Veteran leader Sharad Pawar’s grandson-in-law has been allotted 1200 acres of land by the Maharashtra government on lease in Ahilyanagar’s district of western Maharashtra. The plot in Haregaon village has been entrusted to Vishwaraj Renewables Pvt Ltd, a Mumbai-based company owned by Sarang Lakhani, son-in-law of Supriya Sule, daughter of the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) supremo. As soon as the government’s decision came under fire, Supriya Sule maintained that her son-in-law’s business and professional activities were entirely his personal matter. She refused to say anything beyond that. Interestingly, Sarang is the son of BJP MLC Arun Lakhani, an ardent RSS volunteer from Nagpur. Arun is considered close to various bigwigs of the saffron organisation. The land held by the Maharashtra State Farming Corporation has been leased to the Lakhani company for 49 years, according to an order issued on October 5. The allotment comes within two weeks of the government allotting on lease 1500 acres of land to another private firm, Nibe Group, in the same cluster. The state government has also allotted 1500 acres to the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO). Social activist Anjali Damania has questioned the allotment decision, taken without following a tender process. Damania claimed that the government had decided to develop a green energy park on the land through “Maha Urja” but just three months later, the same 1200 acres was allotted directly to a single private company in September. Revenue minister Chandrakant Bawankule has defended the decision, ruling out likelihood of any further fireworks.

It took the imagination of TVK and its leading film star   C Joseph Vijay to smash Dravidian politics in Tamil Nadu. Atleast emergence of Vijay as chief minister has raised a lot of hopes in Tamil Nadu politics. Or else how does one explain the unusual interest Latha Rajinikanth has begun showing to make some headway into politics. Yes, she has been camping in Delhi for the past few days. The buzz is Latha is lobbying to become an MP. If not her, she reportedly wants her superstar husband Rajinikanth to be nominated to the Rajya Sabha as an MP. It is being said Latha wishes for a parliamentary role for Rajinikanth since his contemporary Kamal Haasan is already an Rajya Sabha MP, courtesy DMK. The other buzz is that Dhanush, former son-in-law of the Rajinikanth and Latha, is also trying to register his political party. Latha, it seems, has already met with central ministers including Prahlad Joshi, Rajnath Singh and others. Latha has been wanting to meet with Union Home Minister Amit Shah. What may come in the way of Latha being considered for a Rajya Sabha berth are some ticklish legal issues. Media reports indicate petty municipal dues that could eventually get sorted out.

It is now becoming increasingly clear Congress leaders — Rahul Gandhi and Priyanka Gandhi Vadra — stole the show at the INDIA bloc march to the Election Commission’s office in Delhi on October 6 with the sit-in at Akashvani Bhavan. They were simply not bothered about coordinating with other Opposition parties nor were they worried about Opposition unity. They seemed more worried to better the CJP record of protest — which incidentally is going to be held on October 10. Surely, the media focus on Gandhi siblings’ antics on the streets in the past two days so upset Congress’s allies that many leaders felt the mega protest eventually became a Gandhi siblings’ show. Many leaders questioned the Gandhis’ move for a sit-in at Akashvani Bhavan while other Opposition leaders were being detained. Apparently, the sit-in protest was not part of the plan. While Rahul’s aides tried to explain about the Gandhis sit-in protest at Akashvani as a move to get appointment with the CEC, many Opposition leaders found Rahul Gandhi’s insistence on meeting the CEC as very odd. Did the Gandhis take 200 Opposition MPs who had gathered at Parliament’s Makar Dwar on October 6 for granted? So it was not just the DMK that skipped the Opposition event. Even Samajwadi Party not only chose to keep away from the Gandhi show but also skipped the Cong lunch invite at Sagar Ratna. Explaining the many who missed the lunch event, Congress leader Jairam Ramesh in post on X insisted that all INDIA janbandhan parties had been invited for the lunch. However, since the decision for the lunch had been taken late last night and communicated. It was therefore natural that some parties could not be represented.” At the same time, he protested about the Gandhis being arrested once again. Meanwhile there was outrage on X about Rahul Gandhi spotted manhandling a Delhi woman police official.

It seems Biju Janata Dal (BJD) President and leader of Odisha opposition Naveen Patnaik is now shifting from his quiet demeanour to an active communication offensive. He and his party members are now getting ready for an all-out media war against Mohan Charan Majhi’s government by having a highly coordinated media and public outreach strategy. The idea is to expose, highlight the state government’s failures, lapses and mis-governance to the people at large. As part of this plan, Naveen Patnaik has already reorganised BJD’s media cell. This means restructuring the party’s communication road map covering digital, print, and electronic media. Objective is to divert growing public discontent of BJP’s administrative failure into a structured, state-wide campaign against Majhi’s government. Political analysts decoding Patnaik’s new strategy say that Naveen babu has realised that his earlier defeat was due to BJD’s weak social media narrative. And the current media strategy is an antidote to the earlier gap. The job ahead for BJD media team is cut out because it’s taking the role of self- managed PR strategy which has its distinct strategic benefits but also challenges with regard to core execution requirements.

In a heart-warming move, PM Modi had a emotional chat with Captain Smit Machchhar, who survived a savage axe attack inflicted on him by an Omani co-pilot on the ill-fated Flydubai flight on September 30. Incidentally the Modi-Machchhar chat on Oct 2 managed to puncture the opposition protests on the CEC. As the emotional conversation dominated news headlines, slogans at Jantar Mantar became a faint echo. Incidentally, on the day Modi connected with Capt Smit, UAE Presidential Advisor Anwar Gargash described the attempted hijacking of Flydubai flight to Tel Aviv as a “terrorist act”.  Gargash also praised Indian Captain Smit Machchhar as a “true hero” for helping avert a potential disaster. Abu Dhabi publicly condemning an attack targeting a flight to Israel was seen as a bid to strengthen Israel-UAE ties. PM Modi praised the captain’s bravery in saving numerous lives. During the video call, Machchhar, who is currently recovering at a hospital in the UAE, shared his personal experience and explained that chanting ‘Hanuman Chalisa’ gave him courage during the incident. “I was fighting for my life. I realised at that time that if I don’t show courage, then 170 passengers will lose their lives.” PM Modi had spoken to Capt’s wife and parents, a day earlier and assured them full support from Indian missions. As the pilot apologised to PM Modi for breaking down mid-call, he said that he never imagined that he would get the opportunity to speak to the PM. Modi and the pilot exchanged a few words in Gujarati. It is perhaps this Gujarat connection that must have made the Congress and Rahul Gandhi go silent on not celebrating a hero toasted by the nation! UAE is also probing if the Omani hijacker had Pak links.

BJP MLA Narendra Mehta has sparked off one more controversy, only to perform another volte face within hours following a huge backlash from almost all quarters. As soon as Mehta described the religious and cultural identity of Mira-Bhayandar, which is on the outskirts of Mumbai, as a “Jain city” and “Mini Rajasthan,” verbal attacks against the claim began. He immediately apologised but the embers of the offensive statement are still felt. In support of his claim, Mehta maintained that the township has more than 33 Jain temples, has nine Jain corporators and the mayor, too, is a Jain. It was just a few days ago that an advisory was issued by Seven Square Academy in Mira Road, a school founded by Mehta, asking students not to bring onion, garlic, potato, beetroot and other leafy vegetables or non-vegetarian food during the Jain Paryushan period. The suggestion was withdrawn following all-out opposition. Mira-Bhayandar is a BJP stronghold for a long time and Mehta is its face. His political enmity with the Shiv Sena (Shinde) is well known and he does not shy expressing it publicly time and again. Realising that his latest claim can become a huge headache for the BJP, Mehta has withdrawn it and emphasised that the city belongs to the Agri-Koli community, the original residents for centuries. He also has lauded Maharashtra and Marathi community, saying, “I am fully aware that Marathi people have elected me as their MLA. I apologise for my statement.” But the after effects of his audacious utterance will be felt for some time, at least.

Nandigram is set for its first electoral test since the BJP formed the government in West Bengal earlier this year; the October 6 bypoll carries wider political stakes. It will test the Congress-TMC tactical understanding, put West Bengal chief minister Suvendu Adhikari’s former seat back in focus and offer an early indication of how Bengal’s new political equation is taking shape. Adhikari won Nandigram in the 2026 Assembly election but vacated the seat after also winning Bhabanipur; he had defeated Mamata Banerjee from Nandigram in 2021. The Congress-TMC equation is an unusual one: the two parties are cooperating in Nandigram, but remain electoral rivals in Rejinagar. Banerjee’s faction withdrew its candidate in Nandigram and backed Congress nominee Milan Pradhan. The move followed a meeting between the TMC candidate and Adhikari, after which Banerjee announced her support for Pradhan. Pradhan was subsequently arrested in cases linked to the 2007 Nandigram land agitation and later secured interim bail. That contrast — tactical support in one seat and a direct contest in another — makes Nandigram a closely watched test of whether the two parties can convert limited cooperation into electoral support on the ground. A senior Congress leader said the Nandigram contest would test not just one seat but the extent of coordination among anti-BJP votes. A senior TMC leader said the support for the Congress candidate was aimed at stopping the BJP and should not be equated with the two parties’ separate contest in Rejinagar. The Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls has emerged as another major issue, with more than 6,000 appeals reportedly pending in Nandigram ahead of polling which will be held on October 6 and counting is scheduled for October 9.

The Bengal CPM’s attempt to put younger leaders in the political spotlight appears to have run into a deeper organisational problem. According to the party’s latest Party Letter No 1, members below 30 constitute just 4.55% of its total membership — a figure the document itself describes as “quite concerning”. The admission, on page three of the document, comes against the backdrop of a sustained effort by the party in recent years to project younger faces in elections as well as organisational positions. Leaders such as Meenakshi Mukherjee, Shatarup Ghosh, Dipita Dhar, Kaltan Dasgupta and Sayan Banerjee have been given greater political visibility over the past five-six years. Mukherjee’s rise has been particularly notable, with her induction into the CPM central committee. The party has also brought in age norms at different levels of its committees, ostensibly to make room for a younger generation. Yet the membership figures suggest that the changes at the leadership level have not translated into a significant shift in the composition of the organisation as a whole. The Party Letter also points to another difficulty: the party continues to struggle to attract members from SC/ST, and minority communities. A state secretariat member attributed the present imbalance to organisational decisions taken two decades or more ago, when, the leader said, the party failed to bring in a number of promising young people because of selective recruitment practices. Over time, that gap widened and became embedded in the organisation. The contrast is particularly significant at a time when a large section of the electorate belongs to Gen Z. For the Bengal CPM, therefore, the challenge is not simply to find younger faces for elections or committees, but to rebuild a wider organisational base that can sustain that transition.

In an interesting move ahead of Uttar Pradesh assembly elections early next year, Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav was found nominating Dhanraj Nathwani, son of a close Reliance aide Parimal Nathwani to Rajya Sabha from Uttar Pradesh.  It is being said Dhanraj and Anant Ambani are very close buddies. Apparently, Delhi dispensation also gave its quiet nod. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi was however kept out of the loop. It is also being said Dimple Yadav and Nita Ambani apparently settled the Rajya Sabha matter in London. Picking a Nathwani for Rajya Sabha was deemed to be useful for the Samajwadi Party which was looking to pad up in an election year. The buzz is Dhanraj Nathwani is said to be close to Union Home Minister Amit Shah’s son Jay. With his entry into the RS, Dhanraj will be teaming up with his father Parimal who got elected to the RS from Jharkhand as an independent candidate backed by the NDA and the JMM in June 2026. Parimal Nathwani had defeated Congress candidate Pranav Jha much to the consternation of the Congress. Dhanraj’s entry into the Rajya Sabha means the father-son duo will remain on the opposite side of political divide. As for Akhilesh Yadav, his high sounding PDA formula for reaching out to Muslim-Yadav-Dalit vote bank will certainly go for a toss.

There is speculation that political slugfest over CEC Gyanesh Kumar could all be his own making. The general buzz is that he could be unilateral in decision-making like former CEC T N Seshan and this may not have gone down well with his two fellow Election Commissioners, Sukhbir Singh Sandhu and Vivek Joshi. The latest controversy erupted over an Indian Express investigative report alleging that Sandhu and Joshi recorded their objections in writing on at least 14 occasions in the last 10 months. Congress leader Jairam Ramesh says “The CEC has deliberately and explicitly violated the spirit of the Constitution and its provisions on citizenship…by illegally amending Form 6 to deprive Gen Z voters of their voting rights…he is a pawn of the cunning duo of PM-HM”. It is being said when ECs Sandhu and Joshi wrote to Cabinet Secretary T V Somanathan complaining about the CEC, he told them it was not remit of the government to give directions to the poll body as it was an independent institution. Soon after the Express expose, alarm bells were sounded within the NDA and regional parties wanted the EC to function credibly and coherently. It then became incumbent for the CEC and ECs to come together to hammer out a joint statement. Even though appointments to the ECI are made as sinecure postings for retired bureaucrats — all the officials on ECI are close to ruling side — there is still a possibility that they may not always contribute to smooth functioning of the poll body. Gyanesh Kumar has been charged with bias towards the BJP, foisting the SIR on the country, which has removed 13 crore voters. The Congress even dubs the EC’s latest offer to get the BLO to visit the home of electors to get documents of those who received notices of discrepancies as an admission of guilt by the ECI.

Trinamool Congress supremo Mamata Banerjee and CPI(M) secretary M A Baby have reopened communication after decades of rivalry in West Bengal, amid concern over differences within the Election Commission on the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls. Both parties are founding constituents of the INDIA bloc but maintained no communication. Sources said Mamata and Baby spoke over the phone after Baby wrote to Opposition and non-BJP parties. They discussed bringing Opposition parties together to launch a joint campaign to safeguard the credibility of the electoral system. It is also learnt that Didi spoke to LoP Rahul Gandhi and urged him to call an INDIA bloc meeting next week. Baby’s letter called the recently published news report a “major exposé”, raising questions over the commission’s credibility and saying the democratic process was at stake. He claimed the process could affect voting rights of more than 13 crore voters and urged a collective response. Baby proposed a date and venue and approached non-INDIA parties, including BRS, AAP, DMK, Tamil Nadu’s ruling party TVK, BJD and the Cockroach Janta Party. Mamata is learnt to have told Baby that INDIA constituents should meet without delay and work out a strategy. Coordination gathered momentum after reports said Election Commissioners Sukhbir Singh Sandhu and Vivek Joshi recorded objections at least 14 occasions over 10 months to SIR-related decisions. Opposition parties have demanded CEC Gyanesh Kumar’s removal and an independent inquiry into the EC under Supreme Court oversight, and are likely to submit a notice in Parliament.

India’s culture of political defections has been deplored by Sweden’s MP Nila Vikhe Patil while castigating her uncle Radhakrishna Vikhe Patil, a senior minister in Maharashtra. After spending her childhood at Loni in Ahilyanagar district of north Maharashtra, 41-year old Nila returned to Sweden where she has been recently elected to its Parliament. A staunch worker of the Green Party, Nila has expressed chagrin over the attempts by Sujay, son of Radhakrishna, to show closeness to her and claim some credit in her political achievement. Radhakrishna Vikhe and his son Sujay are with the BJP. Sujay was elected to the Lok Sabha in 2019 but lost five years later. Nila is the daughter of Radhakrishna’s elder brother and educationist Ashok Vikhe Patil. The brothers Vikhe are not on good terms. After Nila’s electoral victory, Sujay spoke with news channels. Nila, however, erupted when she saw one of the video clips in which Sujay was seen saying that although he was defeated in the Lok Sabha election, another member was elected in Sweden. Nila expressed angrily that she had no contact with either Radhakrishna or Sujay in over a decade. She burst out, “I will never change my party. They have.”  She was referring to Vikhe’s changing caps, from the Congress to the Shiv Sena (Unified) and now with the BJP. All through, he has remained an influential cabinet minister, belonging to the powerful Maratha caste and seen as a confidant of chief minister Devendra Fadnavis.

Another chapter of suspense will open in Maharashtra’s politics as Prime Minister Narendra Modi has accepted an invite from veteran leader Sharad Pawar to visit Baramati on 24 October. The camaraderie between the two dates back to many decades and is a bone of contention between the Gandhi family and the erstwhile Congress strongman. Another sore point is industrialist Gautam Adani, who is close to Pawar since his fledging days while Rahul Gandhi does not miss a single opportunity to attack him. In Baramati, Modi will inaugurate ‘Preranasthal’ (Place of Inspiration) where a memorial for Lord Gautam Buddha is being developed. Always curious about state-of-the-art technology, Pawar has established an Artificial Intelligence (AI) Institute at the Baramati campus to benefit rural students. His penchant was seen when a Robot greeted him on Thursday (Sept 24). Pawar had gone there to see a presentation regarding the preparation for the PM’s visit. Of late, Pawar is appearing rather active despite his advancing years. For instance, he wrote a letter to chief minister Devendra Fadanvis to declare a drought in Maharashtra, given the paucity of rainfall and the privations suffered by a huge number of cattle and farmers. Fadnavis immediately responded and undertook tours of the affected areas. A substantial assistance package for the farming community is expected to be announced by him any moment, given the gravity of the situation. Thus, he has sent a tacit message that he has shown adequate respect towards Pawar. The Congress and the Shiv Sena (UBT) are pushed to the sidelines once again in affairs of the state.

For some inexplicable reason the Congress has suddenly taken a fancy to targeting National Security Advisor (NSA) Ajit Doval. It is not clear why the party is targeting Doval, who has been giving sleepless nights to Pakistan and kept India safe. It is no coincidence that within a couple of days after Congress leader Rahul Gandhi alleged that NSA Ajit Doval was conducting widespread surveillance on Indian citizens at his Chhatron ki Goonj programme in Indore. Former Maharashtra CM Prithviraj Chavan questioned the overlapping authority of EAM Jaishankar and NSA Doval, pointing out that key strategic areas are seeing neighbouring nations pull ahead. Prithviraj Chavan wanted to know why the NSA has been elevated to a cabinet rank under the current government, whereas it was a junior position (Minister of State rank) during the UPA tenure under PM Manmohan Singh. Chavan charged that Doval as a Cabinet Minister was playing a role in Foreign Policy; he was, after all, reporting directly to PM Modi. He questioned how a non-elected official with no parliamentary accountability holds direct access to the Prime Minister and exercises overlapping authority alongside External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar.  In a media interview, Chavan was heard questioning Doval’s role at the time of BRICS Summit. He pointed out that while Jaishankar visited Russia ahead of BRICS Summit, Doval had visited Beijing. Clearly, the Congress is stunned by the visit of Chinese President Xi Jinping for the BRICS Summit in Delhi mid-September. That is why the Congress has still been insisting that it still does not know the outcome of the 2-day conclave.

Now it is becoming quite obvious that the Centre is most likely to convene a special session of Parliament during Navaratri to take forward legislation on women’s reservation and delimitation. These bills will have to be passed only then is a Cabinet reshuffle possible. So, a number of new allies who have extended support are waiting for this. The Monsoon Session of Parliament concluded more than a month ago, but it has reportedly not yet been prorogued, adding to speculation that the government could still convene a special sitting. The nine-day Navaratri festival begins on October 11 and continues until October 20.  Official sources indicate that the government could consider holding the special sitting between October 11 and 15, taking into account the festival calendar. NDA sources say women’s reservation during Navaratri would augur well about the government’s commitment to women’s representation in Lok Sabha and state assemblies. Sources said the government has also reached out to Opposition parties on the issue. One source said the option of a special session remains open, although no final decision has been taken on its timing or the legislative route for operationalising women’s reservation. Several sources described Navaratri as an opportunity to take up legislation on women’s political representation and connect the agenda with the symbolism of Nari Shakti.

Nearly three decades after Mamata Banerjee broke away from the Congress to build the Trinamool Congress, she is confronting a crisis that reaches the party she created: rebellion within, a battle over its name and symbol, and the BJP’s emergence as Bengal’s ruling force. Mamata once challenged the Congress and Left, built a street-politics movement and became Bengal’s dominant force defeating Communist leader Somnath Chatterjee in Jadavpur in 1984. Her differences over the Left Front deepened. In 1993, she led a Writers’ Building march demanding voter ID cards; police firing killed 13 Congress workers. In 1998, she left Congress and founded the Trinamool Congress. Street agitations, Singur and Nandigram transformed her politics, ending 34 years of Left rule. But Nandigram became the setting for her first major reversal: in 2021, Mamata lost the seat to former aide Suvendu Adhikari by around 2,000 votes, though the Trinamool retained power. The 2026 election altered Bengal, with the BJP winning 207 of 294 seats, ending the Trinamool’s 15-year rule. Adhikari retained Bhabanipur and vacated Nandigram. After Mamata’s candidate withdrew following a meeting with him, she backed Congress candidate Milan Pradhan for the October 6 bypoll. That decision captures another reversal. Congress, once a rival and described by Mamata as the BJP’s “B-team”, is now a “sister party” and “natural alliance”. However, the West Bengal Congress remains opposed to an alliance with the Trinamool. State Congress leaders remain wary after years of political confrontation and large-scale defections from Congress to Trinamool. Therefore, Congress support on specific issues is not necessarily translating into a broader electoral understanding in Bengal. The deeper crisis is institutional: the EC has frozen the Trinamool name and ‘Jora Ghash Phul’ symbol pending rival claims, turning the dispute into a fight over political identity.

West Bengal’s action against 352 madrasas is more than a regulatory exercise. Coming barely four months after the BJP government took office, it is the latest in a series of decisions reshaping the state’s approach to Muslim institutions, welfare and religious identity. The immediate trigger is administrative. A statewide survey covering Kolkata and all 22 districts found 2,132 madrasas with valid approval and 2,396 operating without approval. The government has ordered 252 closures and issued show-cause notices to 100 others. Officials cite inadequate infrastructure, deviations from prescribed curricula, management irregularities and lack of valid authorisation. But the political significance lies in the wider sequence. Since May, the government has scrapped religion-based welfare measures including assistance for imams and muezzins, changed the previous OBC framework by removing several Muslim communities from the earlier categorisation, and made Vande Mataram mandatory in madrasas. The Minority Affairs and Madrasah Education Department’s allocation fell 62%, from Rs 5,713.61 crore in the interim Budget to Rs 2,175.43 crore in the full 2026–27 Budget. The Aikyashree scholarship allocation fell to Rs 250 crore from Rs 741 crore in 2025–26. The government says these changes replace religion-specific benefits with broader, religion-neutral welfare and bring institutions under common regulatory standards. Of the 252 institutions facing closure, 44 are in Malda, 37 in Uttar Dinajpur, 32 in South 24 Parganas and 25 each in Nadia and Murshidabad. Several have substantial Muslim populations, while some are near the Bangladesh border. The distribution does not establish communal targeting. Nor do the findings establish radicalisation or terrorism. Yet BJP leaders have linked some unrecognised madrasas to possible radicalisation and alleged that border-area institutions could facilitate anti-national activity. The question is whether the new government is applying a uniform...

The unusual events leading up to death of a Dalit student Sahil Wakode by suicide in IIT Bombay on September 18, after his professor advised him against use of phone in exam led to a piquant situation. Since then the IIT Bombay has been under immense pressure to act against a much-decorated Prof Suryanarayana Doolla for the death of Wakode. The institute is under pressure to proceed against the professor under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act presumably for doing his job.  However, in a mighty pushback, the IIT Bombay Faculty rallied behind Prof Doolla’s favour and clarified that Prof Doolla has not been suspended, and continues to be a member of the faculty of the institute in “good standing”. It noted that Prof Doolla, who had won several awards for teaching, had received at least two such awards on the recommendations of the students. At this stage it is not clear how one odd statement will help Prof Doolla as political parties like the Congress are already trying to capitalise the incident. In this backdrop with the deceased student’s parents pressing for strong action, Prof Doolla got some support from Dalit leader from Tamil Nadu, Ananthan Ayyasamy, who has vocally opposed pressing SC/ST Act against Prof Doolla. He feels such a step would be counter-productive. Explaining how he himself belongs to the Devendra Kula Vellalar community, classified as SC, he says slapping the “harsh” SC/ST Act could drive away our IIT teaching faculty abroad. He says his community has been wanting to get out of the reserved category.  A qualified engineer from NIT, Trichy, who has had a stint at Intel in India and the U.S., he says his community is opposed to using the SC/ST Act per se.  “We are about 9% in Tamil Nadu. We should not do anything to harm our nation.” 

Lalbaugcha Raja was never only an idol. It was a promise: stand long enough, and Bappa will see you. This year that promise looks thinner than the barricade tape. Videos from the Parel queue are doing what official statements will not. People are telling friends to skip Raja. Not out of lost faith. Out of fear of the arrangement. Jaydeep Meghraj Nemade, 25, a Pune engineer with an MBA, came with friends for darshan on September 17. Around 11.40 pm, still in the line, he felt uneasy and could not breathe. He was rushed to Global Hospital. He died there. Police booked an accidental death and spoke of a suspected heart attack. The post-mortem will settle the medical line. It will not settle the other one: a young devotee collapsed in the most photographed queue in Mumbai, and the first public instinct was not surprising. It was recognition. That line has looked unsafe for years. What the videos show is not devotion. It is sorting. The common public is packed, shoved, held, and moved like volume. A few metres away, the paid and the connected walk a cleaner path. Pay more, wait less. The same mandal that sells “Raja of the poor” runs two religions under one shamiana: one for those who can buy speed, one for those who can only buy patience. Promotion gets louder every year. The callousness of the ground gets cheaper. Security looks like crowd control, not care. When regular visitors start saying it is better to avoid Raja, then it’s time organisers must sit up and take notice. 

Jadavpur University is emerging as a battleground in West Bengal, underscoring the BJP’s difficulty in making inroads into a campus associated with the Left. The BJP won the Jadavpur Assembly constituency in the 2026 election, yet the university remains outside the political influence of the BJP or Trinamool Congress. Demands for “neutral” campuses have raised concerns over attempts to suppress critical discourse. For decades, student politics at JU has been dominated by Left formations, including SFI, AISA and FETSU. The TMC has failed to establish a comparable foothold. That equation came under strain in August after clashes involving ABVP and Left-leaning groups, with allegations of outsider entry and vandalism. The confrontation centred on a FETSU meeting at Aurobindo Bhavan. The BJP has accused students and faculty of encouraging anti-national politics, citing graffiti and slogans concerning Palestine and Kashmir, invoking Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s phrase “Dimagi Naxal”. Following its electoral success, the RSS has intensified efforts to reshape academic institutions. The campaign intensified on September 9, when chief minister Suvendu Adhikari led a saffron procession involving BJP workers and Naga sadhus towards JU. He warned that those raising “azadi” slogans would be “uprooted”. The government passed the West Bengal Universities and Colleges (Administration and Regulation) Amendment Bill, 2026, allowing inter-university transfers. It says the measure can deploy experienced faculty to institutions including Jhargram and Cooch Behar. Teachers’ groups, including JUTA, have opposed it, arguing that it threatens university autonomy and could enable punitive transfers. Meanwhile, BJP MLA Sarbori Mukherjee has sought to rename JU after Sri Aurobindo. CPI(M) state secretary and JU alumnus Mohammad Salim criticised the proposal, alleging that the BJP’s objective is to extend RSS ideology across Bengal. He argued that, after JNU, Jamia Millia Islamia and Hyderabad...

Union Highways Minister Nitin Gadkari’s lament that he feels ashamed for incompletion of the crucial Mumbai-Konkan-Goa highway even after 17 years has assumed another dark hue since it has come to light that the expenditure for the strategic link has almost doubled over the years. RTI activist Jitendra Ghadge has been informed by the ministry headed by Gadkari that the projected expenditure for four-laning of the highway will be around Rs 16909 crore. Earlier, it was tagged at Rs 11409 crore. Thus, the rise amounts to 48%. So far, Rs 11577 crore has been spent on the project. This amount exceeds the original estimate. Despite the delay and so much expenditure, many large tracts of the highway NH-66 are still incomplete. The result is harassment for the road users, especially during festival occasions. While it was announced in the past that the distance of 460 km between Mumbai and the Maharashtra-Goa border would be crossed within seven to eight hours due to the expansion of the highway, the common experience is that it is impossible to guess how long it can take to drive down to the destination. This is owing to the pitiable condition of the road. This delay is compared with the 700-km Nagpur-Mumbai Samruddhi Expressway, which was completed within seven years from the day the work started. Exasperated, Gadkari has announced that he will not remain present for the inauguration of the link as he felt ashamed for the inability to complete the project.

On PM Narendra Modi’s birthday on September 17, Tamil Nadu CM C Joseph Vijay was among the many leaders and CMs who posted their birthday greetings on X.  What however caught the political eye was that the TVK supremo’s “heartfelt birthday wishes” to “Modi avargal” was his acknowledgement that PM Modi “leads with dedication towards building a strong India”. He significantly wished for PM Modi’s “a long life filled with good health”. These were significant, considering it was made in the backdrop of a dogfight within the Congress in Tamil Nadu as to who will be the PM face for 2029 Lok Sabha polls. In fact, a public spat  erupted within the party over its alliance with TVK and the recent campaign projecting Vijay as a potential prime ministerial face, with two senior party leaders — former Tamil Nadu Congress Committee (TNCC) chief Selvaperunthagai and former MP Praveen Chakravarty — trading sharp remarks. The dispute began after Selvaperunthagai said any alliance involving the Congress should accept Rahul Gandhi as its prime ministerial candidate. “If Rahul Gandhi is the PM, alliance partners should accept that. If not, what is the point of being in this alliance? It is only honest to have an alliance with those who openly and sincerely accept Rahul as the prime minister,” Selvaperunthagai said. Chakravarty, however, dismissed the former state Congress chief’s intervention, saying there was no confusion within the alliance and that TVK had not officially taken a position against Rahul Gandhi.  

Maharashtra Food and Drug Administration (FDA) Commissioner Tukaram Mundhe has admonished three top Bollywood actors over their appearance in a surrogate advertisement for a Pan Masala brand. Actors Shah Rukh Khan, Ajay Devgn and Tiger Shroff are thus violators of the law in the eyes of the FDA, Munde has thundered in a TV channel interview.  The controversial advertisement is of Vimal Elaichi mouth freshner. In the frank questions-answer session, Mundhe has made it abundantly clear that for law, no celebrity status matters neither does it accord protection from legal proceedings. Hence, the three actors are treated as advertisers in this legal context. The FSSA of India Act requires endorsers to observe due diligence regarding the products they promote. Accordingly, Shah Rukh Khan, Ajay Devgn and Tiger Shroff received official show-cause notices from the Maharashtra FDA. The notices said the Vimal Elaichi campaign acts as a surrogate promotion for Vimal Pan Masala, which is banned in Maharashtra. The FDA directed the actors to stop the campaign and delete promotional content from social media. Munde revealed that while two actors have responded to the notice, one is yet to do so. He pleaded inability to name the individuals concerned, saying that the file for the case was with one of his subordinates. Munde has been hitting the headlines ever since he took over as FDA chief. Significantly, the state government has desisted from making any comment about his campaign, which has rubbed many in high places the wrong way.

For ages, Chennai’s Marina, the world’s second longest beach has remained the envy of many a coastal city. It has also hosted significant public protests for causes, strong or illusory. The imposing colonial, brilliant white IG’s office has presided over this imposing wide beach road. A recent decision to build a sprawling new Secretariat on 25 acres of Pattinapakkam’s loop road has raised a tsunami of protests from the nine fishing villages as they may lose their livelihood, if forced to migrate. But why is this site chosen from a clutch of other less vulnerable locations? The talk by the well and ill-versed is buzzing with anger, apprehension and alarm. Fishers’ boats have turned symbols of serious protest, with black flags on every boat.  Former Education Minister of the DMK Anbil Mahesh said there are so many schools in the narrow roads of Santhome nearly 20,000 students may face hardships of traffic diversion. A monument built on 25 acres of coastal land maybe inundated over the years …remember the tsunami of 2004 and how waves battered the road boundaries? Why this particular location? Also the earlier “New Secretariat” built on the Omandurar Estate by the DMK government was converted into multi-specialty hospital when J Jayalalithaa-led AIADMK came to power. The TVK government’s Rs 1,200 crore Secretariat will affect livelihood of fishermen …a single boat supports 10 fisher families. There is the buzz about why Pattinappakkam? A ritzy high-rise here is the home of the CM and other celebrities. A well-known builder designed it. If the plan to build a spanking new secretariat goes through the value of this beach front will rise higher. The CM has already announced the project under rule 110.

Are the regional constituents of the INDIA Bloc beginning to work among themselves, without the Congress playing the role of “big brother”? While the Gandhis have maintained a cordial relationship with Mamata Banerjee, recent developments surrounding two bypolls in West Bengal have raised questions over the equation. On the day the Election Commission froze the Trinamool Congress’s party name and symbol, DMK leader Kanimozhi met Banerjee at her residence. The Congress, meanwhile, moved quickly to attack the poll panel’s decision, with general secretary (organisation) K C Venugopal calling it “the Election Commission’s gift” to Prime Minister Narendra Modi on his birthday. His remarks came as Kanimozhi’s meeting with Banerjee fuelled speculation about regional parties exploring a political platform that could operate independently of the Congress. The timing has acquired significance because the TMC and Congress are contesting the Nandigram and Rejinagar bypolls separately. Unconfirmed reports suggest Banerjee was willing to accommodate the Congress in one of the seats and had approached Venugopal. There has, however, been no response from the Congress to the reported outreach. Kanimozhi’s engagements have extended beyond Bengal. She met Shiv Sena (UBT) chief Uddhav Thackeray in the presence of MPs Anil Desai and Milind Narvekar. The discussions reportedly covered the delimitation Bill, the Congress’s approach towards the BJP and the future of the INDIA Bloc. She also met NCP (SP) chief Sharad Pawar and Supriya Sule amid reports of differences between the Congress and NCP (SP) in Maharashtra. The developments come against the backdrop of an inactive INDIA Bloc coordination mechanism. Its 14-member committee met only once, on September 13, 2023. A proposal for regular meetings also faltered after a planned Hyderabad meeting in August 2026 failed to take place.

Dashing hopes of the BJP, a fragmented opposition, the AAP and the Goa Forward Party have joined forces to create a new alliance called ‘Goa First’ with the hope to win the 2027 Goa Assembly elections. AAP’s national convenor, Arvind Kejriwal, said the alliance is an alternative to the BJP and Congress. Kejriwal said voters deserve an option beyond these two major parties, arguing that they pretend to oppose each other during elections while collaborating behind the scenes. The Goa Forward Party, led by former deputy CM Vijai Sardesai, is a regional political outfit. Currently, it holds one seat in the 40-member state Assembly. The AAP has two MLAs. Ironically, for the past two years, Sardesai has wanted to merge the GFP with the Congress and had approached the party through multiple channels. In return, he sought either the post of LoP or the Goa Pradesh Congress Committee (GPCC) presidency. The Congress’s Yuri Alemao, who stayed with the party despite lucrative offers from the BJP, is the current LoP in the Goa Assembly, and the Congress was reluctant to replace him. The BJP has ruled Goa since 2012. In 2017 and 2022, it won because opposition votes were divided among multiple parties. Now in its 15th year the BJP government faces strong anti-incumbency. Allegations of land-transfer irregularities and a multi-crore cash-for-jobs scam have surfaced. The Congress won 11 seats in 2022, but eight of its MLAs defected to the BJP. Most Congress MLAs elected in 2022 came from South Goa, where the State’s Catholic-majority areas supported it. The AAP says it cannot have an understanding with the Congress in Goa, as it is the principal challenger in Punjab. Goa and Punjab go to polls in February-March 2027.

Is the Government reaching out to the Opposition for a special session of Parliament to pass the Delimitation Bill? Sources say Parliamentary Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju’s office has reached out to Congress chief and Rajya Sabha Leader of Opposition (LoP) Mallikarjun Kharge to see whether a session can be held before October 11, when Navratri begins. It is learnt that Rahul Gandhi is in no mood to help PM Narendra Modi to pass the delimitation bill to usher in women’s quota. The talk is that the government may also consider holding it during Navratri, citing the festival’s association with the worship of Goddess Durga and its symbolism around women’s empowerment. The Govt’s efforts are to secure the two-thirds majority required to pass the Constitutional Amendment Bill. Both the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha were adjourned sine die on August 13. A few days ago, Congress leader Jairam Ramesh said the government had broken its previous record for the longest delay in proroguing both Houses. In response, Kharge wrote to Rijiju, reiterating the demand that the government convene an all-party meeting and disclose the proposed agenda before deciding. The issue of delimitation has remained a major political flashpoint, with the Congress demanding that the Lok Sabha’s existing strength of 543 seats be frozen for the next 25 years and that 33% reservation for women be implemented from the 2029 Lok Sabha elections. On April 17, during the Budget session, the Constitutional amendment bill (to implement women’s reservation before the 2029) was defeated in the Lok Sabha. The buzz is that the government has opened channels with the DMK, which has 22 Lok Sabha MPs, to vote for the Bill. Nevertheless, it remains unclear whether the government has a two-thirds majority. Recently, DMK MP Kanimozhi, Shiv Sena (UBT) chief Uddhav Thackeray and NCP (SP) leader Sharad Pawar met fuelling speculation over opposition consultations on delimitation.

In a significant move, the Congress leadership has appointed Madhu Goud Yaskhi —a close aide of Rahul Gandhi and prominent OBC leader from Telangana—to head the All India Professionals’ Congress (AIPC).A former two-term Lok Sabha MP, Yaskhi replaced Praveen Chakravarty who has been leading the body since November 2023. Like Yaskhi , Chakravarti too was close to Rahul but he was too engrossed in much political work and delicate political messaging, handling tricky alliance issues for the party in Tamil Nadu. Chakravarty was among the Congress leaders who had explored a possible alliance with actor-turned-politician Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) ahead of the Tamil Nadu elections. He had met Vijay before the polls to explore the possibility of a tie-up, though the Congress remained with its long-standing ally DMK, only to finally dump them and join hands with the TVK. That is why perhaps he was eased out of the AIPC charge within months of getting elected to the Rajya Sabha from TN. Party sources pointed out that AIPC, a very “dear project of Rahul Gandhi” was founded in 2017 to reach out to working professionals. Shashi Tharoor had first headed AIPC. He moved out after he had challenged Kharge in the Congress presidential election in 2022. With Yaskhi ’s appointment, the party hopes to connect with the salaried class. Yaskhi ‘s appointment brought a lot of cheer in Telangana considering he had chaired the Telangana Congress Campaign Committee. Telangana CM Revanth Reddy significantly took to X to congratulate Yaskhi and also organised a felicitation for him in the state assembly. On his part, Yaskhi resolved to strengthen “the Congress Party from the state level to the national level and to make Rahul Gandhi Garu the Prime Minister of India,” Yaskhi wrote on his X.

Even though the election dates for Panchayat and Urban Polls to be held in 2027 have not been finalised yet, that has not stopped Odisha’s leading political parties – BJP, BJD and Congress – from getting poll ready. It is learnt that Odisha’s Election Commissioner Madhusudan Padhi has swung into action for poll preparation that cover Rourkela, Sambalpur and Puri. The immediate task for the Odisha government is to conduct statewide door-to-door surveys for updating the electoral roll. The survey is slated to begin from October 26 to November 7, 2026. The cut-off date for inclusion of new votes has been fixed for January 1, 2027. This explains why BJP’s state and national leaders of about 400 functionaries recently participated in the two day deliberations in Odisha to chalk out a road map on how best to strengthen its numbers in the 2027 Panchayat and Urban Local Body polls. Similarly, two opposition parties BJD and Congress are leaving no stones unturned to put BJP on the backfoot. Political observers say the challenge for ruling BJP is cut out. This is because in the 2022 Panchayat elections, BJD had secured an overwhelming 766 out of 852 Zilla Parishad seats while BJP wrested only 42 seats and Congress was able to manage 37 seats. The challenge for the BJP government led by Mohan Charan Majhi government is: How will he strengthen and secure statewide grass root support in the village panchayat level which is dominated by BJD & Congress?

Chinese President Xi Jinping’s India visit on Saturday (Sept 12) and his bilateral meeting with Prime Minister Narendra Modi acquired significance beyond the BRICS summit, coming at a time when Russian President Vladimir Putin has been actively pushing for a thaw between the two Asian powers. Putin’s private message to Modi had been unequivocal: India must move beyond the bitterness over Chinese incursions and anti-India posturing that had strained ties for the present, notwithstanding the personal equation Modi had painstakingly built with Jinping over the years—first as Gujarat Chief Minister and subsequently as Prime Minister. The Russian President’s intervention assumes greater significance against the backdrop of Moscow’s own strategic calculations. With Russia seeking stronger relations with both India and China, Putin has an obvious interest in preventing the two major Asian powers from remaining locked in confrontation. There is also an intriguing economic dimension to this triangular relationship. Chinese shipping vessels have been deployed to carry Russian crude to India, underscoring how geopolitical compulsions can override the otherwise adversarial India-China relationship. For New Delhi, Russian energy remains strategically important; for Beijing, facilitating the movement of Russian crude to the Indian market demonstrates the complexities of its relationship with both Moscow and New Delhi. For Modi, however, forgiving Beijing is hardly a question of forgetting. The relationship carries the baggage of the border dispute and China’s incursions, even as economic and geopolitical realities demand engagement. Xi’s visit—the first to India in seven years—therefore provides an opportunity to reopen a channel that had effectively narrowed after the military tensions on the Line of Actual Control. For Putin, a Modi-Xi rapprochement strengthens the larger Eurasian equation. For Modi, it offers strategic space to engage Beijing without surrendering India’s position...

Four months into its first government in West Bengal, the BJP is confronting a political battle it may have expected to fight outside government — over what constitutes Bengali culture. The immediate flashpoint is Durga Puja, the state’s defining festival that featured prominently in the BJP’s electoral pitch around Bengali identity. The fault line has sharpened over attempts by sections of the hardline camp advocating vegetarian food during the five-day festivities. To add to this, the state government hosted self-styled godman Dhirendra Shastri aka Bageshwar Baba who has not only professed vegetarianism during Durga Puja, but also terming non-veg eating Bengalis as “pakhandi”. He was welcomed by chief minister Suvendu Adhikari and his Cabinet and a gala dinner was hosted for him. The ruling party had to address growing discontent over Baba’s  term as well as “food diktat”, arguing that such prescriptions run against the lived cultural practices of Bengal and risk turning “Bangaliana” into an electoral slogan rather than a political commitment. The CM has announced restrictions on DJs, liquor sales and road blockades, alongside financial assistance for smaller puja committees and plans for a major Mahalaya programme at Eden Gardens with Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union Home Minister Amit Shah. The political optics have been complicated further by the government’s decision to discontinue the Durga Puja carnival on Kolkata’s Red Road, the brainchild of former CM Mamata Banerjee. The carnival had evolved into a major public spectacle, showcasing award-winning idols and puja committees. The irony is hard to miss. In 2021, UNESCO recognised Durga Puja in Kolkata as an intangible cultural heritage. For BJP that campaigned on reclaiming Bengal’s cultural identity, the question is no longer merely who controls Durga Puja — but who gets to define Bengal.

Why do two senior Congress leaders take opposite stands on the same issue? Does one do it to please Rahul Gandhi, or does the other want to show he thinks independently on the matter? A day after P Chidambaram questioned the tangible benefits India has gained from recent BRICS Summits, saying he had not seen any significant outcomes from the last two or three meetings, his party colleague and MP Shashi Tharoor said that the grouping shows India’s “diplomatic convening power”. Speaking ahead of the BRICS Summit in Delhi, Tharoor called the summit an important platform for the Global South. Tharoor highlighted the importance of the BRICS Summit and said the 11 BRICS countries represent a majority of the world’s population and 41% of global GDP. Saying it is no small matter, he said the rest of the world must take it very seriously. Earlier, Chidambaram talked about the BRICS Summit 2026 in Delhi and questioned what concrete benefits the country has received from it. He said he doesn’t know how many Presidents and how many Prime Ministers are coming, but he doesn’t think the last two or three BRICS Summits have delivered tangible benefits or results for India. However, the BJP lashed out at Chidambaram and called him part of the “naraaz phupha” lot (angry uncle as described by Modi) who can’t digest India’s growth and development. India assumed the BRICS chairmanship for the fourth time on January 1, with its 2026 presidency driven by the theme, “Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability”. Among the delegates are Russian President Vladimir Putin, Chinese President Xi Jinping, South African President Cyril Ramaphosa, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, and several other global leaders who have come to Delhi to attend the summit. It is being said the Congress is upset that Chinese President Xi is also attending BRICS summit. And the party felt left out of the loop.

Following bilateral talks at Bharat Mandapam, PM Modi and President Putin travelled together in an armoured Aurus Senat limousine to the INNOPROM industrial exhibition on September 11, marking their fourth shared ride within a year. Normally, talks between top leaders usually happen across negotiating tables. It was the same “Aurus Senat” car that made headlines after Modi rode in it with Putin during the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) Summit in China in September 2025. The two leaders have used cars for secret negotiations. Putin shares car rides — often dubbed “carplomacy”— to showcase their strong personal bond and hold private, uninterrupted discussions. Travelling together creates the world’s secure private room away from aides and officials, allowing the two leaders to speak candidly about major geopolitical updates or sensitive matters. It is uncommon for PM Modi to travel with a foreign dignitary in the same vehicle, but an exception was again made for Putin who visited India for the first time in four years. Back in September 2025, during the SCO Summit in Tianjin (China), the two were seen travelling together in Putin’s bulletproof car, drawing widespread global attention. Later, Putin said, “The car ride with Modi was my idea. It was a symbol of our friendship. We talked throughout the drive; there’s always something to discuss. We even sat inside the car for quite some time afterwards.” Modi has shared car rides with a few foreign leaders in the past, former Japanese PM Shinzo Abe during a 2017 roadshow, and UAE President Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan during a 2024 roadshow. Putin last visited India in December 2025 for the India-Russia summit, but it will be his first in-person participation at a BRICS Summit outside Russia since the war in Ukraine began in February 2022.

Pune, the seat of the vast Maratha empire, continues to hit headlines, mostly for wrong reasons. However, an observation by the Bombay High Court on Friday (Sept 11) has somehow restored Pune’s pride and pleased its tippler community immensely. The bench has castigated the Pune district administration for imposing an arbitrary liquor sales ban for the duration of the Ganesh festival. Already, the administration has banned the use of DJ sound systems and laser beams during the famous public celebration of the festival, ending September 26. That restriction has been welcomed all around. However, the liquor ban was immediately challenged by the wine shop owners while those enjoying a swig or two were waiting patiently for divine intervention. It has come from the HC, which said that the ban is an arbitrary decision. The bench has queried why only Pune has been singled out. It noted that Mumbai and other areas have no such restrictions. The court observed the ban unfairly portrays Pune residents as troublemakers after drinking. The judges remarked that stopping alcohol for 10 days could cause medical issues and flood hospitals with habitual drinkers. The Bench was headed by newly appointed Chief Justice M C Tripathi and Justice Advait Sethna. The Petitioners are hotel and wine shop owner associations, who unitedly rose to challenge the Pune district collector’s order. The HC has asked the authorities to withdraw the ban or face direct judicial intervention.

Odisha has now broken into NITI Aayog’s top five most competitive investment destination today. It has scored 52.4 points lagging behind Gujarat, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu and Goa. NITI Aayog is all in praise for Odisha because of its policy reforms, abundant natural resources in the mineral sector accounting for nearly 50% of India’s mineral production. Apart from this NITI Aayog has also praised Odisha’s prudent fiscal management measures, logistics infrastructure, low interest payment and incorporating strong fiscal management processes. It has praised Odisha’s prompt business registration processes, affordable industrial parks for startups and aggressively pursuing industrial expansion. The big news is NITI Aayog has now recommended Bhadrakh to set up the next international airport. Objective is to ease pressure on Bhubaneswar including improved road and rail connectivity, expanding port access to Dhamra and having single window system for it’s air and sea cargo. NITI Aayog is also pushing Odisha to rev up its inadequate inland warehousing capacity, container depot stations and improving overall transport connectivity in the state henceforth. It has advised the state government to incorporate single window system for its air and sea cargo and faster allocation of industrial land by IDCO. As per NITI Aayog, Odisha needs to simplify its rules and making administrative process faster welcoming new businesses. Odisha Industry Minister Sampad Charan Swain said “Odisha is no longer just a resource rich state – it’s now getting ready to the demands of modern industrial hub”.

PM Narendra Modi is not someone who will easily let his critics think he has lost his connection with the youth — because of the rise of a new brand of student leaders upset with the system. So, on September 5, Modi returned to Delhi’s 100-year-old Shri Ram College of Commerce (SRCC), 13 years after his first high-profile address there as Gujarat CM. He used the occasion to deliver something more than a political speech. It was part economic defence, part political broadside, and part appeal to India’s teachers and young people to think beyond the classroom. The SRCC,   founded in 1926, was celebrating its centenary, bringing together generations of students, teachers and alumni. Modi used the occasion to draw a dramatic contrast between the India he encountered at the college in 2013 and the India that exists today. At the centre of his argument was the latest growth number: India’s economy expanded by 7.8% in the first quarter of 2026. Modi presented the figure as evidence of economic resilience at a particularly difficult moment, with war and instability in West Asia disrupting trade, energy markets and global confidence. Modi wanted the students to see the contrast for themselves. His message was essentially this: judge the transformation not merely by political rhetoric but by where the country was in 2013 and where it stands today. That comparison is central to Modi’s political narrative. His government, he argued, replaced what he called “policy paralysis” with “policy dynamism”. Whether Modi’s SRCC address will work depends heavily on which audience is evaluating it. As a core piece of political messaging, it aims to reinforce his economic track record and capture the imagination of Gen Z voters.  More importantly, the BJP cadres are upbeat that Modi has shown he is in full command.

Political analysts in Chennai were quite taken aback by the public reception to Tamil Nadu chief minister C Joseph Vijay’s speech in the state assembly on September 7 when he made a stinging attack on the DMK leadership. He had after all only pieced together old corruption stories and narrated them. So “why make a big deal?” was their dismissive reaction. We’ll tell you what’s new about it. Clearly, the younger generation was not clued into these old stories. The beauty of what Vijay did was to string all the old deeds of DMK crimes or pearls of action together and serve them with fire and brimstone to his audience.”Ennadhu, ivlo corrupta!” is the reaction he wanted from his virtual warriors and Gen Z supporters. The DMK thought the Sarkaria Commission story was long forgotten. The party had also assumed its MISA sacrifice during the Emergency would never be pooh-poohed. They never, in their wildest imagination, expected to be called out for taking commissions in the name of a “party fund”. For the first time Vijay dared to change rules of the game. Now that Thalapathy has given them the synopsis, the faithful will add their mirch-namak and make it spicier. The mythology of DMK corruption will reach every nook and corner. Honestly, the DMK doesn’t know how to react. The AIADMK, being a pangali or partner in crime, never gave them a hard time. TVK is a very different kettle of fish. They’re out to paint the DMK as “thooya sakthi” (evil force). How is the DMK going to come out of this phase? No one in the party knows.  

On September 5, former DMK minister R Gandhi while addressing a public meeting in Kanchipuram, the silk city, openly described the Tamil Nadu’s electorate as 1.79 crore “muttaalgal” (fools) in chaste Tamil. There was nothing soft or silky in his open condemnation of what he thought of those who had pole-vaulted TVK and Vijay to the top position. Is it a case of act in revengeful hate/haste, repent and rue in leisure? Has Gandhi overstepped the democratic right to express his frank opinion or is he culpable of insulting the state’s voters who did their rightful and free democratic duty? The jury is still out on this….in fact the jury is yet to be formed, as parties and polemics need strategy to get on and gain with alliances or lose out as critics. What led to Gandhi’s caustic comment? The Directorate of Vigilance and Anti-Corruption (DVAC had conducted lightning raids on former DMK Minister K N Nehru’s office and residence, a move quickly and predictably protested as witch-hunts by the new government to cut Nehru, a veteran of political manoeuvring and muscle flexing. Is Nehru taking on the TVK in the assembly? Gandhi as the spokesperson derides …“Is it a state legislative assembly ? 110 days and what has the reel government done? This party climbed into the top seat because 35 % foolish people who cannot discriminate between reel cinema and realpolitik voted for them to bring a change.”  

After his spectacular performance in Pune, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi is making plans to storm Nagpur, the birthplace of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. The likely visit has raised mixed feelings since the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party and the RSS are considered two sides of the same coin. Rahul was in Nasik in north Maharashtra on Wednesday (Sep 2). There he interacted with some prominent Congress leaders from Maharashtra. At the meeting, the Nagpur plan was discussed. Although no date of Rahul’s visit has been fixed, it is indicated that it will be by the end of September. The engagement will be an interactive outreach with youth and students. It will be a replica of the recently held ‘Chhatron Ki Goonj’ event in Pune. The programme’s objective is to give a fillip to the Congress efforts to liaise with students and young voters and rejuvenating grassroots activities across Vidarbha region, once upon a time a Congress stronghold, which is now under control of the BJP. The visit will be a message to the Hindutva camp to prepare for a serious challenge in the days to come. Rahul was in Nasik to conclude a 10-day camp organised for the Congress cadres in Maharashtra. A highlight of the meeting was Rahul’s interaction with tribal students from Nasik, Pune, Chhatrapati Sambhaji Nagar and from Vidarbha region. The discussion is considered a trigger for a decision to hold a meet in Nagpur.

Pune is justly called the cradle of social reforms in India. It was in Pune that the first ever girls’ school started almost 180 years ago. The movement to encourage widow marriages was launched in Pune. The 10-day Ganesh Festival was incepted in Pune by Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak over 130 years ago to unite people against injustice. It is now celebrated all over the world. Hence, there is no wonder that a demand to ban the use of deafening loudspeakers and DJ music systems should originate from Pune.  Vidyanand Bapat and Sharad Kelkar are two common Pune residents who are spearheading the agitation to seek ban on very loud music at all hours during festivals and public celebrations, irrespective of the religion to which the celebrants belong. The campaign took an ugly turn on Thursday (Sept 3) when Bapat was assaulted by a youth for demanding the control over noise intensity during Ganapati celebrations. The attacker has been arrested and Bapat is provided police protection. Kelkar has moved the National Human Rights Commission to urge it to direct Maharashtra Pollution Control Board authorities to implement the noise level decibel regulations. Incidentally, it was many years ago that an activist, Yashwant Oke, had moved the Supreme Court to frame rules for noise limitations in public places. The campaign has received a boost since veteran leader Sharad Pawar has endorsed the stand taken by Bapat. Indications are that a procession planned for Sunday to demand enforcement of the noise regulations will receive massive support. Thus, Pune will once again show the nation how to curb a public menace through statutory means.

A new team has taken over the management of Shri Ram Janmabhoomi Teerth Kshetra Trust. The new Chief Executive Officer, Air Marshal (Retd) Jeetendra Mishra, who has taken over said he served the nation for 43 years in the Indian Air Force and will now spend his life in the service of Lord Shri Ram. The Trust treasurer, Govind Dev Giri, has taken over as general secretary, replacing Champat Rai. Delhi businessman and Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP) activist Mahesh Bhagchandka will be the new treasurer. The decision to appoint ‘Operation Sindoor’ fame Air Marshal (Retd) Mishra is seen as a move approved at the highest level of the government, possibly at the Prime Minister’s level. Modi is said to be keen to fully restore public trust in the management of the Ram Mandir, which was embroiled in political controversy when it was found that some counting staff members were stealing temple donation money. With a decorated Air Marshal appointed as CEO, no one will have the courage to indulge in politics over his selection. Even Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav refrained from commenting on the decision. The retired Air Marshal was selected through due process and in a transparent manner. With the baton in the hands of a retired Air Marshal (Retd), Modi hopes people will regain confidence in how the Trust works. The decision to install Govind Dev Giri as general secretary is also a good one. It will ensure continuity. The new treasurer, Mahesh Bhagchandka, is a successful businessman. The team has a big challenge ahead: restoring the common man’s trust after the image of Ram Mandir was dented.

As Uttar Pradesh is headed for polls in early 2027, chief minister Yogi Adityanath continues to face problems from his ministers, who are very upset with the bureaucracy, which remains loyal to Yogi. Senior BJP leaders say there have been several instances of differences between ministers and bureaucrats over the past three years. During Yogi’s second term in July 2022, deputy chief minister Brajesh Pathak wrote to the then Additional Chief Secretary, Medical and Health, Amit Mohan Prasad and expressed his displeasure over the transfer of doctors in the department. The transfers took place while Pathak was out of the state. Since then, several ministers have written letters expressing their dissatisfaction with government officers. Many of these letters have later surfaced on social media and gone viral. The latest is Panchayati Raj Minister and Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party (SBSP) chief Om Prakash Rajbhar, who has accused senior officers in his department of ‘non-cooperation’ and sought their removal. Rajbhar has written to Yogi, alleging negligence in his own department. He accused Principal Secretary Anil Kumar and Director Amit Kumar Singh of failing to implement government decisions properly. Last year in July, Industrial Development Minister Nand Gopal Nandi made serious allegations against officers, accusing them of ignoring government policies, being negligent, not following ministerial instructions and favouring certain individuals.

Almost every day, Tamil Nadu chief minister C Joseph Vijay announces bounties of mega projects in the TN Assembly, like the monarchs of yore did for their subjects. But with one difference …every scheme is under Rule 110, an order that bypasses legislative debate and discussions. The TN Assembly saw heated reactions; not that earlier regimes under DMK and AIADMK have not resorted to such “impressive announcements” under 110. What is becoming a buzz of protest after 70 years of Dravidam rule, TVK and Vijay had been elected to be a change, a new order. Four months have elapsed since TVK came to power, but so far not much has happened by way of people centric action. Predictably, LoP Udhayanidhi Stalin lashed out, “TN was on top gear in our regime…now turned reverse gear”. Vijay is sure that all the world class racing formula cars he plans to race shall vroom past with hi-octane turbo speed to keep TVK in power. Not just losing the position of power, retaining only his Lop status Udhayanidhi has to limit the ambit of his questions …skeletons have a way of tumbling out of the past. But Naam Thamizhar Katchi leader Seeman, the enfant terrible tore into the government’s schemes asked: Why have a budget if you are invoking Rule 110? What are not debated issues are announced as schemes. On August 17, TVK announced projects/spending worth Rs 73,900 crores in the budget for green energy, free bus rides and milk subsidies. TN khazana is already facing a staggering Rs 1.76 lakh crore debt. Stop using Rule 110 to push through non critical projects.

It seems the case of old wine new bottle. Before the West Bengal Assembly elections, the BJP had promised a reckoning with the Trinamool Congress’s alleged corruption, political violence and organisational network. But, months after the change of government, however, the party is confronting an uncomfortable question from within on “old Trinamool” becoming the new BJP. The unease has intensified since March 4, with the Trinamool effectively splitting into four political formations. Three Rajya Sabha MPs resigned and joined the BJP before returning to Parliament. Twenty Lok Sabha MPs after a meeting Union Minister Bhupender Yadav left Trinamool and joined the little-known NCPI and became part of the NDA. A third faction comprising 65 MLAs led by Ritabrata Banerjee and claiming to represent the “real” Trinamool saw Banerjee becoming LoP. The fourth remains aligned with the Kalighat camp. It is the first three formations that have created the most difficult political problem for BJP. Union Home Minister Amit Shah had repeatedly warned before the election that Trinamool “goons” would be dealt with firmly. Yet several leaders once targeted by the BJP are now political allies or members of the ruling party. State BJP president Shamik Bhattacharya has acknowledged the contradiction where he stated that people voted for a change in the person inside the political attire, not merely a change of attire. The induction of Sukhendu Sekhar Ray, Sushmita Dev and Prakash Chik Baraik and nominated to the Rajya Sabha has particularly unsettled sections of the BJP leaders.It may be recalled  Baraik was once attacked by former state BJP president Sukanta Majumdar as a “cow smuggler”. The same disquiet surrounds the Ritabrata faction. BJP leaders had accused several of its members of corruption, yet critics allege that the government has adopted a softer approach towards them.

The BJP’s rise to power in West Bengal has altered the political landscape with the principal fight now emerging as “saffron versus red”, the CPI(M) said at its extended state committee session. The party urged cadres to build organisation and movements around livelihood concerns, without entering any “dead end” created by the BJP-RSS. It said the BJP had sought to brand the Left “anti-national” since coming to power, and called for reaching people directly rather than getting trapped in that debate. The party is also seeking to restrain the use of the “Azadi” slogan. The party accused the BJP government of pursuing policies against the poor, dividing people on religious lines, shrinking space for free thought and attacking Bengali culture. District leaders attributed the BJP’s rise to public anger over Trinamool Congress corruption and authoritarianism, but said the BJP was now following an authoritarian path. They called for exposing its “mask”, claiming support was increasing in the State, particularly in minority areas. They also alleged the RSS was keeping the former chief minister politically relevant. State secretary Mohammed Salim said the party must identify successes, failures and gaps of the past decade and formulate strategy accordingly, overcoming obstacles. General secretary M A Baby stressed that the CPI(M) must revive in Bengal. He asserted the political situation in India is at a turning point, and that the countdown to the Modi government’s “downfall” had commenced. He also said that in West Bengal, the Left forces are in the process of regaining influence among the masses.

The BJP’s landslide victory in the 2026 West Bengal Assembly election has opened a new political space for the Hindu nationalist ecosystem to expand its presence beyond electoral politics into Bengal’s cultural landscape. The Hindu Right is seeking to build an alternative cultural infrastructure, with Kolkata’s College Street, or Boi Para, emerging as an early site of contestation. Long regarded as a hub of books, ideas and political debate, and historically shaped by Left intellectual traditions, the area is now witnessing the emergence of new cultural organisations. Two such platforms are the Bangiya Grantha Shilpa Parishad (BGSP), launched on June 1, and the Association of Bengal for Literature & Culture (ABLC), founded on June 27. Both present themselves as non-partisan bodies representing the book and cultural sectors. However, their emphasis on nationalism and the revival of Bengal’s “glorious culture” has prompted debate over their ideological positioning. The contest has also reached the Kolkata International Book Fair, with both organisations informally projecting themselves as potential alternatives to the existing organiser amid allegations of politicisation and irregularities. Parallel efforts are underway across the wider cultural sector. The Shyamaprasad Artist Forum and Bangiya Shilpa Kala Parishad have sought to consolidate artists, while the Lekhak Shilpi Samanway Samiti has expanded its activities and helped facilitate the Paschimbanga Natya Parishad for theatre practitioners. In music, Performers of Bengal has emerged as a platform for professionals, promoting what it calls a “Clean Culture, Healthy Culture”. The Hindu Right is also challenging what its supporters describe as Bengal’s “seku-maku” — secular-Marxist — intellectual culture. RSS-linked literary and historical organisations have further widened their networks, while newer groups are advancing alternative interpretations of Bengal’s history, identity, and cultural inheritance in Bengal.

On August 22, PM Modi interacted with all 65 newly appointed BJP national office-bearers during a meeting at the party headquarters in New Delhi. It lasted around four-and-a-quarter hours and reportedly went beyond midnight.  It marked Modi’s first interaction with the new team since BJP president Nitin Nabin announced the 65-member organisational team on August 17. Modi wanted the new team members to freely suggest ways for the BJP to strengthen the organisation at the grassroots level, develop fresh ideas and deepen its connect with the public. Since then, BJP’s IT cell has suddenly become aggressive. The IT cell units in different states are bombarding social media with memes and videos against Congress leader Rahul Gandhi. It all began with Rahul Gandhi’s “Chhatron Ki Goonj” rallies. A website named “Jhooth Ki Goonj” has surfaced to carry out a ‘fact check’ of all allegations levelled by Rahul Gandhi. According to this website, Rahul Gandhi levelled a total of 40 allegations in his four programs. Of those, 29 were completely fake, and 11 were misleading. The website claims it used government data and other facts from 134 sources for fact-checking. Congress leaders have alleged that this website has a BJP connection, but the saffron party has officially denied any connection. Union Minister Pralhad Joshi said the BJP has nothing to do with this website, which has been promoted by Gen Z creators. He said the website is exposing Rahul Gandhi’s PR stunts. Clearly, Congress is in a daze after this on social media by the BJP.

Can Tamil Nadu chief minister C Joseph Vijay really become Prime Minister in 2029? Given TVK’s presence only in TN, it doesn’t seem possible today, even as his government has completed 100 days in office. A recent India Today-C-Voter Mood of the Nation Survey, however, placed Vijay third in the national preference race for Prime Minister at 9%, trailing Narendra Modi (49%) and Rahul Gandhi (27%). This apparently added an element of tension between Vijay’s TVK and the Congress in TN. Several TVK ministers and leaders including PWD Minister Aadhav Arjuna and D Sarathkumar, publicly pitched Vijay as a future PM, arguing for a leader from southern India. Some TVK cadres and members put up promotional posters in towns like Tuticorin projecting Vijay as the next national leader. The development has caused a difficult situation for the Congress, which supported the formation of the TVK government after the Assembly election early this year. TVK had won 108 seats, 10 short of the majority mark. The Congress was the first party to join hands with them back then. Rahul Gandhi remains the Congress’ principal national face and a possible Prime Ministerial candidate. Vijay is now being presented by his own party as a possible alternative. Amid mounting friction between the two coalition partners over the issue, Congress Rajya Sabha MP Praveen Chakravarty met Vijay on August 31, a day after a Congress minister warned that the party’s two ministers in the state cabinet would quit if TVK did not back Rahul Gandhi for the top post. The Congress needs TVK in Tamil Nadu, where its own independent strength is limited. It may also need an electoral understanding with Vijay in the 2029 Lok Sabha election. However, TVK’s PM campaign may aim to strengthen its negotiating position with larger national parties.

Did Sonia Gandhi refuse to accept editorial changes proposed by Penguin Random House India for publishing her memoir Belonging: A Journey of Love? Sonia apparently did not agree to suggestions to tone down her criticism of PM Narendra Modi and the BJP. Both Sonia and Penguin decided to drop the project. On August 28, the company released a statement on Instagram that said: “Any suggestion that Penguin Random House India decided not to publish ‘Belonging’ because the author declined editorial changes does not accurately reflect the circumstances.” Penguin also said that, as publisher, it is their prerogative and responsibility to fact-check and provide authors with recommendations in the best interests of their books, calling it “a normal part” of the publishing process. Congress deputy leader in Lok Sabha Gaurav Gogoi lashed out at Penguin, calling its response a “weak statement,” adding that “Penguin India is more than happy to publish Exam Warriors and several books on RSS.” Exam Warriors is a book by Modi, published in 2018. “No doubt there are those in the BJP government who have now become afraid of a book being read by the people of India,” he added. With Penguin India pulling out, several publishers are said to be interested in the book. HarperCollins is reportedly close to finalising an agreement to publish and distribute the memoir in India, Hindustan Times reported. The memoir is scheduled for an international release on November 10 through Alfred A Knopf, an imprint of Penguin Random House. Knopf earlier announced an initial print run of 1 lakh copies. The memoir is expected to narrate Sonia’s journey from her childhood in post-war Italy to her move to India and marriage to former prime minister Rajiv Gandhi. Earlier this year, Penguin had issued a statement that it had “not printed” former Army Chief General M M Naravane’s memoirs titled Four Stars of Destiny but a hard copy of the title was flashed by Rahul...

Karnataka chief minister D K Shivakumar met Rahul Gandhi in Delhi for about half an hour on August 27 and discussed, among other things, his meeting with Adani Group chairman Gautam Adani on August 23. DKS apparently clarified to Rahul that he met Adani in his official capacity. He told Rahul it was not a personal matter, citing Adani Group’s investments in the state. Why did he have to clarify, Congress leaders asked? Was Rahul unhappy that his meeting with Adani had become a controversy? The BJP has accused the Congress of double standards and hypocrisy. Many leaders questioned Congress-run state governments’ engagement with the Adani Group, given Rahul’s frequent public criticisms and attacks on the conglomerate at the national level. DKS maintained that Adani met him because he had become CM and “they are doing a lot of work in Karnataka, giving jobs.” Adani met the CM at his Sadashivanagar residence in Bengaluru. It raised eyebrows in political and business circles, because Gautam Adani is the lowest bidder for the State government-proposed road tunnel project in Bengaluru. Adani Enterprises Ltd’s bid for the proposed road tunnel project was Rs 22,267 crore, while the State government estimate was Rs 17, 698 crore — Rs 4, 600 crore above official expectation. The proposed 16.75-km tunnel road is to link the area from Central Silk Board to Hebbal in Bengaluru city; the proposed road tunnel project will be implemented under the Build, Own, Operate and Transfer (BOOT) model. In addition to being the lowest bidder for the tunnel project, Adani Group operates Mangalore International Airport in Dakshina Kannada, the Udupi Thermal Power Plant, and is also investing in renewable energy.

The great alacrity shown by Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis in reassuring and actually helping the pilgrims who were stranded in Nepal after the deluge there is universally lauded. The latest example is the safe return to Kathmandu of 37 pilgrims from the state who were caught up in Saga, Tibet, after completing the Kailash Mansarovar Yatra, thanks to his initiative. The 37 pilgrims are from Thane, Pune, Alibaug, Raigad, and Dombivli areas. They got stranded in Saga during their return journey. As their India flight from Kathmandu is at 2 pm on 29 August, they were desperate to come back to Kathmandu on time. They and their kin contacted CMO and Fadnavis alerted the Union government immediately. This prompt action made their safe return to Kathmandu possible. Earlier, Fadnavis arranged the travel of 106 Nagpur pilgrims from Kathmandu for Danapur in Bihar soon after disaster struck. Following the CM’s phone call, Nepal MP Sandeep Rana arranged four mini-buses for their trip to Bihar, from where their return journey by train was also arranged. Not to be left behind, state deputy CM Eknath Shinde, too, swung into action. He video called Shiv Sena leader Megha Chorge and her colleagues, who were stranded in Pokhara near Kathmandu. Shinde reassured them that all possible assistance will be rushed to them. Sena’s disaster management cell, too, was activated for relief work. Sena activist Rahul Kanal, along with a team of Shiv Sainiks, left for Nepal to offer help. At present, round the clock communication is maintained to trace the missing Maharashtra pilgrims, whose return is awaited anxiously.