks a clear break. Echoing Modi’s ideas, Panagariya’s logic: States must show improvement in fiscal discipline, transparency and service delivery to qualify for discretionary grants.
Veteran leader Sharad Pawar’s Rajya Sabha term ends on 2 April 2026. The present arithmetic in the Maharashtra legislative assembly is such that just one Opposition candidate can go to the upper house of Parliament if all these parties field a combined nominee. The NCP led by Sharad Pawar himself, the Congress and the Shiv Sena led by Uddhav Thackeray are the three major Opposition parties though their collective strength is just enough to win one seat. Provided that there is no cross-voting. Previous experience shows that Maharashtra CM Devendra Fadnavis can upset the Opposition apple cart as and when he wishes. It is not clear if he will use the same strategy against Pawar who is respected across the political spectrum. Pawar has declared repeatedly that he will not contest any future election. But it is viewed as an announcement by a politician and hence not taken at face value. Most of the earlier Rajya Sabha elections have been unopposed except for a few occasions. As of now, Opposition parties have not indicated their inclination. Hence, the rumour mill is quite active. Incidentally, Pawar’s health is a matter of concern, given that he is 86. His decision not to be present in Parliament when the Union budget was being presented has added to the speculation about his future plans. His nephew Ajit Pawar’s accidental demise has resulted in upsetting all previous equations and Pawar’s next move will prove crucial in that scenario. It is eagerly awaited.
Tamil superstar Vijay threw his hat in the Tamil Nadu political ring, convinced that he was Moses for whom the sea would split. His party – TVKs — every move, every utterance and strategy created tidal waves. But Vijay has painted himself into a corner, a much-maligned man used and manipulated by the rag tag of TN parties and the two major outfits –DMK and AIADMK. How is he planning to extricate from this Chakravyuh? Vijay is a great entertainer and bankable actor but he underestimated the manoeuvring and manipulations of those scrambling for a perch on the big bandwagons. Take Dr Anbumani Ramadoss who has broken away from the PMK family and fold; he persisted in using Vijay as bargaining chip, till the BJP wheedled him into the NDA. TTV Dinakaran went one step further with his pressure cooker tactics…the media was peppered with snippets of how Vijay was just waiting to open his heart and party. The BJP quickly caught him in their grip with the promise of 33 seats, Rajya Sabha post and a deputy CM post. The Congress too has been twisting DMK arms –using Vijay as bait –pushing for 28 seats. Premalatha, late Vijayakanth’s wife has built up her worth by playing an unmatched trapeze artist, notching up the suspense. Old man Ramadoss for his part says why should only the old parties aspire for TN? Why can’t a young man like Vijay rise? Again these “sympathisers” are not promoting Vijay…they just want to dent the DMK vote bank and then bargain. Maybe Vijay did not foresee so many Trojans he had to counter and contend with. A popular Tamil magazine has summed it up succinctly …Vijay has launched his super market…but no customers so far.
West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s in-person appearance at the Supreme Court in the SIR matter has put her party Trinamool Congress on a strong footing. Her party leaders and workers see Didi’s Supreme Court intervention as scoring brownie points. It reinforces her as the principal face against the BJP in Bengal while squeezing CPM and Congress, rebuilding minority trust where resentment had emerged over Waqf amendments and new political formations, protecting base amid BJP polarisation. Since the Election Commission’s SIR drive to update West Bengal’s 7.62 crore elector rolls began, 58 lakh entries were removed due to relocation, duplication or death. Also, 1.26 crore individuals received notices for verification hearings over “logical inconsistencies” or missing 2002 SIR linkages, with nearly 60 lakh awaiting proceedings. Initially BJP stayed silent, adopting a wait-and-watch line and avoiding social media sarcasm, but later circulated clips of the court proceedings showing judges suggesting her senior lawyer argue and rejecting her claim. Bengal BJP leaders mocked Mamata’s courtroom conduct as political drama. Political analysts say appearance may hold no legal value but produces two effects. By cultivating a solitary fighter image, Didi strengthens core support. Repeated confrontations with central institutions sharpen her political identity. As a woman leader, she contrasts with the Centre’s pro-Hindutva posture, projecting a less aggressive image than a regional party like the TMC, hence Mamata brand is difficult to counter. By aligning her legal battles with voters dealing with discrepancy notices, Didi positions the 2026 election to focus less on governance outcomes and more on instinctive politics of protection.
Several major cities in Maharashtra have donned the saffron by electing BJP-led Mahayuti candidates as their mayor. Chief minister Devendra Fadnavis and the Shiv Sena-led by deputy CM Eknath Shinde have arrived at an understanding to install their candidates as mayor and deputy mayors. On February 6, the prestigious Nagpur municipal corporation came under the BJP rule once again. In Nasik, the pilgrimage town, the BJP had nominated Himgauri Adke after a lot of heat was generated between it and Shinde Sena. Finally, senior minister Girish Mahajan succeeded in forging an alliance, which ensured that the mayoral crown will remain with the Mahayuti. Other major cities where BJP mayors are in place are Jalgaon and Dhule in north Maharashtra and at Sambhaji Nagar, the capital of Marathwada. Till yesterday, fireworks were taking place regularly among the Mahayuti constituents. The most watched election will take in place in Mumbai where the BJP is all set to elect its mayor. In exchange, it has left Thane and Kalyan-Dombivali municipal corporations for Shinde Sena, given the clout of Shinde and his son Shrikant, MP. The proliferation of BJP-ruled civic bodies is described as a triple-engine formula success. Buoyed up by the success, Mahayuti leaders are hopeful that their parties will fare similarly well in the election for the Zilla Parishad and Panchayat Samiti bodies, to take place after a few days.
When PM Modi’s reply to Motion of Thanks to the President’s address in the Lok Sabha was hastily called off a little after 5 pm on Feb 5, the Opposition benches felt triumphant. The House had to be content with just passing a statement thanking the President without PM’s reply. It was as if the Congress strategy of deploying women MPs on PM Modi’s way into the House and his path upto his seat had paid off. The party felt it had chased away PM out of the Lok Sabha using its girl power — a gaggle of women MPs. However, the Congress’s devious plan was thoroughly exposed by Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla as he declared that it was he who had advised PM to stay away from the House proceedings based on concrete inputs of an “unexpected/inappropriate incident” being planned by Congress MPs. Though details of the “indecent incident” that was planned are not available, it is quite clear it would have lowered the dignity of the House as well as the high office of the PM. Official sources confirmed that the Govt too had security concerns about allowing PM Modi, a SPG protectee, inside Lok Sabha. Since SPG can’t go inside House, it would have to rely on House marshals. Interestingly, when PM Modi addressed the Rajya Sabha, women marshals were in good number. In his address to the Rajya Sabha, PM Modi took on Rahul Gandhi for attacking his junior ministerial colleague Ravneet Singh Bittu. “What happened yesterday – the ‘Yuvraj’ of Congress who has ‘shaatir dimag’, called an MP of this House ‘traitor’…He did not call anyone else who has left the Congress a traitor. But he called the MP a traitor because he is a Sikh.” Firing salvo at the TMC, he said while developed nations are throwing out infiltrators, in India political parties are using it to protect infiltrators.
With eye on Assembly polls, the West Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee’s interim Budget focuses on women and youth voters. In the interim budget amounting to Rs 4.06 lakh crore, Mamata’s government announced a Rs 500 increase in the monthly Lakshmi Bhandar scheme from the current Rs 1000/1200. The scheme is now being viewed as a response to the NDA’s Ladki Bahin Yojana scheme, which contributed to positive outcomes for the NDA in states such as Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh and Delhi. According to the electoral roll published in January 2025, West Bengal has approximately 3,76,00,611 female voters and 3,87,93,743 male voters. The Lakshmi Bhandar scheme currently reaches around 2.2 crore women beneficiaries. In another welfare measure, Didi’s government announced that gig workers will be brought under existing social security programmes, including Swasthyasathi. Additionally, the state declared that wages of Anganwadi workers and Anganwadi Sahayaks will be raised by Rs 1,000 starting April 2026. The government has also proposed a new Rs 5,000 crore initiative called “Banglar Yuba-Sathi” for educated unemployed youth to be launched from 15 August 2026. Under this scheme, unemployed individuals aged 21 to 40 who have passed Madhyamik (Class10), are not covered by other government social security schemes (except educational benefits or scholarships), will receive Rs 1,500 per month. This support will continue until they secure employment or for a maximum period of five years, whichever comes first. Earlier, during the day, following an order from a division bench of the Supreme Court directing the Mamata Banerjee government to promptly pay 25% of the pending DA to state employees and to release the first instalment of the remaining dues by March 31, the CM has declared a 4% hike in DA for state government staff.
The meeting between West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee and Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar at Nirvachan Sadan, New Delhi ended midway after sharp exchanges, with Didi walking out in a huff. She accused CEC Kumar of arrogant behaviour, misconduct and acting at the behest of the BJP. She described the ongoing Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls as unplanned and arbitrary. The nearly hour-long meeting was convened to discuss the SIR process in West Bengal. She led a delegation comprising her nephew and second in command of the party Abhishek Banerjee and TMC MP Kalyan Banerjee, along with 12 individuals affected by the exercise, including families alleging deaths due to SIR-related stress and voters reportedly marked as dead despite being alive. According to TMC sources, tensions escalated soon after Mamata questioned the conduct of the SIR, raising issues such as reported deaths and hospitalisations, the absence of SIR in Assam, publication of anomalous voter lists in Bengal and the appointment of micro-observers. Abhishek raised detailed objections, while Kalyan Banerjee pointed to legal concerns and Supreme Court directions. The TMC alleged that Kumar repeatedly interrupted the delegation and used dismissive language, leading to walk out of the meeting. The TMC highlighted that among the 12 affected individuals, two were from minority communities and 10 were Hindus, countering BJP claims linking objections to illegal immigrants. Didi warned of intensified protests if the EC did not change its approach and said she would continue the political fight on the streets. The EC rejected the allegations, stating that all questions were answered and warning that the rule of law would be enforced strictly. It accused some TMC legislators of threatening election officials and alleged obstruction of SIR work and non-payment of honorariums to booth-level officers by the Bengal government.
Notwithstanding public posturing by the DMK about firming up an alliance with the Congress, it is being said that senior DMK MP Kanimozhi didn’t have a nice experience trying to forge a seat sharing agreement with the Congress in the two rounds of meetings that she held with Rahul Gandhi this week. What particularly left a bad after taste in the mouth for her was the manner in which Rahul did not permit Kanimozhi to interact with Sonia Gandhi at 10 Janpath. In fact, after the first round of meeting that was initially held in the Lok Sabha LoP’s office on January 28, it was Rahul who had suggested that Kanimozhi could come over to 10 Janpath. Kanimozhi saw it as an opportunity to interact with Congress matriarch. But Rahul made it clear that his mother was not available for sorting out dicey political alliance matters and that the DMK leaders have to deal with him. While the DMK raised the impropriety of Congress in charge Girish Chodankar thrusting a list of 41 assembly seats that his party wished to fight in his first meeting with CM Stalin, Rahul wanted to know why the DMK was not working “to strengthen the Congress at the grassroots and in local bodies” in TN. Rahul’s approach somewhat surprised Kanimozhi and asked Rahul if he could speak to her half-brother Stalin. Stalin didn’t yield to Congress’ demand for more seats right away and said a panel would go into the demands. The DMK found it difficult to accept Congress terms of coalition power sharing. Rahul pointed out to Kanimozhi what the Congress was sharing with JMM in Jharkhand. Kanimozhi made it clear to Rahul that her party could offer 27/28 — 2 or 3 seats more than 25 that the Congress contested in 2021.
It seems to be the playbook of all the ruling state governments announcing social welfare schemes when the election is around the corner. So Tamil Nadu is no different. With the Assembly elections fast approaching the TN government headed by chief minister MK Stalin is announcing back-to-back policies, schemes, freebies and other initiatives that are essentially voter-friendly. Call it a curated mix of welfare, AI and technology and education, everything is coming together. In the previous month alone the state government announced various schemes such as free laptops for students to increase digital literacy, a sovereign AI data centre for secure AI infrastructure that will create 1000 plus jobs, newly polished pension scheme to support the elderly, Rs 3000 for pongal assistance to name a few. There are many more in the pipeline depending on which way the election wind blows. But at the end of the day by announcing various schemes and giving away freebies, the ruling DMK government is telling the people…we are on your side.
The battle lines have all but been drawn for the Tamil Nadu Assembly polls 2026. It is advantage DMK as the polls head for a 3- or 4-cornered contest with actor Vijay the significant new player in the fray. The DMK-Congress alliance is yet to be formalised after seat-sharing talks hit speed bumps, but given the long-term relationship between chief minister MK Stalin and Rahul Gandhi, the Congress is only likely to keep its ties with the DMK going. Poll arithmetic in a contest in which the opposition to the regime is divided among the AIADMK-led NDA alliance, Vijay’s TVK which will be on a solo run and Seeman’s NTK, a fringe player who can however play spoilsport by taking away a proportion of the votes, will favour the ruling DMK despite the anti-incumbency factor. With a lack of data and history, no one can gauge Vijay’s advent into politics. But the way the BJP has played the cards against him is certain to bring him such sympathy for the treatment meted out to him and his last movie Jana Nayagan. Repeated questioning by the CBI with regard to the Karur stampede is another good reason why more people will gravitate towards the TVK. Also, people are yearning for change from the tired Dravidian politics. Even so, it will be DMK, with its committed cadre vote, that will come away with less of its vote share diminished even as AIADMK, which got a near equal vote share in 2021, suffers from its association with the northern upper class party BJP. Stalin seems set to emulate Jayalalithaa’s 2016 performance when her AIADMK was re-elected. The alliances are all but set now no matter what conspiracy theories may be floated from here and what pulls and pressures may come up in the last mile to the polls.
The grapevine has it that Bollywood is set to flesh out yet another police story, this time around infamous policeman Pradeep Sharma, who liquidated 112 criminals in alleged encounters, mostly in Mumbai city. Ab Tak 112 (112 encounters till now) is tentative title of film being bandied about, in apparent one-upmanship to earlier film based on rival policeman, Daya Nayak, titled Ab Tak 56. Both Mumbai police officers had suffered ignominy of suspensions and even dismissal during their chequered careers with a Mumbai Crime Branch probe revealing 214 of the 300 police encounters between 1998 and 2000 were fake. The two are also dwarfed in comparison to DCP Mallaiah G Yadav, who has encountered and liquidated 672 criminals and Naxals in a distinguished career marked by genuine police encounters. Unlike the cinematic bravado that often romanticizes extra-judicial action, DCP Mallaiah G Yadav’s record was forged in India’s most unforgiving internal security theatres, where Naxal insurgency, organized crime and armed extremism merged into daily warfare against the State. His encounters were not urban spectacles staged for headlines but outcomes of prolonged intelligence gathering, cordon-and-search operations and armed retaliation by extremists who chose bullets over surrender. Serving across sensitive districts, Mallaiah systematically dismantled Naxal formations, eliminated dreaded area commanders and neutralised criminal syndicates that had paralysed governance, extorted civilians and assassinated public servants. Unlike his Bollywood counterparts whose careers collapsed under allegations and departmental action, Mallaiah’s service record reflects institutional trust, repeated high-risk postings and operational continuity over decades. As cinema mines old encounter legends for box-office revival, DCP Mallaiah G Yadav’s story remains largely untold—perhaps because it is too stark, too real and too uncomfortable.
With Assembly elections around the corner, the idea of a minority-led alliance has introduced a fresh layer of uncertainty for the West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee and her party the Trinamool Congress (TMC). While there is little concrete evidence to suggest an imminent erosion of the TMC’s minority vote base, emerging formations and alliance talks could complicate electoral arithmetic in select pockets of the State. The most visible symbol of this mobilisation has emerged along National Highway 12 in Beldanga, Murshidabad district, where suspended TMC MLA Humayun Kabir has begun constructing a replica of the Babri Masjid. Kabir, who has floated the Janata Unnayan Party (JUP), has accused the TMC of pursuing policies harmful to minorities and is seeking to politically consolidate Muslim voters. Early January, Indian Secular Front (ISF) MLA Naushad Siddiqui called for a minority party alliance against TMC and BJP. The ISF, linked to the Furfura Sharif shrine in Hooghly, has held discussions with the JUP, alongside talks involving the SDPI, the political wing of the banned Popular Front of India. Muslims constitute about 27% of West Bengal’s population. Minority and women voters have been central to the TMC’s dominance since 2011. Minority leaders cite discontent over OBC list exclusions, Waqf law amendments, and the return of TMC MP Mausam Benazir Noor to the Congress in Malda. Yet, many Muslims continue to see Mamata as the most credible bulwark against the BJP, which is banking on minority vote fragmentation and Hindu consolidation. Kabir met CPI(M) State secretary Mohammed Salim in Kolkata to explore the possibility of contesting the elections together with the ISF. The meeting has sparked unease within sections of the CPI(M), particularly in refugee-dominated and urban areas of south Bengal. Some leaders fear that association with Babri Masjid symbolism could be electorally damaging.
Gujarat governor Acharya Devvrat is likely to serve another term. It is reported that he is looking to take over as governor of Maharashtra, which is his additional charge at present. Devvrat was appointed governor of Gujarat in July 2019 while he took the additional charge of Maharashtra on 15 September 2025. Devvrat’s gubernatorial career began in Himachal Pradesh, where he served from 2015 till 2019. Currently, this is his second term in Gujarat. Thus, Devvrat has already served for over 10 years, making him one of the longest-serving governors under the Modi administration. Although Maharashtra is his additional charge, it is noticed that Devvrat is quite active in the state, generating murmurs that he may be a top contender for a full-time appointment here. The issue assumes significance since previous Maharashtra governor Bhagat Singh Koshyari is at the receiving end after the Padma Bhushan honour was bestowed upon him by the Centre. Under Article 156 of the Constitution, a state governor normally enjoys a tenure of five years. However, there is no bar on her or his continuation till the successor is named. Due to certain actions and statements of Koshyari, a lot of bad blood was created between him and then chief minister Uddhav Thackeray. Given the prime position of Maharashtra in the country, the Centre will choose its next governor by taking all precautions to ensure that no friction occurs, it is certain.
The general impression is that Odisha Chief Minister Mohan Charan Majhi is skating on thin ice these days. This impression is gaining currency because Majhi’s overall performance has not been stellar. Failing law and order situation, atrocities on women, rampant corruption and flight of industries to other states continues to grab headlines. Critics say Majhi’s leadership has been lacklustre with slow implementation of election promises and major reforms not taking shape, causing his popularity to drop. Political analysts say Majhi’s style of working as figurehead has to change giving way to being a decisive leader focussing on performance. This explains why political leaders and analysts are now urging the Odisha CM to assert his authority and provide results on the ground, so that his leadership remains intact. Otherwise, he could be overshadowed by competitors like the Union Minister Dharmendra Pradhan who has never hidden his ambition to rule Odisha one day. In fact political analysts say Pradhan is the de-facto master strategist holding the sceptre, while CM Majhi holds the temporary crown.
Maharashtra’s tableau, “Ganeshotsav : A Symbol of Aatmanirbharta” (self-reliance) has been adjudged the best among the floats submitted by the States and Union Territories at the 2026 Republic Day parade. The honour has been won by the state after a decade’s gap. The float this time has highlighted cultural, economic and environmental significance with traditional Dhol-Tasha and Lezim performers, securing the top prize for showcasing Maharashtra’s rich cultural heritage. Incidentally, in 1993 also, the same theme, “Ganesh Utsav” was termed the best in the parade. It was selected to celebrate the 100th anniversary of the now largest public festival in the world, conceived by Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak. The top position was again secured in 1994 to remember Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj’s coronation and beginning of the Shivaji Era. The hat trick was achieved since in 1995, the spiritual pilgrimage of the Warkari sect was the theme. However, after this winning spree, Maharashtra did not reach the top position till 2015, when its tableau themed on the “Wari” tradition once more grabbed the coveted place. The Maharashtra tableau 2026 combined traditional imagery with modern themes, including the Ashtavinayak shrine, highlighting the economic and social impact of the festival. In 2023, Maharashtra’s tableau on “Saade Teen Shakti Peeth” (three and a half Shakti Peethas) had won the popular choice award though the main award had gone to Uttarakhand. In 2022, Maharashtra had secured the first prize in the popular choice category for its tableau on the “Biodiversity of Maharashtra.” While Jammu & Kashmir won the second prize, it was followed by Kerala in the third place.
If Ajit Pawar’s widow Sunetra Pawar is emerging as the favourite person to find a place in Maharashtra government as Deputy CM and leader of the Nationalist Congress Party it is not without reason. Political circles in Delhi believe it is one elevation which would be most acceptable to top BJP leadership particularly Union Home Minister Amit Shah. It is being said Shah is inclined to ensure that Ajit Pawar’s legacy survives in Maharashtra. Shah remembers the late Deputy CM as one person who had always gone out of the way to bail out the BJP in tricky situations in the state — whether it was in 2019 or in 2023. It is in this backdrop, Sunetra has emerged as a favourite for the top post. Shah who enjoyed a good equation with the late leader. Shah apparently valued the manner in which Ajit Pawar took the initiative to break ranks with his uncle Sharad Pawar and join hands with the BJP in 2023, a year ahead of 2024 Lok Sabha polls as well Maharashtra assembly polls. Which is perhaps why he made it a point to travel to Baramati for Ajit Pawar’s last rites. Besides, elevating Sunetra, a Rajya Sabha MP from Maharashtra, would be a simpler affair then say promoting NCP leader Sunil Tatkare, a Lok Sabha MP. It is also felt Parth Pawar could replace his mother in the Rajya Sabha. As for Sharad Pawar who would be retiring from the Rajya Sabha in April it is being said his nephew’s untimely death has totally shattered him and he may not seek another term. It is also being said that the BJP is not inclined to accommodate his daughter and pro-Congress NCP leader Supriya Sule, Baramati’s Lok Sabha MP, in Modi government.
Maharashtra’s deceased deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar fought tooth and nail to claim the election symbol of the Nationalist Congress Party – the wall clock showing the time at ten past ten or 10:10. This symbol was selected by NCP founder Sharad Pawar, who also shaped Ajit’s political career. Owing to political quirks, Ajit took on the elder Pawar and finally split the NCP in 2022, taking a substantial chunk of the elected representatives with him. In this battle of attrition, the timer played a crucial role since it was a political identity for the party. Ajit succeeded in humbling the family boss, at least temporarily. He seized the NCP name and symbol through a court battle. In a baffling coincidence, it has transpired that the identification of Ajit’s body was reportedly done on the basis of his wristwatch. After any fatal accident, personal belongings scattered at the site are helpful in identifying the deceased. According to some media reports, Ajit’s expensive wristwatch was an important tool for identification. The watch on Ajit’s wrist was of a classic design, with a metal strap and a large dial. It had a shiny silver finish, a sturdy metal bracelet and a dial with clear numerals and blue base. The photographs on social media show the watch on Ajit’s wrist as a classic and premium piece. Ajit’s various qualities have been described in detail by the people close to him. Incidentally, one of them was his emphasis on punctuality. Sadly, the chronometer in his life has served him even after his demise.
Sharad Pawar’s response to the tragic plane crash that claimed the life of his nephew, Maharashtra deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar, and four others is a telling example of political maturity. By unequivocally stating that the crash was an accident and that no politics should be dragged into the incident, Sharad Pawar has demonstrated a rare blend of personal composure, political wisdom and statesmanship—qualities that are increasingly scarce in a climate of instant outrage and relentless politicisation of tragedy. Hopefully, Sharad Pawar’s dignified stance sends a powerful message to leaders like Mamata Banerjee, Mallikarjun Kharge and Akhilesh Yadav who rushed to the television cameras to demand a probe into the plane crash, more so under Supreme Court supervision. Given their long tenures in politics and in government, they should have known that every air accident is thoroughly investigated, irrespective of public demand. This band of leadership with a destructive negative streak in its thinking will prove harmful to the nation one day if not checked in time. In contrast, no political leader in Maharashtra has made any irresponsible statement nor condemned the government. Sharad Pawar has thus initiated the process of promoting healthy politics and articulated maturity of Maharashtra, where political and personal differences are kept isolated. Let Sharad Pawar’s political tribe grow at every level.
West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has intensified her cultural outreach to the state’s traditional bhadralok — the educated, intellectually inclined middle class — by foregrounding her persona as an author and artist. This strategy was prominently displayed at the ongoing Kolkata International Book Fair, where she released several new works and announced plans for “Boi Tirtha”, a permanent Book Pilgrimage Centre. These efforts underscore how her prolific literary and artistic output runs parallel to her political career. This year, nine of Banerjee’s books are being sold at the fair, bringing her lifetime total to 162 published works. Over the years, she has consistently expressed herself through songs, poems, paintings, and literature, cultivating a distinct artistic identity. During Saraswati Puja, she shared a song on X, with lyrics and music composed by her. She is also a fixture of Durga Puja, often composing theme songs and devotional numbers like ‘Maa Go Tumi Sarbojanin’. Her creative work frequently blends cultural pride with political messaging. Recently, she penned 26 poems opposing the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls. Her past works have addressed the Singur and Nandigram movements, as well as critiques of central policies like demonetisation, GST, CAA, and NRC. Unlike her predecessor, Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, who embodied a refined, elite intellectualism, Banerjee is often seen as outside the traditional bhadralok mould. She turns this perceived lack of polish into an advantage, presenting simplicity and emotional honesty as strengths. Boi Tirtha project for which she has assigned Rs 10 crore is envisioned as a museum-cum-mall for rare books, Banerjee has already sketched its design, aiming to provide Kolkata with a permanent literary landmark before the book fair’s 50th edition.
It is not hard to decode the confident stance of Tamil Nadu chief minister MK Stalin in the run up to state assembly elections. Surprisingly, he carefully moved away from the powerful shadow of his father M Karunanidhi to find his own space, emerging as a much talked about CM who could stand his ground. It was not surprising that he used his first Assembly address of 2026 to not just pat himself and his government on the back, but also list its achievements in the face of “daunting challenges”. Stalin was candid enough to admit “when he took over in 2021, there was much trepidation, self-doubt and a sense of fear …could I make TN happy, fulfil poll promises.” The self-congratulatory tone set in fast…“I am a happy man, very satisfied and can claim that we will form government 2.0 and even overtake our success.” This motivated chest thumping had its share of diatribes too…he blamed the previous 10 years of AIADMK rule for bringing down the state in every matrix of development. Stalin’s undiluted harangue and the way he took on the Governor RN Ravi and his running feud with him, added spice. For political watchers, it was an entertaining yet disturbing, unsettling phase when the Centre and State were at loggerheads. Federalism and democratic ecosystems bore the brunt of this clash. Stalin is no doubt a driven man, sure of his ability to pluck the low hanging fruit.
The police have issued a notice to newly elected All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) corporator from Mumbra, Sahar Shaikh, under the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS) following a controversial remark in which she said the entire town would be “painted green”. The action comes after a video of Shaikh’s victory speech went viral on social media. In the clip, she is seen ridiculing NCP-SP MLA Jitendra Awhad, who had been her political mentor until recently. “In the next five years, every candidate in Mumbra will be from AIMIM. Mumbra must be completely painted green,” she said. Soon after the video surfaced, a BJP delegation led by former MP Kirit Somaiya submitted a written complaint to the police, alleging that the remarks were provocative and could incite communal tension in the sensitive township. Objecting to the statement, Somaiya said, “Mumbra belongs to Maharashtra, and the state bows before the saffron of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj.” Though his letter did not name Shaikh, the complaint prompted the police to initiate preventive action. A police official said the notice was issued as a precautionary measure to maintain law and order. Shaikh has been advised to exercise restraint in public speeches and avoid statements that could hurt sentiments or disturb communal harmony. Responding to the controversy, Shaikh claimed that her words were being deliberately misinterpreted for political purposes. She maintained that her remark only reflected her ambition to expand AIMIM’s political presence in the area and was not intended to provoke or divide.
Maharashtra’s politics has long been a maze of caste equations, regional ambitions, cooperative networks and dominant local satraps. But in recent years — and more sharply after the latest civic and local body elections — a striking new trend is seen emerging. All political parties are discarding ideological commitments and old rivalries to cobble together expedient alliances at the grassroots. Across wards and municipalities, the political battle is no longer anchored in principles or programmes. Instead, it revolves around arithmetic, individual clout and the urgency for political survival. Once sworn adversaries, many are sharing rallies, ideological oppositions are sunk and erstwhile bitter enmities are quietly buried in the scramble for seizing power. Crass pragmatism has triumphed over sanctity of philosophy. In short, convenience has replaced conviction. In this arena of local politics, “no holds barred” has become the key word. It is a ruthless realism where power matters more than what one once stood for. While the BJP has established its numerical prime position in the state polity by winning over half of the seats in the 29 municipal corporations that went to the polls, the Shiv Sena led by Uddhav Thackeray and the NCP established by Sharad Pawar were the main losers. However, in the post-poll scenario that is throwing one surprise after another, both these parties are engaged in forming alliances with some of their former opponents. The clear picture will become visible in a few days once the mayoral elections are held. Till then, the once unthinkable permutations and combinations will be watched by the hapless electors.
Maharashtra political potboiler is over, and yet the real corporate battle has only just begun. Suave Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis launched into Davos, Switzerland, knowing fully well Maharashtra’s top-notch status cannot be taken for granted has inked 85 MoUs. A state meeting recently witnessed his outburst, “If Hemanta Biswas can, Maharashtra will do better.” The comment was in context of the medical infrastructure blueprint that his Assam counterpart is credited with making progress. Andhra Pradesh CM Chandrababu Naidu, a Davos veteran, tom-toms his Hydrogen valley, Data Centre, Bio-Centre Capital of India, Google IT collaboration projects speaking quantum language. Biswas claims Rs 1 lakh crore in FDI to include a Data Centre project making Assam the gateway of South Asia, somewhere in the future. Fadnavis is single-mindedly prioritizing innovation, smart city securing Rs 1 lakh crore from five EU nations. The intense political battle he just won across 29 civic corporations, without involving PM Narendra Modi once, has bolstered his image. His business acumen, infrastructure push in the energy sector is crucial to bringing in business, no mean feat considering three decades old transmission and distribution lines running across the state compared to a fully rejuvenated Gujarat with fully modernized power transmission lines. Maharashtra is setting up 16000 MW of solar power to be distributed free to agriculturists in the state. If only focus on modernizing the three-decade old power infrastructure lines follows, the “theft and dacoity” of electricity as PM Atal Behari Vajpayee put it that hovers around 18-20% would be curbed bringing down electricity cost for industry on parity with other states of India.
Two days ahead of PM Modi’s public meeting at Madurantakam, Chengalpattu district on January 23, the BJP stepped up its campaign to expand the NDA ahead of the assembly elections. On January 21, AMMK general secretary TTV Dhinakaran, rejoined the NDA alliance in the presence of Union Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal in Chennai. He had moved out of the NDA in September 2025. This was six months after Union Home Minister Amit Shah announced that AIADMK chief Eddapadi K Palaniswami would be the CM face and lead the AIADMK- BJP alliance in Tamil Nadu in April 2025. In a reversal of events early this year, Dhinakaran flew into Delhi, met Amit Shah to pave the way for his return into the NDA fold. It is being said the AMMK commands considerable influence among the Mukkulathor community or Thevars in southern TN. Dhinakaran rejoining the NDA could spell trouble for the ruling DMK. So too the joining of Anbumani Ramadoss-led PMK. It is being said Amit Shah was very keen that all anti-DMK votes in the South, particularly the Thevar community votes should not be fragmented. Dhinakaran described the past differences as merely a “family feud”. On his part, AIADMK chief Palaniswami also welcomed Dhinakaran. The only person acting pricey is DMDK leader Premalatha, widow of late actor Vijayakanth. She is bargaining for two Rajya Sabha seats, a ministerial berth for her son in Modi Govt and some 20 assembly seats. It is her demand to accommodate her son in the Central Govt that has spooked Delhi. Meanwhile, it is learnt that DMK has asked Congress to scale down its demand for seats to 28 and has offered instead to bankroll poll expenses of Assam assembly elections. This simply shows how desperately DMK needs Congress — that is why it is trying to keep it away from actor Vijay’s TVK.
Ahead of the Assembly elections this year, the West Bengal BJP leadership is facing an uncomfortable situation after Kharagpur Sadar MLA Hiran Chatterjee posted pictures on social media announcing his second marriage, revealing that the ceremony had taken place in Varanasi, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s parliamentary constituency. What initially remained a low-key development within the party escalated after Hiran’s first wife, Anindita Chatterjee, publicly claimed that there had been no legal divorce between them. The claim has caused disquiet within the BJP, with party sources confirming that internal discussions are under way on whether Hiran, a popular Bengali star, should be re-nominated from Kharagpur Sadar. The issue has since acquired a legal dimension, with Anindita and the couple’s daughter, Niyasha, filing a complaint against the MLA and his alleged second wife. A section within BJP is viewing the issue with concern, particularly given the party’s ideological emphasis on Hindu traditions and Hindutva. Senior leaders, speaking off the record, acknowledge that while marriage is a personal decision, contracting a second marriage without a legal divorce can amount to a criminal offence and raises questions of propriety and ethics. The party’s current position, sources said, is that there is no documentary proof available so far to establish the second marriage. The filing of a formal complaint by Hiran’s first wife and daughter has, however, sharpened scrutiny of the MLA and fuelled speculation within party circles. The continued silence of the leadership, leaders admit privately, is being interpreted both as an attempt to limit political damage and as a possible indication of a growing distance between the party and the sitting MLA — a distance that could ultimately influence ticket decisions.
Nitin Nabin was formally declared as the BJP national president, succeeding JP Nadda, in a brief ceremony at party headquarters in Delhi on January 20. All party stalwarts including PM Modi were present. Even as he received a certificate of election from K Laxman, returning officer for BJP organisational polls, Nabin at 45, became the youngest ever to occupy the top party post. The BJP was founded in Mumbai — then Bombay — in 1980 — the year Nabin was born. Emphasising his youthful background, PM Modi went all out emphasising his “millennial background” and “Gen Z connect”. “Nitin Nabin is a millennial. He is from a generation who has witnessed the country’s economic transformation”, the PM said introducing the new party chief. Outlining Nabin’s task, Modi felt his “youthful energy and long experience of working in organisation,” would help in expanding the party’s footprint across the country. Emphasising that he would always be a worker of the BJP, Modi said “And when it comes to party matters, I am a worker, and Nitin Nabin ji is my boss.” He also added that Nabin would have responsibility to coordinate with NDA allies. Meanwhile, Nabin’s sensitive millennial side was revealed in a video that was shared of Modi’s meeting with Nabin’s family at party headquarters…it showed Nabin as a caring father even as he was with PM Modi. Interestingly, PM Modi also shared why BJP is not into celebrating its wins whether in Mumbai’s BMC or even in Gujarat 2022 assembly polls when everyone had expected him to lose. “We are always into analysing our results/ mistakes. Or preparing for the next polls.”
Nearly two decades after the Singur agitation reshaped West Bengal politics, the fertile stretch in Hooghly district has re-emerged as a key electoral flashpoint. With the 2026 Assembly elections nearing, the BJP has revived the Singur narrative, promising the return of Tata Motors and large-scale industrialisation if voted to power. The Trinamool Congress (TMC), however, continues to project Singur as a landmark victory for farmers against forcible land acquisition. BJP leaders argue that Tata Motors’ exit in 2008 marked the onset of de-industrialisation and that only a change in government can restore investor confidence. The BJP has also contrasted West Bengal’s industrial trajectory with Gujarat’s rapid expansion, presenting the latter as a development model. The party sees Singur as a way to reach Left-leaning voters by emphasising employment and economic growth rather than identity politics alone. The TMC has countered by reiterating that the Singur movement centred on protecting cultivable land and farmers’ rights. It cites the Supreme Court verdict declaring the 2006 land acquisition illegal and ordering land to be returned to unwilling farmers, calling it both legal and moral vindication. The conflict began in 2006 when the Left Front government acquired nearly 1,000 acres for Tata’s Nano project. The decision sparked sustained protests led by Mamata Banerjee, including police action and a 21-day hunger strike. Amid escalating unrest, Tata Motors withdrew in 2008 and shifted the project to Sanand, Gujarat. The Singur and Nandigram agitations later became central to the TMC’s rise, ending 34 years of Left rule in 2011. At present, about 300 acres have been restored to cultivation. Farmers’ groups have demanded that another 300 acres be made arable, suggesting the rest could be considered for industry. As elections approach, Singur’s abandoned fields have again become a battleground of competing visions of development and memory.
Veteran leader Sharad Pawar and Shiv Sena boss Uddhav Thackeray have been totally decimated in the election to 29 municipal corporations across Maharashtra, raising a question mark about the next turn in their political journey. Just half a dozen of the civic bodies marked any presence of the parties led by the two prominent leaders, leaving the field open to the saffron outfit, led by chief minister Devendra Fadnavis. The other casualty is Pawar’s nephew Ajit, who took on the BJP for no obvious reason and has been mauled badly in his own stronghold, Pune city and district. A few select bodies like Kolhapur, Vasai-Virar, Malegaon, Chandrapur, Parbhani and Amaravati have shown electoral wins of the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) candidates, though most have been elected on their own steam. The MVA is now rudderless in the state and the voters, too, have expressed their displeasure on its negative campaigning, which was replete with abuse and curses. On the other hand, Fadnavis and deputy CM Eknath Shinde continuously harped on the theme of development. The results have conclusively shown that Uddhav’s clout is now confined only to Mumbai, of course lesser than earlier. As far as Sharad Pawar is concerned, he neither campaigned nor addressed any rally. His inaction is blamed for the pitiable condition of his party. Thus, both leaders will have to explain to their cadres what plan of action is in their mind.
Ill-famed Shrikant Pangarkar will henceforth be seen in the civic hall of Jalna Municipal Corporation despite being named as an accused in the 2017 killing of journalist Gauri Lankesh. The Jalna results were declared on Friday and Pangarkar emerged as the winner in Ward 13. He defeated his opponents of the BJP and other parties in a multi-corner contest. The Shiv Sena led by deputy CM Eknath Shinde had chosen not to field any candidate in the ward, a decision that foretold the electoral outcome. Soon after the results, he began celebrating with his supporters. The images went viral, causing an outrage. The criminal case related to Lankesh’s murder is sub-judice, thus enabling Pangarkar to contest. Facing the media after this, Pangarkar asserted that he had not been convicted; hence, the legal process was still underway.” His defence nonplussed the reporters. The assassination of Gauri Lankesh took place in Bengaluru on 5 September 2017. The killing triggered a widespread debate across the country. In August 2018, the Maharashtra Anti-Terrorism Squad arrested Pangarkar as an accused though was granted bail by the Karnataka high court on 4 September 2024. Earlier, Pangarkar had served as a corporator in Jalna between 2001 and 2006 as a member of the undivided Shiv Sena. However, as he was not given a ticket in 2011, he moved to the Hindu Janjagruti Samiti, a right-wing organisation. Only a year before, while the November 2024 Maharashtra Assembly elections were to happen, Pangarkar joined the Shinde Sena. The move backfired and Shinde had to keep in abeyance Pangarkar’s entry. Despite that interlude, Pangarkar is back in the news.
A section of the Tamil Nadu BJP leadership is completely disappointed with the line-up of people arranged by Union Minister L Murugan for Pongal festivities organised at his residence and presided over by PM Modi. While it might all be very well for Murugan, who is Minister of State for I&B, to flaunt the presence of makers and cast and crew of the DMK-backed film Parasakthi, some BJP leaders were not comfortable with the presence of producer Akash Baskaran. He is related to late DMK patriarch M Karunanidhi and his late first son MK Muthu. His wife Dharini is MK Muthu’s granddaughter. Her dad is CK Ranganthan who owns Cavinkare. Her mother is Thenmozhi, Kalignar Karunanidhi’s granddaughter. The issue with Akash Bhaskaran’s presence at PM Modi’s event was that he had briefly figured in the TASMAC scam probe. Of course, the ED had to apologise to Bhaskaran as directed by the Madras High Court. Some TN BJP leaders feel a section of party leaders are always hell bent on bringing “not very desirable characters” into the party and thereby putting off genuine voters. Incidentally, neither PM Modi nor Murugan shared any pics of their interaction with Parasakthi actors on their timeline. It was done by the National Award-winning composer GV Prakash to share a photograph of his interaction with PM Modi as well as reveal the presence of Sivakarthikeyan and Ravi Mohan. Prakash also performed a track from his Tamil pride album Thiruvasagam for the first time at the event. Meanwhile, it is being said the real problem with TVK leader Vijay’s film Jana Nayagan, one hears, is that the protagonist is seen making a direct pitch against “political leadership” that it is communalising politics. Two, he is also seen speaking against “atma nirbhar bharat”. If the Congress has issues with Parasakthi because it is critical of Indira Gandhi, Jana Nayagan has clearly irked powers that be in Delhi.
Former Tamil Nadu BJP chief K Annamalai may be bristling at MNS chief Raj Thackeray’s “rasmalai” jibe at him and may have even dared the MNS leader to break his legs when he visits Mumbai next. While it may be all very well for the cop-turned-politician not to be afraid of Thackeray’s empty boasts, not many in Maharashtra BJP leadership are happy with Annamalai’s foot-in-the-mouth utterances. In fact questions are being asked about the need to even call Annamalai for canvassing for BMC polls. That too at a time when the civic polls seemed nicely tied in ruling Mahayuti’s favour. “What was the need to ask Annamalai to campaign? This is a needless controversy. Annamalai has turned the media attention on himself. In any case we have very small pockets of influence of Tamil voters, whom we have been regularly reaching out to. Annamalai’s utterances on Mumbai have only been twisted to give an issue to the Opposition,” says a senior BJP leader. The only saving grace is that ahead of the civic polls the local media did not play up Annamalai’s comment. Mumbai as Maharashtra’s capital is an emotive issue and anyone familiar with its socio-politics will not even not go anywhere near this topic. He had said Mumbai, apart from being Maharashtra capital, is also an international city. In an interview to a Marathi TV channel, chief minister Devendra Fadnavis clarified that there was no need to take the Tamil leader seriously. He suggested that Annamalai was making an effort to communicate in his limited knowledge of Hindi. “It wasn’t as if the PM had spoken. Mumbai is an international city.” As for Raj Thackeray calling Annamalai a “rasmalai”, Fadnavis was dismissive of the MNS leader and felt he couldn’t be taken seriously.
West Bengal Chief Minister and TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee once again placed confrontation at the centre of her politics on January 8, when she entered the residence of political strategist Pratik Jain just as the Enforcement Directorate began a search. Jain is the director of I-PAC, the political consultancy that has advised the TMC since 2021 and is widely credited with playing a key role in the party’s landslide Assembly victory that year. According to Mamata, the agency’s objective was not law enforcement but the seizure of confidential TMC poll material, including candidate lists, campaign strategy documents, SIR-related papers and electronic data. The episode reinforced an image Banerjee has cultivated over decades as a political “street fighter”. Supporters point to her early days as a Youth Congress worker protesting against Jayaprakash Narayan, her emergence as a “giant-killer” after defeating Left heavyweight Somnath Chatterjee in the 1984 Lok Sabha elections, and decades of street battles against the Left that culminated in the Singur and Nandigram movements and the fall of the 34-year Left Front government in 2011. Senior TMC insiders cite precedents where confrontation brought political dividends: her February 3, 2019 dharna after a CBI raid on then police commissioner Rajeev Kumar in the Saradha scam case; her February 23, 2021 confrontation with a CBI team probing a coal smuggling case involving Abhishek Banerjee and his wife; and her May 17, 2021 six-hour stay at the CBI office as several TMC leaders were arrested in the Narada sting operation case. Leaders argue such confrontations help counter anti-incumbency, mask internal factional rifts and deflect attention from economic management and alleged scams. As elections approach, Didi has returned to the mode that has long defined her career: fighting her battles on the street.
A cursory glance at the profile of various candidates trying their luck in the upcoming municipal corporation elections in Maharashtra presents an interesting insight into their education, assets and property, their past and the party they belong to. The data reflects not just static wealth, but growth over election cycles. Under election law, candidates declare their movable and immovable assets, liabilities, education and if there are any criminal cases against them at the time of nomination. These details are made public. Hopefully, the voters will make their own assessment at the time of voting on 15 January 2026 across 29 municipal corporations throughout the state. A quick scan shows that in Nagpur, candidate asset declarations range from Rs 7.78 lakh to nearly Rs 95 crore. In Mumbai, former mayor Kishori Pednekar has declared a fantastic rise in her assets since the last civic election in 2017. It was Rs 1.61 crore in 2017, now touching Rs 5.26 crore. Deputy CM Eknath Shinde’s trusted soldier Sada Sarvankar’s son Samadhan has declared assets worth Rs 46.59 crore, one of the highest among BMC candidates. He is matched by former mayor Shraddha Jadhav of Shiv Sena (UBT), whose assets exceed Rs 46 crore, as well. The most common denominator about the candidates is that all of them are keen to serve the public.
Nominations in the ongoing municipal corporation polls in Maharashtra reveal interesting details and expectedly, those vying to enter the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), the richest civic body, attract maximum attention. They are found across all parties and election wards. For instance, Deputy CM Eknath Shinde’s trusted soldier Sada Sarvankar’s son Samadhan has declared assets worth Rs 46.59 crore, one of the highest among BMC candidates. He is matched by former mayor Shraddha Jadhav of Shiv Sena (UBT), whose assets exceed Rs 46 crore as well. The astounding increase is over the 8 years, when the last BMC election was held in 2017. In Mumbai, most candidates possess multiple of crores, which include real estate, posh vehicles and gold or jewellery. They are spread across all major parties. Another facet is that female candidates are as wealthy as their male counterparts, in some cases even more. A few notables include former mayor Vishakha Sharad Raut (Ward No 191 Sena UBT). Her total assets stood at Rs 21.83 crore. The Increase over 2017 is Rs.7 crore. Former MLA Yamini Jadhav (Ward No. 209 Sena Shinde) shows total assets of Rs.14.57 crore. The increase is Rs 4 crore in just one year. Former MP Kirit Somaiya’s son Neel (Ward No. 107 BJP) has total assets of Rs 9 crore. In his case, the increase is of Rs 7 crore over 8 years. A recent entrant into the BJP, Tejaswi Abhishek Ghosalkar (Ward No. 2) has total assets worth Rs 5 crore, showing an increase of Rs 4.75 crore over the past 8 years. Veteran corporator Shailesh Phanse has declared assets worth Rs 25 crore (Ward 59 Sena UBT), showing a spectacular increase of Rs 16 crore over 8 years. In short, more candidates are well provided for than those lacking resources.
Is the Censor delay for Vijay’s film all aimed to strengthen the TVK chief’s support base and ensure its a superhit? Is the BJP-led Centre actually helping the superstar? As Vijay is facing an uphill task to get his last film Jana Nayagan released on Jan 9 and the Tamil Nadu Congress leaders are already blaming the Home Minister Amit Shah for it. A perception is growing in TN that the BJP is not obstructing the screening of the film but perhaps doing it all to increase his popularity among youth and women. It is being said the whole idea is to ensure that sizable votes of youth and women could now consolidate behind Vijay — that is to move away from the DMK. A strong TVK is bound to weaken the DMK. It is believed a three-way fight in TN will benefit the challenger AIADMK-BJP. Jana Nayagan was postponed two days before release due to a censor certificate delay. While a Madras HC hearing is expected to pave way for its release next week, there is a growing view that Jana Nayagan’s Censor problems were clearly linked to Vijay’s political dalliances with the Congress — Rahul Gandhi had spoken to him post Karur incident. It is in this backdrop that top Congress leaders from AICC in charge Girish Chodankar to Tamil Nadu MPs — Manickam Tagore and Jothimani attacked the Centre for withholding Censor certificate for Vijay’s film. TN Congress sources however feel Vijay may not eventually take up Congress offer of an alliance. “Vijay may finally end up with the AIADMK-BJP. Everyone in TN is heading that way. The DMK will also not take us on board,” pointed out a TN Congress leader.
Union Home minister Amit Shah is quite disappointed with his two-day visit to Tamil Nadu as his efforts to convince AIADMK chief Edappadi K Palaniswami (EPS) to take a leaf out of Bihar polls and follow chief minister Nitish Kumar’s lead of carrying everyone along to fight the assembly elections simply didn’t seem to work in Chennai. Shah held two rounds of meetings with AIADMK functionary SP Velumani, an emissary of EPS, and had conveyed to him that if AIADMK has to defeat the DMK it must learn to carry every one along — from TTV Dhinakaran-O Panneerselvam — to DMDK and the PMK. Just as Nitish Kumar had carried along Chirag Paswan and other NDA allies. Nitish Kumar was seen easily sharing seats with Paswan even though the latter’s LJP had in 2020 assembly polls fielded candidates against JD(U). Reluctant to play ball, EPS conveyed to Shah that at best he was willing to accommodate his former AIADMK colleagues by allotting about 10 seats. He firmly conveyed to Velumani that if EPS remained intransigent about accommodating ex AIADMK leaders such as OPS or TTV then he would only “be strengthening the DMK hands and help it to come back to power”. A prospect of defeat could lead to further erosion in its ranks which the AIADMK must avoid. Or it will see heavyweights leaving the party as it saw the exit of former minister Sengottaiyan. It may be recalled that Sengottaiyan had met with Amit Shah before joining Tamizhaga Vettri Kazhagham (TVK) led by superstar Vijay. Shah, who joined pre-Pongal celebrations in Tiruchirappalli under the party’s ‘Namma Ooru Modi Pongal’ programme, did not meet EPS. Things could perhaps be sorted out by his next visit to the state.
The South’s famed and amazing temples, their lore and stunning period architecture, overflowing devotion saw yet another strong thrust when the Home Minister came on a two day visit to Tiruchirappalli, Tamil Nadu. It is well known that he combines temple visits whenever the campaign whistle stops permit. This time it was to participate in the Modi Pongal event at Tiruchi …even as Shah stirred the brim filled Pongal pot his admirers and party members wished for a vigorous stir of the political pot in the coming election, giving NDA combine the sweet taste of ‘Sakkarai Pongal’ ….redolent with rice in fresh milk, generous ghee, profusion of nuts , cardamom and the newly harvested jaggery stirred to perfection …a ritual not many miss in TN , to celebrate the plentiful harvest. After Shah‘s Srirangam Temple visit, he made a stop at the Thiruvanaikovil Jambukeswarar and Akilandeswari temple on the Northern banks of the Kaveri. This temple is unique as one of the Pancha Bhoota temples (five elements earth, water, fire, air and space…there is an underground perennial spring in which the Lingam is submerged). Shiva’s consort Parvati known as Akhilandeswari is said to have her Thadangams (outsize earrings) gifted by Aadi Sankara. But above all, devotees’ prayers here are granted. Shah just walked out of his security cordon to the lined-up crowd, greeted them, shook hands with some, adding to their happiness.
DMK MP Kanimozhi had an interesting start to her 58th birthday. TVK chief and superstar Vijay wished her. So did Union Home Minister Amit Shah. This has set off a lot of political buzz. Since Vijay personally called Kanimozhi, it gained significant political attention given their roles in different parties ahead of the Tamil Nadu assembly elections this year. Shah, who was in TN for election campaigning, also called Kanimozhi to extend his birthday greetings. Shah has been regularly greeting her on birthdays. As for the birthday girl, Kanimozhi began her day by paying tribute at the memorials of former chief ministers CN Annadurai and her father M Karunanidhi at Marina Beach. What is the reason that TVK chief Vijay, who is vowing to oust the DMK, has begun to court Kanizmozhi? Apparently, it is not without reason. A Lok Sabha MP and DMK’s Deputy General Secretary, Kanimozhi has been increasingly finding herself isolated and limited in party affairs. Her half-brother chief minister MK Stalin along with son and Deputy CM Udhayanidhi recently held a meeting of the DMK Women’s Wing in Tirupur. While the CM talked about launching Bihar style sops to women ahead of the polls, Kanimozhi’s posters were apparently missing at the event. This considering she is in charge of the DMK Women’s Wing. Her pictures were apparently added to the Stalin family posters as an afterthought. It is being said that supporters of Kanimozhi in the DMK do not wish for return of the party to power as it would mean working under Udhayanidhi’s leadership, who is being clearly projected as the heir apparent. For them, the choice would any day be to rally behind Kanimozhi and help TVK chief superstar Vijay.
Priyanka Gandhi Vadra’s decision to be on the screening committee to pick candidates for Assam assembly elections is being viewed in party circles as a stepping stone to her larger role in Congress affairs eventually. It may seem odd that a Gandhi family member has deemed it fit to chair a state’s candidate screening committee. That too when another family confidante and a close Rahul Gandhi aide Jitendra Singh, is in charge of the state. Well, if Priyanka thinks she has stepped into Assam to pose a challenge to incumbent CM Himanta Biswa Sarma and oust the decade old BJP regime, it is surely not going to be an easy task. Himanta has already declared that the ruling BJP and its allies in the NDA are likely to win 103 of the 126 assembly seats. He attributed the higher winning rate of the NDA to delimitation. In these circumstances, what would be Priyanka’s role? Is she coming to mobilise votes of Muslims in Assam? Last month CM Sarma had flagged the rise of phenomenal growth of Muslim population and had blamed the Congress for it. The Muslims are largely loyal to the All India United Democratic Front led by Badruddin Ajmal. In the last elections, AIUDF won 16 seats. It is possible Priyanka has come to strengthen the hands of youthful Assam Congress chief Gaurav Gogoi who is not a much-liked figure. Maybe Priyanka thinks Assam is a low-hanging fruit since in the last elections the difference in the votes in Assam between the NDA and the Opposition alliance was only 1.6% — though the NDA won 75 seats and the Opposition 50. Meanwhile, Rahul Gandhi one hears has taken off to Vietnam. Of course, BJP’s Amit Malviya insists Rahul has set up Priyanka for “failure”.
TRENDS & VIEWS
Editor’s Note: Short Post Is Here To Stay…
Time, they say, flies—and how true that is. Here we are celebrating our 5th Anniversary. Five years ago, when Covid-19 was wreaking havoc across the globe, I took a leap of faith and launched Short Post, India’s first website for Authentic Gossip. That was on January 31, 2021. I was convinced there was a clear gap in the market for gossip that was credible, sharp, and impactful—especially if told in just 250 words.
In this, I was fortunate. Scores of senior editors across diverse verticals bought into the idea and, in the process, gave wings to my dream. Quite honestly, Short Post could not have crossed these milestones without the unflinching support of its contributing editors. Like all start-ups, we have seen our share of ups and downs, but these editors have stood by us like a rock. I take this opportunity to doff my hat to them.
Thanks to their commitment, we have published close to 5,000 stories spanning politics, business, entertainment, and sports. I say this with pride: we made our mark as people who matter read us. “Small packs, big impact” truly captures the essence of Short Post.
We all know that Covid-19 has reset businesses worldwide, and the media sector is no exception. In the post-Covid era, investors have become more cautious and selective—and advertisers too. To compound matters, the entry of AI has disrupted the media landscape in equal measure. So far, we have managed to hold our ground, hopeful that some angel investors will take a shine to us.
What gives me confidence is this: AI cannot smell news—especially the gossipy kind. In other words, AI cannot churn out Short Post-type stories, no matter the prompt. That puts us in a safe zone. As someone rightly said, “AI is a co-pilot, not a pilot.”