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With Parliament back to business, Union ministers are busy and back on their toes. No one was found more diligent than Union Road Transport & Highways Minister Nitin Gadkari. He made it a point to field questions of his ministry during the Question Hour, notwithstanding the fact that it was a big day for the BJP in Maharashtra .The Devendra Fadnavis led government was to be sworn into office. But then questions had been lined up for the minister. Opposition MPs particularly from Rajasthan wanted to know why the Delhi- Mumbai national expressway, inaugurated by PM Modi in February 2023, had become accident prone and suffered from serious quality issues. In his defence, Gadkari explained that the expressway had reduced the distance between Delhi and Mumbai by 200 km and it was possible to travel to the cities either way within 12 hours. Built at the cost of Rs 1 lakh crore the expressway used for the first time a new technology of perpetual pavement with Stone Mastic Asphalt (SMA).”This technology is used in high-density corridors across the USA and Europe. It provides a superior riding quality to cement-concrete as an alternative,” Gadkari informed members. As for the potholes, the minister explained that his ministry had commissioned a study by IIT, Kharagpur and IIT, Gandhinagar. “Investigations have found that there were deficiencies in the SMA layer resulting in rutting”. He added that the contractors are responsible for fixing defects for the 10 years. As for the accidents, he talked about himself as a victim of road accidents. “I have been a victim myself. My leg was broken in four places when I was leader of the Opposition in Maharashtra.”
Discovery of wad of notes in the seat allotted to Congress MP Abhishek Manu Singhvi in the Rajya Sabha became a flash point of controversy between the BJP and Congress. As soon as Rajya Sabha chairman Jagdeep Dhankhar, informed the House that security officials found the cash from seat number 222 allotted to Singhvi during the anti-sabotage check after the adjournment of the House on December 5, Leader of the Opposition Mallikarjun Kharge protested naming of the MP. Springing to Singhvi’s defence, Kharge said he had no objection to the probe, but the Chair should not have named the MP since a probe was underway. An avant garde Supreme Court lawyer himself, Singhvi, may not need the Congress to defend him. He dismissed any link with the wad of notes found and insisted he “carries only Rs 500 to Rajya Sabha” He also pointed out that he was barely inside the House for 3 minutes — between 12.57 pm and 1 pm — when the House rose”. At the same time Singhvi called for a probe saying it was possible for “people to come and put anything anywhere in any seat.” This means the RS will be compelled to share more details. The matter sparked uproar with Leader of the House and BJP chief JP Nadda terming it an “insult” to the Rajya Sabha’s integrity. Backing Chairman, Union Minister Kiren Rijiju said there was nothing wrong in naming the person involved in the issue. The discovery of cash in the RS was a throwback to years ago when cash was brought to the Lok Sabha in 2008 to establish a cash for votes scam unleashed by the UPA government to survive a confidence vote.
With the Mahayuti government finally managing to better their own targeted victory in 2024 Maharashtra elections, the focus has now shifted on the flagship program — the Ladki Bahin Yojana scheme. The scheme, which was introduced just six months prior to elections to get a vantage advantage and tide over factors like agrarian distress, unemployment, caste reservation rift, anti-incumbency etc has clearly served the purpose and now it was time for reality check. In his very first press briefing post taking over, third time chief minister Devendra Fadnavis confirmed that 24.3 million beneficiaries would be scanned to prune out those ineligible, clearly hinting at a lax scrutiny followed earlier in the rush of electoral generosity. The BJP’s former finance minister Sudhir Mungatiwar had already said that the promised hike of stipend amount to Rs 2100 could happen only later in the fiscal year around Bhau beej. Fadnavis also said that financial assessment was in order before the promised stipend hike. Ex-CM Eknath Shinde, however, is determined that promises be kept and said that officials have been asked to disburse the December instalment. State bureaucrats have already been waiting for the election to get over to get into tighter fiscal discipline mode to face the reality of Rs 7.8 lakh crore of debts that Maharashtra currently faces. Babus fear that such largesse in welfare spendings could derail government spendings and functioning.
Amid escalating communal unrest in Bangladesh targeting Hindu minorities and the arrest of an ISKCON monk, the RSS-affiliated Swadeshi Jagran Manch (SJM) has announced a campaign to boycott Bangladeshi products in India, starting with West Bengal. The campaign involves street protests, door-to-door advocacy, and identifying Bangladeshi goods in the market. The Manch plans to rally members of Sangh-aligned organizations, including the BJP, before extending the boycott call to the general public. It also aims to pressure the central government to halt imports of Bangladeshi goods, particularly textiles, and restrict the export of cotton and other essential materials to Bangladesh. Additionally, the group demands suspension of medical visas for Bangladeshi citizens. Amlankusum Ghosh, the SJM’s eastern sector leader, emphasized the urgency of the movement, stating, “History shows that unrest in Bangladesh impacts Bengal significantly. Given the current persecution of Hindus, Bengali Hindus must lead the protests. We urge a total boycott of Bangladeshi products in Bengal.” The movement is gaining momentum. Opposition leader Suvendu Adhikari has demanded the closure of trade routes like Petrapole.
Pink-ball Tests will remain in the “corridor of uncertainty” for batters and bowlers. It is still at a very nascent stage, with the full members of the ICC reluctant to roster a pink-ball contest in a series featuring two to five Tests. It is just nine years old in a format seen as the ultimate test even by the multi-day competition’s seasoned campaigners. Having debuted at the charming Adelaide Oval in South Australia in November 2015 and in the form of a scrap between the Steve Smith-led home team and its Tasman rival led by Brendon McCullum, the pink-ball showed its bias with a pronounced unpredictable behaviour in the air and off the pitch. The fast bowlers and their ilk had a field day, with Australia’s Josh Hazlewood and New Zealand’s Trent Boult taking five-wicket hauls in the second innings. The team totals in the match were: New Zealand 202 and 208 and Australia 224 and 187 for 7. The low-scoring game ended in a three-wicket victory for Australia, which has played seven Tests of the pink-ball variety in Adelaide and maintained a clean record of seven wins. India lost the Adelaide Test match of 2020 by eight wickets, shot out for 36 in the second innings, with Hazlewood and Pat Cummins playing havoc. India has played four pink-ball Tests and won three, all at home in Kolkata, Ahmedabad and Bengaluru. After a spectacular win in the first Test in Perth, where Jasprit Bumrah was the big game-changer, India will have to cross the pink-ball hurdle to win the big points and enhance its chances of advancing to the ICC World Test Championship final.
The latest petition from the Tamil Film Producers’ Association, is perplexing. Justice S Sounthar refused to grant an interim stay adding that film criticisms are part of freedom of speech and expression that cannot be curtailed. It’s not hard to delve into why this gag order is sought legally. The recent disaster of Kanguva at the box office is probably the reason for this drastic demand. High stakes and high jinx political grandstanding. The sop…journos are invited for a press show before the release either in a preview theatre or regular ones. And the press note gives the synopsis, star cast etc. The reviews in print or digital are read by people who decide — given today’s looming OTT presence — whether they want to see it or wait for a week or two. …it seems most decide to wait. Amaran is yet to debut on OTT….5th December after much demand. Because the film is still running to decent shows not managed by incentives Amaran came quietly with a feel good heart touching theme all could relate to. Kanguva thundered “Audience will lap it up. Open mouthed”. We rest our case.
There was an inevitability to the ICC Champions Trophy going the way India (BCCI) wanted it to happen; a hybrid model with one group, with India in it, playing the preliminary stage at a neutral venue (most likely in Dubai or more venues in the UAE) and the second group with host Pakistan in it, playing at home. Being the host nation, the Pakistan Cricket Board (PCB) had to take the unbending position initially for public consumption at home. But after the latest round of ICC Board meetings, the PCB has been made to come around to a view that the hybrid model is the way forward to make possible the revival of the eight-team tournament last played in the English summer of 2017. One can surmise that the other cricket boards understood the sensitive situation better following the BCCI’s communication to the ICC that it would not risk sending its team to Pakistan, citing security concerns. India’s national cricket team has not toured Pakistan since 2008, and the Narendra Modi government has been steadfast in holding on to the call taken by the previous governments. It’s possible that the boards, the non-Asians would have aligned themselves with India’s position for a hybrid model. Pakistan won the last Champions Trophy at `The Oval’ in London in June 2017 and will be keen to give its best shot to defend the title. The PCB — pushed to the corner — wants a similar arrangement for the ICC events in the coming years thus throwing the ball in the ICC court!
In an tell-all podcast, Figuring Out with Raj Shamani, the London resident Lalit Modi bared his soul before revealing why he left India abruptly on the night of IPL-3 final in 2010. The cricket czar fashioned the cricketainment package of the limited-overs game, big biz and Bollywood buzz into the biggest money spinner in pro sport. He was hounded out of India with a combination of people against him, including the Congress party, its HQ at 10 Janpath, N Srinivasan who went on to rule world cricket on Modi’s exit and the betting mafia under Dawood Ibrahim’s D Company. Congress and the Gandhis were against him because he resisted Shashi Tharoor’s girlfriend Sunanda Pushkar being a sweat equity partner in an IPL team bid from Kochi until he was blackmailed into permitting it, with disastrous consequences, of course. In taking IPL-2 to South Africa and out of India at poll time, he ran headlong into ruling party versus opposition politics of the worst kind. Congress wanted him out for daring to take the game away after contemplating playing it only in BJP-ruled states. The Establishment threatened to withdraw the security cover he was given as IPL Commissioner and with serious death threats hanging over him, he made an exit from India under the eyes of the ruling party which could not stop him at the airport gates. He had set the IPL on the path to its greatest glory showering BCCI coffers with billions of dollars but the founder who thought it up had to find a home outside India. His story, regardless of whether he is a fugitive or not, is believable.
The auspicious day December 5, 2024, was scheduled by BJP for the swearing in function of Maharashtra’s next chief minister Devendra Fadnavis, without awaiting erstwhile Shiv Sena CM Eknath Shinde’s decision to enjoin with the government. Meanwhile, consternation is brewing in New Delhi over Shinde’s recalcitrance to formally announce his party’s stand like Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) Chief Ajit Pawar has done. Friday (Nov 29) night’s meeting with Union Home Minister Amit Shah was marked by Shinde making a solo appearance even as Pawar was flanked by Praful Patel, Sunil Tatkare and three four other party colleagues. Shinde’s apparent reluctance to enjoin formally has not gone down well with the BJP leadership despite his family doctor announcing that Shinde was under the weather set to improve over two days of medical treatment. The first discord before the new government is formed relates to Shinde’s insistence upon being accorded the same status as erstwhile DCM Fadnavis who enjoyed full control over the Home department. This fell foul of the BJP template of always holding crucial portfolios to include Home, Rural Development, Revenue and even Finance as a thumb rule. This equation was altered only to accommodate Ajit Pawar who was handed over the Finance department. Highly placed sources indicate that Shinde may be contemplating offering outside support to the BJP led government.
Making his appearance on a reality show Indian Idol the 50-year old Fardeen Khan, son of successful actor-producer Feroz Khan, looked boyish and subdued. Indeed, he has quietly made a comeback on the big screen and OTT after 14 years of self-imposed exile. Although he was signed by Sanjay Gupta for Visfot which took a really long time to release as there were no takers for Gupta’s films; Covid-19 was the main culprit. But it helped Fardeen who got a chance to work with one of the biggest OTT shows Heeramandi directed by Sanjay Leela Bhansali which signalled his comeback in 2024. This was followed by Khel Khel Mein with Akshay Kumar which didn’t do well. But Fardeen who played the role of gay man certainly impressed the audiences and critics in a big way. Fardeen made his debut in 1998 with Prem Aggan. Post that he signed up for several films. Overall his career graph did not pick up. In 2010 after the release of Dulha Mil Gaya he took a break from acting. During this long hiatus he worked on his craft. Fardeen who was married to yesteryear actor Mumtaz’s daughter Natasha now separated has a daughter and son. He often brings his children to the sets. Currently, he is working with Akshay Kumar in Housefull 6 which is set for 2025 release. He may have missed out on No Entry Mein Entry. Will Feroz Khan’s son make a big impact in his second innings?
With Parliament back to business, Union ministers are busy and back on their toes. No one was found more diligent than Union Road Transport & Highways Minister Nitin Gadkari. He made it a point to field questions of his ministry during the Question Hour, notwithstanding the fact that it was a big day for the BJP in Maharashtra .The Devendra Fadnavis led government was to be sworn into office. But then questions had been lined up for the minister. Opposition MPs particularly from Rajasthan wanted to know why the Delhi- Mumbai national expressway, inaugurated by PM Modi in February 2023, had become accident prone and suffered from serious quality issues. In his defence, Gadkari explained that the expressway had reduced the distance between Delhi and Mumbai by 200 km and it was possible to travel to the cities either way within 12 hours. Built at the cost of Rs 1 lakh crore the expressway used for the first time a new technology of perpetual pavement with Stone Mastic Asphalt (SMA).”This technology is used in high-density corridors across the USA and Europe. It provides a superior riding quality to cement-concrete as an alternative,” Gadkari informed members. As for the potholes, the minister explained that his ministry had commissioned a study by IIT, Kharagpur and IIT, Gandhinagar. “Investigations have found that there were deficiencies in the SMA layer resulting in rutting”. He added that the contractors are responsible for fixing defects for the 10 years. As for the accidents, he talked about himself as a victim of road accidents. “I have been a victim myself. My leg was broken in four places when I was leader of the Opposition in Maharashtra.”
Discovery of wad of notes in the seat allotted to Congress MP Abhishek Manu Singhvi in the Rajya Sabha became a flash point of controversy between the BJP and Congress. As soon as Rajya Sabha chairman Jagdeep Dhankhar, informed the House that security officials found the cash from seat number 222 allotted to Singhvi during the anti-sabotage check after the adjournment of the House on December 5, Leader of the Opposition Mallikarjun Kharge protested naming of the MP. Springing to Singhvi’s defence, Kharge said he had no objection to the probe, but the Chair should not have named the MP since a probe was underway. An avant garde Supreme Court lawyer himself, Singhvi, may not need the Congress to defend him. He dismissed any link with the wad of notes found and insisted he “carries only Rs 500 to Rajya Sabha” He also pointed out that he was barely inside the House for 3 minutes — between 12.57 pm and 1 pm — when the House rose”. At the same time Singhvi called for a probe saying it was possible for “people to come and put anything anywhere in any seat.” This means the RS will be compelled to share more details. The matter sparked uproar with Leader of the House and BJP chief JP Nadda terming it an “insult” to the Rajya Sabha’s integrity. Backing Chairman, Union Minister Kiren Rijiju said there was nothing wrong in naming the person involved in the issue. The discovery of cash in the RS was a throwback to years ago when cash was brought to the Lok Sabha in 2008 to establish a cash for votes scam unleashed by the UPA government to survive a confidence vote.
With the Mahayuti government finally managing to better their own targeted victory in 2024 Maharashtra elections, the focus has now shifted on the flagship program — the Ladki Bahin Yojana scheme. The scheme, which was introduced just six months prior to elections to get a vantage advantage and tide over factors like agrarian distress, unemployment, caste reservation rift, anti-incumbency etc has clearly served the purpose and now it was time for reality check. In his very first press briefing post taking over, third time chief minister Devendra Fadnavis confirmed that 24.3 million beneficiaries would be scanned to prune out those ineligible, clearly hinting at a lax scrutiny followed earlier in the rush of electoral generosity. The BJP’s former finance minister Sudhir Mungatiwar had already said that the promised hike of stipend amount to Rs 2100 could happen only later in the fiscal year around Bhau beej. Fadnavis also said that financial assessment was in order before the promised stipend hike. Ex-CM Eknath Shinde, however, is determined that promises be kept and said that officials have been asked to disburse the December instalment. State bureaucrats have already been waiting for the election to get over to get into tighter fiscal discipline mode to face the reality of Rs 7.8 lakh crore of debts that Maharashtra currently faces. Babus fear that such largesse in welfare spendings could derail government spendings and functioning.
Amid escalating communal unrest in Bangladesh targeting Hindu minorities and the arrest of an ISKCON monk, the RSS-affiliated Swadeshi Jagran Manch (SJM) has announced a campaign to boycott Bangladeshi products in India, starting with West Bengal. The campaign involves street protests, door-to-door advocacy, and identifying Bangladeshi goods in the market. The Manch plans to rally members of Sangh-aligned organizations, including the BJP, before extending the boycott call to the general public. It also aims to pressure the central government to halt imports of Bangladeshi goods, particularly textiles, and restrict the export of cotton and other essential materials to Bangladesh. Additionally, the group demands suspension of medical visas for Bangladeshi citizens. Amlankusum Ghosh, the SJM’s eastern sector leader, emphasized the urgency of the movement, stating, “History shows that unrest in Bangladesh impacts Bengal significantly. Given the current persecution of Hindus, Bengali Hindus must lead the protests. We urge a total boycott of Bangladeshi products in Bengal.” The movement is gaining momentum. Opposition leader Suvendu Adhikari has demanded the closure of trade routes like Petrapole.
The auspicious day December 5, 2024, was scheduled by BJP for the swearing in function of Maharashtra’s next chief minister Devendra Fadnavis, without awaiting erstwhile Shiv Sena CM Eknath Shinde’s decision to enjoin with the government. Meanwhile, consternation is brewing in New Delhi over Shinde’s recalcitrance to formally announce his party’s stand like Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) Chief Ajit Pawar has done. Friday (Nov 29) night’s meeting with Union Home Minister Amit Shah was marked by Shinde making a solo appearance even as Pawar was flanked by Praful Patel, Sunil Tatkare and three four other party colleagues. Shinde’s apparent reluctance to enjoin formally has not gone down well with the BJP leadership despite his family doctor announcing that Shinde was under the weather set to improve over two days of medical treatment. The first discord before the new government is formed relates to Shinde’s insistence upon being accorded the same status as erstwhile DCM Fadnavis who enjoyed full control over the Home department. This fell foul of the BJP template of always holding crucial portfolios to include Home, Rural Development, Revenue and even Finance as a thumb rule. This equation was altered only to accommodate Ajit Pawar who was handed over the Finance department. Highly placed sources indicate that Shinde may be contemplating offering outside support to the BJP led government.
There seems to be no end to turbulent times in Maharashtra’s politics despite the people voting in the Mahayuti alliance with a thumping majority. Despite the landslide victory, thanks to cracks developed, the next few years promise some unpredictable times thanks to the BJP misjudging the nature of Eknath Shinde. Three years back when the BJP catapulted Shinde to the top job in state, he was expected to work in the background like he had always done in the united Shiv Sena. His ascendance as CM saw him assume a larger than life image thanks to his penchant to meeting people day and night right till the crack of dawn. His generosity in doling out public funds to the public, has reaped in historical and record breaking results. The BJP is discovering the hard way that Shinde is no pushover and they are having a tough time handling him. From demanding the CM’s seat promised to him to refusing to play deputy to his erstwhile deputy Devendra Fadnavis to insisting on having the powerful home portfolio, Shinde is a tough nut to crack despite Ajit Pawar’s tame surrender giving the BJP a strong upper hand on the negotiating table. A sulking Shinde would validate the BJP’s use and throw policy. Not something they want at a time when it needs him to decimate Uddhav Thackeray’s Sena in their Mumbai bastion. Shinde’s reluctance to play second fiddle to Fadnavis or any fresh CM’s face doesn’t promise a smooth term here on, in the state.
A few weeks back, Tamil star Jyotika took her public role seriously and advised her adoring fans, “Why put money in temple Hundis. Instead, use that for buying books and helping poor students”. But if this statement is made onstage in Thanjavur, with a big temple looming over you like a colossus, worshippers are bound to react. Netizens came down heavily on her. The family, including father -in-law, veteran actor Sivakumar have been in the crossfire of late for their alleged atheist stance. Looks like Karma, according to believers, was just waiting to bring her down. After much hype and hoopla, husband Suriya’s movie Kanguva, made with Rs 350 crore released to negative publicity, barely squeaking through Rs 120 crore revenue. Jyotika and Suriya, were left devastated with this box office disaster to their home production. No wonder, every podcast and filmi news picked up the trail of Suriya and Jyotika last week, as they visited four big temples in seven days. Why the sudden change to religion? Some wags say that an astrologer advised them to seek redemption for their “anti-God” views. Kanguva’s failure was the divine wages of sin. At Tirupathi, Jyotika happily posed for pictures with the hoi polloi. It was the couple’s puja for Suriya’s 45th film at Pollachi Masani Amman temple that went viral. In a society that is driven by the alchemy of religion and politics, even cinema has to heed the environment. Megabucks drive art, and art is driven by public sentiments.
With Bangladesh top law officers declaring that the issue of banning ISKCON was a “high priority” for the Mohammad Yunus Interim regime, it may certainly seem as if things could be getting tough for ISKCON in that country. But then what Dhaka may not have bargained for is that if it continues to view ISKCON with suspicion, it would realise that the anti-India sentiment it is whipping up could be reciprocated. Already a private hospital in Kolkata went public declaring it will henceforth not treat any “Bangladeshi patient”. “The country which disrespects our flag, kills minorities we cannot treat them. For us our country is first,” tweeted the hospital. Then a rally, near the Bangladesh Assistant High Commissioner’s office in Agartala, that was taken out under the Hindu Sangharsh Samity’s banner to protest the arrest of ISCKON leader stormed the premises of the Bangladesh consular office. Regretting the breach, the MEA issued a statement saying “Diplomatic and consular properties should not be targeted under any circumstances.” “Don’t let Dhaka get away with spilling Hindu blood. Don’t buy products sourced from Bangladesh,” were campaigns flooding X. “Meanwhile, the RSS came out strongly denouncing violence against the Hindus. In a strongly worded statement RSS Sarkaryvah Dattatreya Hosabale flayed the arrest of the ISKCON Sanyasi Pujya Shri Chinmoy Krishna Das who was leading a “peaceful protests of Hindus”. He urged the Indian government to continue with every possible effort to prevent the ongoing atrocities against Hindus in Bangladesh and take necessary steps to garner international support in this regard. It may be recalled that it was the attacks on Hindus by Islamists in Bangladesh that spurred UP CM Yogi Adityanath to give a clarion call for Hindu unity with his popular “batenge toh katenge“– a call that was endorsed by the Sangh and had helped BJP sweep Maharashtra.
It is Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s third visit. This time it was a 3-day visit to attend among other things All India Conference of DGP / IGP’s, CRPF, Chiefs of RAW, NSG, SPG at Bhubaneswar to discuss security and law enforcement issues in the country. PM Modi who spent three days at Bhubaneswar had multiple engagements including dinner with state BJP members. According to source, Modi is expected to visit Odisha again on January 8 and January 28, 2025, marking his fourth and fifth visit to inaugurate Pravasuli Bharatiya Divas and attend the Make in Odisha Enclave. In the past no other PM has given the state so much importance. According to Odisha Law Minister Harichandan BJP’s plan is to make Odisha the growth engine of Eastern India. But Biju Janata Dal (BJD) Lok Sabha MP Sasmit Patra is not convinced and his party has decided to go on aggressive mode. He asks why Odisha has not been given special status like Andhra Pradesh. Patra said, BJD will raise four issues. One, AP’s Polavaram dam project which will submerge thousands of acres of land in Odisha Malkangiri district displacing 6,000 tribals. Two, BJD will pursue what progress the BJP government has made to settle the Mahanadi river water dispute with Chhattisgarh. Three, it will demand the opening of AIIMS at Balasore, Sambalpur, Koraput. Four, BJD will also push for withdrawal of GST on kendu leaves and inclusion of Ho, Mundari, Bhumji,Kui and Saora language in the 8th schedule of the constitution. Looks like Naveen Patnaik’s BJD is going full blast to unnerve BJP.
Nothing could have cheered PM Narendra Modi more than the manner in which a study by Said Business School, Oxford University — From Gridlock to Growth: How Leadership Enables India’s PRAGATI Ecosystem to Power Progress, validated his hands-on approach to governance. Lauding Modi’s leadership, the study highlighted how Modi’s PRAGATI platform had revolutionised project execution in India. Launched in 2015, PRAGATI, short for Pro-Active Governance and Timely Implementation, has facilitated the resolution of bureaucratic challenges, accelerating the completion of key infrastructure projects. By June 2023, over 340 projects worth Rs 17.05 lakh crore ($205 bn) had been reviewed –including projects that were due for three to 20 years. Taking pride in validation by the Oxford study, PM Modi posted on X “PRAGATI represents a wonderful amalgamation of technology and governance, ensuring silos are removed and projects are completed on time. Am glad that the effectiveness of PRAGATI has been recognised in the study by @OxfordSBSand @GatesFoundation”. Listed among some eight transformative projects under PRAGATI are Jammu Udhampur Srinagar Baramulla Rail Link, J&K (approved in 1995). With 38 tunnels and 931 bridges, it’s set for completion by 2025, connecting the Kashmir Valley to the rest of India. Also Navi Mumbai International Airport, Maharashtra. Plagued by land acquisition delays since 2007, saw PRAGATI’s intervention in 2015 resolved disputes, and construction is set for completion by December 2024. A thumbs up from Oxford University for Modi’s quick infra development is bound to silence his critics in the Opposition.
With the Maharashtra chief ministership media narrative turning into a non-issue the focus of political attention in the state laser focuses on the fresh new faces to be inducted into CM-in-waiting Devendra Fadnavis’ cabinet of ministers. “One thing is sure there will be the induction of fresh new faces from the Marathwada and Vidarbha regions where the BJP enjoys brilliant showing of MLAs. The emphasis on forthcoming BMC elections likely in January will witness winning MLAs of Mahayuti from Mumbai, Thane cities figuring in the state council of ministers,” says a senior BJP leader. He insists that further micromanagement will be evident as Mumbai’s MLAs given cabinet rank will include a good mix of Marathi, Gujarati and north Indian winners. The BJP today boasts of seven Jain MLAs today representative of real minorities in India to also include Christians and Sikhs despite which these communities are largely bereft of fruits of conventional reservations in the political sector, job sector that aimed at social empowerment as was enshrined in the Indian constitution. Erstwhile BJP ministers Mangal Prabhat Lodha, Sudhir Mungantiwar among BJP stalwarts currently seized of political palpitations over being possibly overlooked in the new state cabinet. Will Girish Mahajan, who delivered on his promise to politically checkmate Fadnavis’ BJP bete noir Eknath Khadse and got into former CM Eknath Shinde’s cabinet by the skin of his teeth the last time, be able to repeat his magic once again? Other veteran political stalwarts from Shiv Sena and NCP can only hope BJP’s political template change does not manifest with either Eknath Shinde or Ajit Pawar’s scheme of politics in Maharashtra.
Disregarding the voting pattern in the Lok Sabha election earlier this year, the BJP has won 14 seats in the Maharashtra assembly election in Muslim-dominated constituencies. This score is more remarkable since the Vote Jihad campaign was a talking point during the electioneering for the fiercely fought battle for the reins of the state. Interestingly, the BJP did not have a single Muslim candidate. Still, all its winning candidates in such constituencies have been elected with huge margins. In the Lok Sabha election, Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) was leading in 155 assembly segments against Mahayuti 125. Mahayuti, the ruling saffron alliance, bagged 21 seats out of the 38 segments identified as having a majority Muslim population. This fact has astounded the self-appointed analysts, most of whom had predicted a re-run of the Lok Sabha pattern. The opposition MVA could capture 14 seats in these areas with the Shiv Sena led by Uddhav Thackeray winning six, followed by the Congress which managed to win five though the minority vote is considered its vote bank. The NCP under Sharad Pawar has won three seats whereas the Samajwadi Party has got two and the AIMIM just one. According to the last census of 2011, the Muslim population in the state was over 11.50% or around 1.30 crore. At least six of the assembly constituencies house more than 20% Muslim voters. All these seats have voted in favour of the BJP. This election has revealed several intriguing facts, defying expert clichés based on the statistics of castes, sub-castes and religion.
Trinamool Congress (TMC) chief and West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has firmly reasserted her authority within the party, sidelining immediate plans for a leadership overhaul proposed by her nephew, Abhishek Banerjee. The decision follows TMC’s sweeping victory in the November 13 by-elections, which bolstered the party’s confidence under her stewardship. At a recent organisational meeting at Mamata’s Kalighat residence, the Chief Minister emphasized her role as the party’s ultimate decision-maker, effectively putting Abhishek’s youth-driven restructuring plans on hold. The rejig intended to replace underperformers and inject younger leaders into the party, was initially announced by Abhishek during the TMC’s annual Martyr’s Day rally in July. Abhishek announced that action would be taken within three months against underperforming leaders in TMC-run civic and rural bodies, as well as against organisational heads in regions where the party trailed the BJP in the general election. Incidentally, during the recent meeting, the party has established three disciplinary committees to oversee conduct: one for parliamentary leaders, another for state legislative assembly leaders, and a third for other party members. Interestingly, all leaders who are part of these three disciplinary committees are close to Mamata and that signals her intent to maintain the status quo. The committees have already issued show-cause notices to Abhishek loyalist and Bharatpur MLA Humayun Kabir and sidelined another loyalist Arup Chakraborty, indicating a crackdown on those challenging Mamata’s leadership. The developments underline Mamata Banerjee’s control over the party, with the old guard retaining key positions.
Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) leader Raj Thackeray has once again made a surprising move, joining the chorus against the Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs). Immediately after the results of the state assembly election started pouring in, the Shiv Sena led by Uddhav Thackeray and some state Congress worthies began complaining about the so-called discrepancies between the EVM vote figures at 5 pm and the final tally. Although senior leader Sharad Pawar took a cautious position by declaring that he will comment only after some solid data is available, the anti-EVM protests kept on swelling. This did not dampen even after the Supreme Court dismissed a petition demanding returning to the old paper ballot system. MNS is the latest to join the campaign. While the ruling Mahayuti has swept the polls, the three MVA partners are reduced to minuscule numbers in the 288-member assembly. MNS had fielded around 125 candidates but failed to get even a single seat. The most humiliating defeat was of Raj Thackeray’s son Amit, whose electoral debut was watched with considerable interest. Raj has been ambivalent on and off about his relationship with the BJP. In 2014, he supported Prime Minister Narendra Modi wholeheartedly but became his critic in 2019. In the Lok Sabha election this year, he stood wholeheartedly with the BJP but for the assembly, he decided to go alone. Despite this, he said, he will be supporting the NDA. Hence, his attack against the EVMs has come as a surprise.
NCP leader and Deputy CM Ajit Pawar, who arrived in Delhi, a day ahead of outgoing CM and Shiv Sena leader Eknath Shinde and BJP leader Devendra Fadnavis, to meet with PM Modi and HM Amit Shah to discuss issues of Maharashtra government formation was a picture of cool player. The national media, which always treated his uncle Sharad Pawar with deference for his capacity to take on leaders in Delhi, now viewed Ajitdada in awe. How did he establish his supremacy in the Baramati assembly seat, vanquish his cousin Yugendra Pawar backed by his veteran uncle? Ajitdada patiently tackled every query, every doubt in a free-wheeling chat. With Praful Patel , who played host, adding very interesting inputs. However, the secret of NCP’s phenomenal showing in Baramati and in rest of Western Maharashtra seems to lie in the kind of effort put in by Ajitdada’s own family — his gracious wife Sunetra, now a Rajya Sabha MP, and son Parth. Sunetra, who has always managed her husband’s elections, says she had gone “house to house” seeking votes. And it is her quiet voter outreach that seems to have finally paid off. Parth is every chip of the old block; in the sense he is more like family patriarch Sharad Pawar. He is more ambitious for the NCP and vows to travel across India as he wants the party to expand beyond Maharashtra. He is in no hurry to become a MP or MLA. He asserts at least 2 to 3 Cong MLAs are already in touch with him to join the NCP. Naresh Arora of Design Box, who advised the NCP in Maha polls, is likely to have a say in the party’s expansion too.
A clean sweep for the BJP could pave the way for the crucial Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) polls in the state. Elections for India’s richest civic body and politically significant Mumbai city had been kept in abeyance for over two years to prevent Uddhav Thackeray from getting the upper hand in Maharashtra. The BMC, with a budget of over Rs 52,000 crore, had been UBT’s major source of its political and financial clout for decades, making him a dominating force in Mumbai. The Sena had been accusing the BJP of being too scared to take polls in Mumbai. But after a sharp drubbing of Uddhav in the state polls, the gates could now be open for the BMC polls along with the various pending local body polls. The BJP, it seems has got into the act. It’s launching a membership drive for the party, clearly to wrest control of the BMC, which has a huge corpus of over Rs 80,000 crore. The BJP has other factors working for it too. Though the Shiv Sena won the highest number of elected corporators with 84 seats, the BJP was quite close to it with 82 seats in 2017. Mumbai’s sharp demographics shift — with the Maharashtrians being reduced to less than 39% of the population of Mumbai, could work to the advantage of the BJP. After this assembly poll drubbing, it remains to be seen how the politically and financially weakened Thackeray’s Shiv Sena rises up to fight against the BJP in the forthcoming city elections, its last bastion left.
The Trinamool Congress (TMC) is witnessing an internal debate over a potential elevation of Abhishek Banerjee, the party’s National General Secretary and nephew of West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee for the position of deputy chief minister. With an organisational reshuffle looming, Abhishek has submitted a comprehensive report to Didi, sparking resistance from the party’s old guard. Prominent leaders, such as Bharatpur MLA Humayun Kabir, are openly advocating for Abhishek to be made deputy CM and Home Minister. Kabir cited recent law and order issues, RG Kar rape case and attack on Kolkata Municipal Corporation councillor as reasons for stronger leadership. However, veteran leaders like Saugata Roy expressed reservations about the Kolkata Police’s efficiency, a veiled critique of current governance. Firhad Hakim, a senior minister, clarified his stance, emphasizing unwavering support for Mamata’s leadership while defending his earlier comments. Hakim reiterated that Didi remains the cornerstone of TMC’s electoral success and governance credibility. This internal friction comes against the backdrop of TMC’s strong performance in the recently concluded bypolls. The party swept six constituencies, including Madarihat in North Bengal, a seat it won for the first time. The success has bolstered confidence in the leadership duo of Mamata and Abhishek, who jointly selected the winning candidates. A national working committee meeting at Mamata’s Kalighat residence on November 25 is expected to address the reshuffle issue. For TMC balancing generational aspirations with the experience of senior leaders remains a critical challenge.
Even as the Congress got demolished in the Maharashtra polls and scored the worst ever tally of 16 seats, the party went on to draw satisfaction from the fact it had at least secured the Dharavi assembly seat with a margin of 24,000 votes. Just to showcase how the locals had given their verdict on the redevelopment plan to be undertaken by Adanis. Victory for the Congress in the area was seen as a rejection of the tender given to Adani for redeveloping the place. As for the bad news in the results, the party managers did not care if it was a complete rejection of its politics of appeasement, caste census and minority quota. The party insisted that the results were “absolutely strange, inexplicable and beyond comprehension”, considering BJP had fared so poorly in the Parliament elections barely 5 months ago. “The farmers were angry, the working class in the state was against the government but the results that have come are completely opposite,” pointed out a senior party leader. Congress sources, however feel much of the damage to the MVA was done by high handedness of Congress chief Nana Patole who was fancying himself as the next CM and had spurred Sharad Pawar’s suggestion of projecting Sena chief Uddhav Thackeray as CM candidate. Another thing that hit the Congress was most leaders rushed to Wayanad where Priyanaka Gandhi was anyway going to win.
The next legislative assembly in Maharashtra may have to function without a recognised leader of the opposition (LoP) unless the ruling Mahayuti decides to grant the status to one of the Maha Vikas Aghadi partners as a political favour to the other side. This situation has arisen since none of the opposition parties has been able to secure the minimum 29 seats in the lower house required to gain the status of the LoP, as is required by rules and precedents. The piquant legislative logjam is created as the BJP-led Mahayuti coalition has won a landslide victory, bagging 233 seats in the house of 288 seats. On the opposition side, the Shiv Sena led by Uddhav Thackeray has obtained just 20 out of 95 seats it contested. The Congress being the largest partner of the MVA had contested 103 seats but won only 16. Veteran leader Sharad Pawar’s NCP is the worst sufferer with barely 10 seats. In the past, various small opposition parties would form a group that would be recognised by the speaker to grant LoP status. Such an understanding took place in Maharashtra in 1986 when socialists Mrinal Gore and Nihal Ahmed and PWP’s Datta Patil were made LoP though they had very few members each. But such a gesture was not shown by the Modi government in the Lok Sabha in 2014 and 2019. Hence what happens in Maharashtra will depend upon both sides.
Though Odisha chief minister Mohan Charan Majhi was PM Narendra Modi’s selection, now it seems he is under pressure to deliver results on all fronts — governance practices, wooing investments into the state, employment generation and delivery of social welfare schemes. The yardstick to measure him is whether his governance style is better than his predecessor Naveen Patnaik, a tall leader. Effectively, it means Majhi needs the right man for the right job. And this explains why he has embarked on a major reshuffle exercise within the state bureaucrats. To start with he has requested the centre to depute two senior IAS Odia officers Manoj Kumar Sahoo (Amrut Cadre) and Sanjeeb Kumar Mishra (ex-Secretary & Controller of Examinations of NRA) to Odisha to work in the CMO’s office. In October 2024, Majhi had shuffled 55 IPS officers, including SPs of 21 districts. Again on November 23 he effected a major reshuffle in the IAS cadre by transferring 11 officers and giving them new assignments including strengthening his own home ministry. He has now brought in Trilochan Majhi IAS as Additional Secretary Home to support him in key decisions making. He has appointed Sudhansu Mohan Samal, Additional Secretary, Water Resources Department, as Managing Director of Odisha Mining Corporation Ltd. Effectively many senior IAS officers have got new postings. Will this reshuffle help Majhi effectively run his government?
The “Mahayuti” NDA government being installed in Maharashtra will register PM Narendra Modi’s emphasis upon fresh faces with mission Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation in January also prioritized. Devendra Fadnavis handled seat sharing talks independently of BJP high command for general elections to 48 Maharashtra parliamentary seats and then 288 assembly constituencies, facing no competition for CM post though no Monday morning swearing in is scheduled either while partymen were advised to maintain radio silence on the subject. Erstwhile Maharashtra CM Eknath Shinde’s men gloss over popular Ladki Bahin Scheme reiterating his repeat candidature even as NCP chief Ajit Pawar rues his vociferous opposition to batenge toh katenge theme launched by BJP to counter ‘Vote Jihad’. Even after a record Maharashtra victory BJP cites 34 MVA MLAs elected through ‘Vote Jihad’ to include Mankhurd, Byculla, Mumbadevi, Dharavi, Versova, Bandra (east), Kurla, Anushakti Nagar, Malad (west), Chandivalli, Sion Koliwada, Kalina, Mahim, Malwani, Malegaon assembly segments. Matoshree now worries over the UBT motley crew of MPs taking flight. PM Modi on Saturday ticked his ‘To Do’ box created in 2019 for decimating the Uddhav Thackeray and Sharad Pawar led political formations from Maharashtra after Matoshree’s alliance jilt and Pawar’s retirement jibe. The Thackeray legacy lies politically squandered over secular ties and now, even cousin Raj’s MNS political future stands jeopardized though MLA aspirant son Amit will likely find MLC accommodation. BJP’s Pankaja Munde, Ashok Chavan may rue their opposition to party tagline. Eventually Modi’s nuanced poll theme Ek Rahenge To Safe Rahenge inspired by old English adage, “United we stand, divided we fall” won Maharashtra’s political bout. So, what was the brouhaha all about?
For the first time perhaps, the judiciary has been held responsible for an electoral rout. Shiv Sena (UBT) Rajya Sabha MP Sanjay Raut has been blaming the former Chief Justice of India DY Chandrachud for his party’s electoral defeat. The Sena spokesman has also attacked the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh for the Maha Vikas Aghadi’s decimation in the Maharashtra assembly election in which the opposition has been reduced to a minuscule presence. In the 288 member house, 236 members will belong to the treasury (BJP-Shiv Sena-NCP) benches. Enraged at the poll outcome, Raut retorted while referring to the various petitions pending in the Supreme Court in regard to proceedings against certain MLAs in Maharashtra that Chandrachud had emboldened the defectors by not deciding on the disqualification pleas against them. Raut said the former CJI’s name will be written in black ink in India’s history. Taking a swipe at the RSS, he said the Sangh played a key role in the campaign. The poisonous campaign it conducted hit us adversely. Harping upon the BJP’s so-called Gujarat connection, he advised that the swearing-in ceremony of the new government should be held in the neighbouring state. “If it is held at Shivaji Park, it will be an insult to Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj and if held at Wankhede Stadium, it will be a disrespect to the memory of the 105 martyrs who laid down their lives for the demand for Samyukta Maharashtra movement,” he quipped. Sena’s mouthpiece Saamna also has lashed at the thumping majority of Mahayuti. It is edited by Sanjay Raut.
When Karnataka minister G Parameshwara, as AICC observer for Maharashtra polls pinned the blame on INDIA Bloc partners Sharad Pawar’s NCP(SP) and Uddhav Thackeray-led Shiv Sena (UBT) for “failing to campaign as planned” in the Maharashtra assembly elections, Maharashtra Congress leaders were shocked. They wondered who he was trying to protect! Why was he slamming INDIA partners…to save the skin of PCC chief Nana Patole? Or more importantly protect Congress boss Rahul Gandhi. He pointed out that Pawar’s group and Uddhav’s group were not aligned, didn’t campaign as planned, and did not give the Congress “many seats in Vidarbha.” Notwithstanding all this official bluff and bluster, shocking details are now emerging about how the Congress completely messed up with the election management from the word go. From candidate selection to media mis-management, the Maharashtra Congress under Patole relied on professional surveys rather than on feedback of its state leaders and party cadres to pick candidates. “State parliamentary board was not consulted. Professionals conducting the pre-poll surveys who were unfamiliar with even names of local leaders were on the job to finalise the Cong list”. It is unfair to blame Pawar for our loss. For instance in Pune, he made it clear that none of the three candidates picked by us would win. Imagine fielding Ravindra Dhangekar who resoundingly lost LS polls, once again from Kasbapeth,” said a party source. Besides, media management was completely lacking. This when the PCC had something like 24 spokespersons on board. In a last minute rush the AICC media team got party veteran Anant Gadgil to salvage the situation. Party sources pinned real cause for the Congress meltdown on a deal for Muslim votes to provide amnesty to those held in the 1993 Mumbai blast case. This united the Hindus against the MVA.
As the BJP savours its unprecedented election victory in Maharashtra, if there is one person who has to be credited for crafting this fabulous performance then it is Union Environment Minister Bhupendra Yadav who along with I&B minister Ashwini Vaishnaw was put in charge of the state. Deputy CM Devendra Fadnavis who is being much toasted for the record performance of the BJP– a win of 132 seats out of 149 seats it contested, marking a 85 % strike rate, acknowledged Yadav’s role and felicitated him. Yadav is a trusted aide of Union Home Minister Amit Shah, is reputed for his election management skills. He took charge of Maharashtra soon after the disastrous performance of the party in the Lok Sabha elections securing only 9 of the 48 seats in the state. As soon as he entered the scene, Yadav advised state leaders to drop their personal animosity and work cohesively as one unit. He also advised them from going to the media. Party leaders working in the election team said Yadav injected a sense of cohesiveness and purpose. What also worked was the dedicated campaign of RSS workers who undertook more than 60,000 meetings across the state mobilising Hindu voters. Party sources recalled how 20,000 such meetings by the RSS in Haryana had helped swing the north Indian state. After delivering Maharashtra, it is most likely Yadav will be rewarded with something bigger. He was once hoping to become the Law Minister. Now it is likely he may be the next party chief.
At a time when Usha Chilukuri Vance, the soon to be second lady of the United States, has her roots in Andhra — her father a mechanical engineer from IIT Madras hails from Andhra there is nothing that could have shattered the Andhra story more than the reports about allegations stemming from court filings by the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC). Of the Rs 2000 crore alleged pay-off made by industrialist Gautam Adani across various states in India, Rs 1,750 crore were paid in Andhra to secure solar power contracts. That is why while addressing the state assembly, chief minister N Chandrababu Naidu called the actions of Adani Group of bribing his rival and former CM Jagan Mohan Reddy “damaging” to Andhra Pradesh’s reputation and vowed to take action. At the same time, he made it clear that the action on U.S. bribery allegations involving Adani and Jagan Reddy, would be based on evidence to protect his state’s reputation. That means, TDP which is an important ally of the NDA would not be needlessly going on a reckless witch hunt of its rival. Naidu is known to be industry friendly. In neighbouring Tamil Nadu, the ruling DMK is equally distraught by reports of this scanner on Adani who is undertaking development of two greenfield airports in the state. Chief minister MK Stalin’s son-in law V Sabareesan, known to liaise with high-profile biz guys like Adani likely to steer party’s views on the U.S. findings. Only ex-CM Bhupesh Bhagel of Chhattisgarh can pretend “nothing happened during my time”, even if he bankrolled Rahul Gandhi’s Bharat Jodo Yatra in a big way.
In a bid to rejuvenate its electoral prospects following a string of disappointing results in Bengal, the CPI(M) has turned to professional expertise. The party recently posted a recruitment advertisement on social media, seeking applications for several key positions, including that of political analysts, mass communication writers, graphic designers, and digital marketing executives. CPI(M) State Secretary Mohammad Salim announced the move via Facebook, emphasizing that the party aims to adopt a more professional approach. People have seen CPM Digital for so long, this time CPM will look professional, and this is the beginning, Salim stated, indicating a strategic shift in the party’s functioning. The most notable position advertised is that of political analysts, drawing comparisons to the role played by prominent strategists like Prashant Kishor. However, the party has refrained from officially framing this move as a complete overhaul of its strategy. The decision comes in the wake of the CPI(M)’s dismal performance in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, where the party failed to secure any seats in Bengal. Despite forming an alliance with Congress, the party was sidelined by the bipolar contest between the Trinamool Congress (TMC) and BJP. Veteran leaders like Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury suffered losses, and only two CPI(M) candidates, including Salim himself, managed to save their deposits. Internal discussions within the party have highlighted the inability to adapt to modern electoral trends and lingering reliance on outdated strategies. By embracing professional inputs, the CPI(M) appears to be gearing up for the 2026 Assembly elections, signaling a departure from its traditional framework.
Increased voting by women and a comparatively lower turnout of the Muslims for the Maharashtra assembly elections are likely to be the two major factors which can tilt the outcome of the crucial battle that will conclude on Saturday evening. These two trends have been commented upon repeatedly by several analysts while making a comparison with the Lok Sabha election’s voting pattern. As the turnout for this election has been the highest at more than 66% over the past three decades, both sides are claiming that it will benefit their candidates. For instance, deputy chief minister Devendra Fadnavis has suggested that the Laadki Bahin Yojana was one reason for the handsome response of women, who would support the Mahayuti nominees. The opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) failed to gauge the potency of the scheme whereby eligible women receive Rs 1500 per month from the state. Both sides have promised to enhance the provision after watching the unprecedented welcome it has received. Similarly, the lack of enthusiasm of Muslim voters as compared with the Lok Sabha voting complexion has emerged as another important factor for the final outcome. At least a dozen Lok Sabha seats went to MVA owing to en bloc minority voting. In Dhule, while the other five assembly segments supported the Mahayuti, voting in the Malegaon assembly changed the picture and the seat went to MVA. In view of such aspects, the results are awaited eagerly.
As the term of the present Maharashtra assembly ends on 26 November, the political calculations to capture power will have to be finalised within just 48 hours once the results are out. This has heightened the suspense about the outcome of the election since the richest state of India will play a crucial role in shaping the national political future. A mandate in Maharashtra will strengthen the prospects of both the ruling Mahayuti and the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA). The state saw a brief spell of President’s Rule in 2019 as none of the claimants was ready to form a government within the deadline. Making preparations to avert any such eventuality, Mahayuti and MVA planners have booked dozens of rooms in five star hotels in Mumbai for the possible winners. Moreover, chartered planes and helicopters have also been booked in readiness to ensure the availability of the future MLAs. Another precaution is to keep them under watch so that sides are not changed at the eleventh hour. But the Lok Sabha results changed the picture as MVA won 30 out of the 48 seats. The exit polls for the assembly election have predicted a keen race, making it imperative for both sides to count on each vote. Therefore, the 48 hours after the results will become the game changer.
Alliance politics, an eternal feature of the Tamil Nadu political scene, has turned sharper with the advent of actor Vijay on the electoral stage. All the parties save the ruling DMK are running helter-skelter in their bid to stitch up an alliance before the 2026 Assembly polls. DMK is content to wait out the drama with parties rejecting each other as potential allies since this helps the ruling party to stay ahead in poll percentages. The arithmetic is simple. If the votes split three ways as they did in the Lok Sabha polls, the DMK stands to gain the most, or sweep everything as it did with 39 of 39 seats. If the votes are going to split four ways after Vijay’s entry, the DMK will be laughing all the way to Raj Bhavan for the swearing-in ceremony. The AIADMK, a shrewd player of alliance politics in the time of J Jayalalithaa, has not only split on her demise but also stands isolated in the alliance race. They don’t want to join the BJP again after the stinging 2021 experiment. Vijay does not want to join the AIADMK though the party would very much want the youthful politico on his side. The BJP is keeping the door open for AIADMK provided those shunted out are part of a united package. The DMK is only keen to keep VCK and its current allies on board. The more divided the opposition is, the better for MK Stalin and family.
In the wake of escalating face-off between the Chennai-based Tractors and Farm Equipment (TAFE) and its American partner AGCO over the ownership rights of Massey Ferguson in India, a two-member bench of the Madras High Court has stepped in to direct the warring parties to “maintain status quo until the original applications are heard and disposed of by the learned single judge. “For avoidance of doubt, we hasten to add that the observations made herein are tentative and solely intended for the purpose of disposing of these appeals. We have not delved much into the various rival submissions. All rights and contentions are kept open,” the two-member bench said in its order on Monday. The relationship between TAFE, an Amalgamation group company, and AGCO Corporation of the U.S. hit a nasty bump in April last when the AGCO management terminated commercial agreements -– including the one on licensing the Massey Ferguson brand — with TAFE. The Chennai firm quickly got a stay on this from a commercial court. When AGCO subsequently confirmed the termination, TAFE filed a contempt petition in the Chennai commercial court. Separately, TAFE also moved the Madras High Court, asserting its ownership right to Massey Ferguson brand. TAFE had got a favourable interim order from the Madras High Court. TAFE had filed a civil suit before the Madras High Court against Massey Ferguson Corporation, a subsidiary of AGCO, claiming that the said trademarks are distinctive of TAFE in India and exclusively owned by it. It had sought the Madras High Court to declare that TAFE owns the Massey Ferguson brand/trademarks in India. With the HC bench asking both parties to maintain status quo, all eyes are on the upcoming proceeding before the single judge. It is “advantage TAFE” at the moment, however.
The ‘Satta Bazaar’ is betting down (dampened market sentiments) over Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) forming Maharashtra’s next government. A market player says, “Punters have never been wrong before. Dampened stock market spirits indicate the Mahayuti Alliance is unlikely to win notwithstanding sops galore unleashed by CM Eknath Shinde.” Differing with market pundits, BJP says, “Markets crashed after Foreign Portfolio Investors withdrew Rs 1.25 lakh crore in October (out of total Rs 71 lakh crore total stock investments in India) seeking better pastures after China announced stimulus. FPIs sold Rs 8700 crore stocks in April, Rs 25,600 crore in May then bought Rs 26,600 crore worth in June, Rs 32, 400 crore in July, Rs 7300 crore in August and Rs 57,700 crore in September before the big sell off in October. Already overleveraged NSE slumped, the subdued corporate sector quarterly results after much hype triggered a profit-booking mindset among investors.” Donald Trump’s ascendancy as the next U.S. president (previous tenure witnessed negative bias towards precious metals) bodes badly setting price corrections of gold and silver even as the U.S. dollar firms up, adding to Indian stock market woes. The BJP leader adds, “Maharashtra contributes around 14% to India’s GDP but even when MVA ruled for 2.5 years Modi-nomics ensured high buoyancy on Indian bourses despite stalling of bullet train project, Rs 14,000 crore cost escalation of Metro project.” The market punter, however, cites India’s financial capital Mumbai in Maharashtra that ensures most Indian business gravitates around the state while explaining the gloomy market mood over MVA’s likely win. November 23 will reveal the truth when the political bets are finally called out.
In a massive setback to AAP, Delhi’s transport minister and Jat leader Kailash Gahlot resigned from the party, citing “grave challenges” and “awkward” controversies in a letter to AAP convener Arvind Kejriwal months ahead of Delhi Assembly polls. He has joined the BJP. Gahlot’s exit is well timed in the sense that it comes days before Maharashtra goes to polls. AAP, an INDIA Bloc partner that has no stake in the state polls. But it must be said Gahlot’s exit was something that was in the works for some time now. It is believed that the seeds of discord between Gahlot and the AAP leadership were sown on August 15 over unfurling the national flag during the Delhi Govt’s I-Day celebrations. Delhi CM Arvind Kejriwal, who was in jail on charges linked to the alleged liquor policy scam, had wanted Education Minister Atishi to unfurl the flag. Delhi Lieutenant Governor VK Saxena however felt Gahlot was more suitable for the job as he held the Home Department. Meanwhile, Kejriwal indicated that Gahlot had quit as he was under pressure from the ED and IT. In his resignation letter, Gahlot pointed to how “Political ambitions have overtaken our commitment towards people, leaving many promises unfulfilled”. In an apparent swipe at Kejriwal, he referred to “many embarrassing and awkward controversies like the “Sheeshmahal” — a term used by the BJP to refer to the CM’s residence renovated during Kejriwal’s term costing the exchequer Rs 45 crore.
If rising onion prices decided the election outcome in many states some decades ago, falling soybean prices could impact the outcome in around 70 assembly constituencies in Maharashtra. Hence, Prime Minister Narendra Modi as well as Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge, representing two ends of the political spectrum, are found promising farmers of much higher rates, but only after they are elected on 20 November. The sensitive constituencies are spread in Marathwada and Vidarbha regions, where cotton and soybean are the main cash crops. The current market rate of Rs 4000 per quintal is unacceptable to the growers though they have no choice but to sell the produce as it can’t be stored for long. The MSP is Rs 4800 but not enough stocks are lifted by the machinery. The ruling saffron alliance has been promising better tariffs. The government hiked the soybean import duty in a bid to jack up the prices but the hike was of only around Rs 400, still leaving a gap of the same amount. Sensing the distress and the government’s inability to make any major announcement, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi has promised Rs 6000 per quintal of the legume. To go a step further, Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge has pledged to pay Rs 7000. Shiv Sena leader Uddhav Thackeray has also joined the chorus. The two regions had by and large supported the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi during the Lok Sabha election. Hence, Mahayuti leaders are wary of saying anything that can dampen their prospects.
Veteran leader Sharad Pawar finds commonality between Vote Jihad and a particular section of the people voting for the BJP. Explaining his stand, the NCP founder said it was seen in Pune that the BJP was consistently supported by a certain segment (read Brahmin) in some areas. We expect this to happen though don’t call it Vote Jihad, he remarked. According to Pawar, if such voting patterns happen, it is the right of every community to vote as per its choice. He again charged that deputy chief minister Devendra Fadnavis had raised the issue of Vote Jihad. Pawar’s jab was directed at those specific areas of Pune where Brahmin population is dominant and mostly BJP candidates are elected from such localities. Time and again, Pawar has been accused of creating the bogey of caste with an eye on electoral gains by engineering a rift between sections of the electorate. In support of his contention, Pawar said slogans like ‘batenge toh katenge also fall in the same category as they have a communal shade. He alleged that the issue has been cropped up by the ruling dispensation as it is desperate at the bleak prospect in the assembly election, after the Lok Sabha rout. Fadanvis had condemned the Vote Jihad philosophy after cleric Sajjan Nomani released a list of the Maha Vikas Aghadi candidates and asked the Muslims to vote for them.
On the 12th death anniversary of Shiv Sena founder Balasaheb Thackeray, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi paid tribute to the late leader, offering a poignant message on X. His tweet was seen as a direct response to PM Modi, who had recently mocked Uddhav Thackeray, suggesting he should ask the Congress leader to publicly praise Balasaheb Thackeray. Rahul’s post pleased Sena’s Worli candidate Milind Deora most. He recalled how he had wanted the then UPA government to declare “national mourning” when Balasaheb had passed away in 2012 but it was blocked by some people. Incidentally, Modi had also suggested that Rahul must acknowledge Veer Savarkar, an icon of freedom struggle whose role was recognised by Indira Gandhi herself. Significantly PM Modi who is away on 3 nation tour beginning with Nigeria paid his tribute in Marathi to Balasaheb Thackeray and thereby fondly flagged his association with the Sena founder on X. Soon after her brother’s tweet Priyanka Vadra lashed out at PM Modi at a rally in Shirdi for targeting Rahul and mentioning Balasaheb Thackeray’s name. Accepting that ideologies of the Congress and the Shiv Sena differed, Priyanka made it clear that “though our policies differ, none of our leaders be it “Balasaheb Thackeray or Rahul Gandhi” would tolerate insult of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj”. She was obviously referring to the fall of the Shivaji statue installed for the Navy. Former CM Uddhav Thackeray, along with his family, visited the Bal Thackeray memorial at Shivaji Park to pay their respects, offering flowers and garlands at the site.
Union finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman’s positive response on X fired up the social media. She responded to a request from a social media user, who urged her to provide relief to the middle class. X (formerly Twitter) user Tushar Sharma (@tushxar) requested her to give relief to the middle class in a comment after she shared a poem about Devi Sita. It wasn’t clear if the FM had opened up herself for public dialogue amidst reports of rising food inflation at 10.87%. Whatever the reason, it seemed in the election season the FM was in a throwback mode. Like the way late Sushma Swaraj used to respond to suggestions and queries on Twitter. The conversation started after Sitharaman wrote, “Maa Sita speaks. Found this in The @SundayGuardian. A free verse which captures the emotions and spirit of Ramayana’s Sita. Thank you Lakshmi Bayi. Sorry, couldn’t get the link.”(the weekly Sunday Guardian later shared a hyperlink). Replying to FM, Tushar Sharma said while appreciated her contributions to the country, he requested the FM to consider providing some relief for the middle class. “I understand the immense challenges involved, but it’s just a heartfelt request.” Sharing his post, the FM said his input is valuable and the government attends to people’s voices. Was the FM trying to reach out to the middle class harangued by rising prices? Whatever the message, she was flooded with an avalanche of those batting for the way she managed the economy and those who trashed her. Some trolls suggested that she ought to be doing bhajan and kirtan. Someone cheekily even suggested that “Maa Sita never levied draconian taxes on her countrymen the way you have.”
The third term consecutive BJP government in Haryana proactively introduced seven laws before the state legislature’s winter session, even as Congress’ failed CM aspirant Bhupinder Singh Hooda declined handing over the leader of opposition (LoP) post to another party colleague. Before the session began intensive in-fighting broke out for the LoP post with Hooda deferring the appointment though Congress has legitimate claim with 37 MLAs to hold the post. Holding Haryana’s state legislature to ransom Hooda said the LoP would be decided only after the results of the Maharashtra state assemblies are declared on November 23. His stand of “If it ain’t me, it won’t be anyone else,” has already set the ball rolling with a majority Congress MLAs seeking fresh political pastures with strong indications of en masse defections to the BJP, says senior BJP leader Mahendra Jain. “Not only in Haryana, but also in Maharashtra, mass defections are likely from the Congress party and the Sharad Pawar/Uddhav Thackeray led political formations respectively post November 23, 2024. There will be a big political Khela in the two states,” Jain predicts. Ironically, after the 2014 Lok Sabha polls, the Congress party was unable to secure the LoP status for Rahul Gandhi in India’s parliament have elected only 44 MPs back then while Hooda’s obstinacy does not allow the party to legitimately designate Harayana’s LoP despite commanding required numbers for the same. The BJP is exploiting the situation to engineer a Congress breakup in Haryana while ensuring the same in Maharashtra at the expense of the UBT and Sharad Pawar’s NCP in a repeat performance.
In a solemn ceremony, Justice Sanjiv Khanna was sworn in as the 51st Chief Justice of India on November 11, succeeding Justice DY Chandrachud, who retired on November 10, 2024. The oath was administered by President Droupadi Murmu during a ceremony held at the Rashtrapati Bhavan. The event was attended by key figures including Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar, and former CJI Chandrachud. Justice Khanna’s appointment follows the recommendation of Justice Chandrachud, who had recommended him as his successor on October 17. Justice Khanna’s tenure as CJI will last until May 13, 2025. Despite his short tenure, Justice Khanna has opted not to move into the official CJI Bungalow at 5, Krishna Menon Marg. Following the swearing-in, Justice Khanna proceeded to the Supreme Court to preside over the day’s proceedings, hearing 47 cases alongside his colleague, Justice Sanjay Kumar. In his parting address Justice Chandrachud expressed a deep sense of satisfaction with his service, stating, “I won’t be able to deliver justice from tomorrow, but I’m content.” Justice Chandrachud, like other former Chief Justices, will enjoy several post-retirement benefits which have recently been enhanced to include round-the-clock security at their residence, along with a personal security guard available 24/7 for five years post-retirement. He will also get six months of rent-free Type-VII accommodation in Delhi, similar to facilities provided to Union Ministers. Lifetime entitlements include domestic help and a chauffeur, ensuring that their household needs are met and they lead a comfortable life.
In a significant political development, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has placed her trust in former cabinet minister and senior Left Front leader Abdus Sattar by appointing him as the chief advisor to her government on minority affairs. Sattar, an influential figure of CPI(M) who served as the Minister of State for Minority Affairs and Madrasah Education under the Left Front government. He has been tasked with addressing ongoing disputes related to Wakf properties and will advise the Department of Minority Affairs and Madrasah Education on initiatives for minority welfare. Interestingly, Sattar quit the Left Front way back in 2011 by joining the Congress before aligning with the TMC. This appointment, sources suggest, highlights TMC’s strategy to strengthen its appeal among the state’s educated minority communities. With the BJP’s growing influence in West Bengal and traditional opposition forces such as the Left and Congress losing traction, Sattar is seen as a critical asset for Banerjee’s administration, given his progressive reputation and deep organizational skills. A TMC leader pointed out that Sattar will complement prominent TMC leaders like Firhad Hakim and Siddiqullah Chowdhury. Interestingly, CPI(M) leader Sujan Chakraborty said that Didi’s appointment of Sattar reflects an acknowledgment of the developmental work undertaken during the Left Front regime and is also a rebuttal to TMC’s earlier narrative that the Left did nothing for minorities.
Maharashtra chief minister Eknath Shinde, deputy CM Devendra Fadnavis and former CM Uddhav Thackeray have started singing the same tune. They keep on telling the media, “I am not hankering for Maharashtra’s chief ministership.” Over the past few days, the three leaders have been interviewed by leading dailies and news channels. Each has been repeatedly asked about his prospects to be the next CM. In response, each has reiterated that a decision about this issue will be taken after the assembly election results on 23 November. The issue had become a hot topic soon after the Lok Sabha election when Uddhav Sena’s spokesman Sanjay Raut publicly suggested to Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) to project his leader as the next CM. The move was immediately scuttled since veteran leader Sharad Pawar of NCP and state Congress president Nana Patole rejected it. Now that the polls are away in just four days, the issue has been resurrected. Shinde has predicted that the ruling Mahayuti will win around 160 seats in the 288-member house. Fadnavis has been consistently saying that the issue will be decided by Shinde, BJP’s Central leaders and another deputy CM, Ajit Pawar. This stance of the three top leaders in Maharashtra is interpreted as a precaution to ensure that the boat is not rocked at the opportune time.
He has been very vocal on sanatan dharma and has been taking potshots at BJP and Hindu religion. But ever since Udhayanidhi Stalin was appointed deputy chief minister of Tamil Nadu he seems to have toned down his anti-sanatan stand. Of course, he has shown his aggressive side by insisting on wearing a T shirt with DMK logo on it at every public appearances, a practice that has irked opposition to the extent of filing legal action. This defiance is yet to be resolved. But there is evidence that he is mellowing down, a visible change from his aggressive defiance. Recently, Udhayanidhi was tasked with completing a full audit and stock taking of the DMK government’s welfare schemes and doles obviously aimed at the 2026 Assembly elections. To get a first hand report Udhayanidhi visited several constituencies, met the local party workers and government officials. But when he visited Thoothukudi with Minister for Fisheries Anita Radhakrishnan and Social Welfare minister Gita Jiwan in tow, the powerful and bespoke Kalaignar family’s Kanimozhi( MP for that constituency ) was missing from the scene. The media was quick to pounce on this glaring absence. Udhayanidhi was quick to reassure the media that this stock taking move and audit had been undertaken at the request of the chief minister and that his foster aunt was travelling abroad. He also took pains to reassure the media that he would revisit Thoothukudi in a few weeks with Kanimozhi. There was a time when Udhayanidhi would have flared up at even an indirect reference to Kanimozhi’s relevance. Times are changing
The absence of Maharashtra’s deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar and other senior NCP leaders from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s election rally at Chhatrapati Shivaji Park in Dadar, Mumbai on November 14 strengthened speculation that NCP could possibly be an unreliable link in Mahayuti. This notwithstanding the fact that the deputy CM had attended a Modi rally in Pune barely two days earlier. Ajit Pawar’s party is a crucial partner in the ruling alliance, alongside Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena and the BJP. But then NCP candidates Sana Malik, Nawab Malik, and Zeeshan Siddique were also notably absent from the event, which featured leaders from the Shinde Sena and the Republican Party of India (RPI) led by Ramdas Athawale. While the rally was meant to highlight the coalition’s solidarity, reports suggest that NCP leaders are upset over the BJP’s batenge toh katenge campaign. BJP sources said despite Ajit Pawar’s unease with the BJP’s aggressive Hindutva agenda, it is likely that he will stay on the side “which benefits him”. That is he could walk to any side which will make him the CM or as Nawab Malik told Times Now “Ajit Pawar will be king maker”. BJP sources said UP CM Yogi who coined the slogan has been much in demand among party candidates. “We have been forced to cancel meetings of top leaders to accommodate Yogiji”, said a party manager. As for contrary assertions by Ashok Chavan and Pankaja Munde on batenge toh katenge, these are being viewed more as a desire to project themselves than pose any serious ideological counter to the main party discourse.
Maharashtra’s deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar has raised apprehensions about his future moves, once again. Over the past few days, Ajit has betrayed his ambivalence about the way campaigning is proceeding in Maharashtra. While this is being commented upon, his absence at the final rally of Prime Minister Narendra Modi at Shivaji Park in Mumbai on November 14 has been noted with concern within the ruling Mahayuti. Neither Ajit nor any of his NCP’s candidates turned up for the PM’s rally organised by chief minister Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena and the BJP. As Ajit failed to appear on the dais, the media attention has focussed on his possible calculations after the assembly poll results are out on 23 November. Already, he has rubbed Shinde and deputy CM Devendra Fadnavis the wrong way by objecting to UP CM Yogi Adityanath’s slogan batenge toh katenge. Ajit had observed that such slogans will not work in Maharashtra, whose culture was different from that of UP. Ajit’s insistence on fielding former minister Nawab Malik from Mankhurd-Shivaji Nagar constituency in Mumbai despite the BJP’s open objections had created some strain within the Mahayuti. Now, Malik has told the saffron formation that Ajit’s NCP will not be a part of the next government if Yuti’s campaign strategy is not changed. Ajit’s another confidant, Dilip Walse Patil had said a few days ago that some fresh combination can occur after the election. Ajit has not refuted neither statement. Hence, he is under close observation by the other two partners of Mahayuti.
Uttar Pradesh CM Yogi Adityanath packed a lot of wit and humour while taking potshots at Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge who had mocked Hindu sadhus straying into politics and occupying high offices “in saffron robes”. Yogi reminded Kharge that he may have forgotten some crucial parts while recollecting his family’s sacrifices “for votes”. Yogi alleged Kharge purposely glossed over the tragic death of “his mother and sister” in an attack by Razakars as he feared losing Muslim votes. Addressing a rally in Achalpur in Vidarbha, the UP leader said, “I am a Yogi, and for me, the nation comes first, while for Mallikarjun Kharge, appeasement politics comes first.” He was responding to Kharge’s comments on the “batenge toh katenge” remark. He recounted Kharge’s childhood tragedy during the political unrest in Hyderabad during India’s independence. Kharge was born in the Bidar region of erstwhile Hyderabad state, ruled by the Nizams. The Razakars were a paramilitary force that operated in the princely state with a primary objective to maintain the rule of the Muslim Nizams of Hyderabad and prevent the accession of Hyderabad to India. Incidentally, at the very rally where Kharge was pouring scorn on Yogi’s saffron attire, the Congress chief was trying to generate some sympathy for himself by talking about how he had narrowly escaped the wrath of razakars. He didn’t name the razakars; he merely said how his father was relieved that his only son had been “saved”. “Even our house was burnt. I don’t want to talk about those who attacked us.”
Looks like Himachal Pradesh chief minister Sukhwinder Sukhu is battling a needless controversy over a CID probe into missing samosas linked to his visit to CID headquarters last month. He has been at pains to clarify that the probe, as reported by media, was not linked to the savoury ordered from a 5-star hotel but into “misbehaviour” of officials. He also feels that the BJP’s attack against him regarding the issue was “childish”, and that the party was running a smear campaign against him ever since the Congress won the assembly election. Sukhu felt the BJP was focussing on missing samosas since ‘Operation Lotus’ to dislodge his government failed. Samosas and cakes, which were ordered for CM Sukhu, were reportedly served to his security staff instead, and the entire situation snowballed into a controversy. Eventually, a CID probe was launched as the incident was termed as an anti-government act. Those responsible acted according to their own agenda, a highly placed official in the CID said in his note on the October 21 incident when the CM visited the CID headquarters. An enquiry report by a deputy SP rank officer found that samosas from three boxes of refreshments meant for the CM were rather served to his security staff. Recovering from an infection, it must be said the CM was keeping off samosas. While on samosas it must be noted the savoury featured in the farewell proceedings in Court No 1 in the Supreme Court when CJI designate Justice Sanjiv Khanna — also referred to samosas as outgoing CJI DY Chandrachud’s favorite snack!
Maharashtra has locked-in six political parties fighting the mother of all poll battles. Upbeat NDA (BJP-Shiv Sena-NCP) — despite initial assessments indicating alliance bagging below 130 seats — hopes orchestrated triangular fights will register 140 wins. BJP wants 105 like 2019, and expects a two-digit final outcome like Gujarat (99 MLAs won). Deputy chief minister Devendra Fadnavis, BJP’s CM face, discerned his party’s 148 candidates as also for Shiv Sena/NCP led by CM Eknath Shinde/Ajit Pawar respectively, even supplanted BJP candidates on alliance party tickets (Shiv Sena:9, NCP:5). Congress leads MVA bloc fighting over 100 seats, UBT Sena fights 90 plus (below 126 in 2019). Sharad Pawar’s NCP shortlisted 35 candidates, then handled a problem of plenty after 85 bounty, finding 50 more candidates post haste. Uddhav Thackeray discerned winning candidates to rectify Lok Sabha debacle (nine MPs from 21 contested seats). Independents, (over 25) from MVA ranks while BJP mostly quelled rebellion, expected to play king makers in Maharashtra government formation post November 23. BJP’s Borivali MLA Sunil Rane rues double bad luck being dumped in favour of Sandeep Upadhyay even as CM Shinde fielded reluctant MP Milind Deora from Worli constituency. Samajwadi Party’s Mankhurd MLA Abu Azmi worries over minority reports swaying towards NCP’s Nawab Malik while BJP’s ‘Bullet’ Patil hopes to gain from “Chanakya Niti” by Fadnavis. Navi Mumbai strongman Ganesh Naik’s son Sandeep quit BJP after senior leader Manda Mhatre got the party ticket making independents unofficial third front in polls.
The CPI(M) in West Bengal is grappling with a challenging phase as several of its prominent leaders continue to quit the party and join rival parties like the Trinamool Congress (TMC) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Surprisingly, notable figures who previously held influential roles within the Left Front government have quit. Some like Abdus Sattar and Abul Rezzak Mollah stand out as former Left Front ministers who have now ascended to notable positions within the TMC. The BJP, too, has benefited from CPI(M) defections. Shankar Ghosh, a young leader from Siliguri, left the CPI(M) to join the BJP ahead of the 2021 polls, defeating his mentor and veteran CPI(M) leader Ashok Bhattacharya. Ghosh has since risen to become the chief whip of the BJP Legislative Assembly Committee. Former CPI(M) MLA Tapasi Mondal is now a BJP legislator from Haldia, her former constituency. CPI(M) State Secretary Mohammad Salim has attributed the trend to a “bankrupted political culture” fostered by the TMC-BJP nexus, emphasizing that true ideological commitment would prevent leaders from joining parties with opposing values. However, within the CPI(M), there is a growing realization that even efforts to rejuvenate the party with youth faces are not stemming the outflow of talent. Amidst these concerns, CPI(M)’s Bengal unit is re-evaluating its alliance with Congress for upcoming state elections. Although the two parties are long-time allies in West Bengal, their ideological differences remain stark, especially given their rivalry in states like Kerala. Clearly, CPI(M) leadership has a tough job on hand – to stop the exits and ensure that the party regains its pristine glory in West Bengal.
Is the honeymoon over for Odisha’s chief minister Mohon Charan Majhi who recently completed 100 days in the office? Majhi who operates from the famous third floor of Odisha Secretariat building is now being judged for his leadership skills, teamwork and results by his partymen, opposition leaders and bureaucrats. Not without reason. According to former editor of Outlook magazine Ruben Banerjee, Majhi has yet to put in place a well-oiled team in CMO on whom he can rely to monitor and execute projects. He says there is a trust deficit as Majhi has not been able to build relationships across ministries as a result most ministers and bureaucrats in Odisha’s BJP government are working in isolation. Banerjee says neither CM trusts all ministers nor they trust him. This impression is gaining currency as the CM recently asked for assistance to look after some of his portfolio from Health & Family Welfare and Parliamentary Affairs minister Dr Mukesh Mahaling instead of several ministers like Suresh Pujari holding miniscule portfolios. Also, what seems to be going against Majhi is his time-management skill. He is either late for the meeting or keeps people waiting for long hours. Recently when the Singapore High Commissioner came calling, the CM was 45 minutes late for the meeting. Sometimes back at the Odisha government’s Mumbai investor summit, he kept Kumar Mangalam Birla, Chairman of AV Birla Group waiting for over an hour.
Maharashtra Navnirman Sena leader Raj Thackeray has confidently predicted that Devendra Fadnavis will return as the next chief minister of the state. Raj made this statement while making a candid disclosure about his son Amit’s candidature from Dadar-Mahim assembly constituency in Mumbai. Raj has stated unambiguously that he had supported the decision taken by Amit to contest from the constituency, considered the stronghold of both factions of the Shiv Sena and MNS. As sitting MLA Sada Sarvankar of the Sena (Shinde) has refused to withdraw, there will be a triangular fight among the three Senas, a novel feature of the coming election. The fight will be live since the BJP had publicly appealed to Sarvankar and Shinde to yield. After their refusal, city BJP president Ashish Shelar has pledged the party’s support to Amit. A recent angle to the jumble is Raj’s fulsome praise for Fadnavis. In a TV interview, Raj said, “Fadnavis possesses the best political and technical sense. His combination with Eknath Shinde is excellent. After the election, Mahayuti will return to power with Fadnavis as chief minister.” The announcement by Uddhav Thackeray that he will not hold a campaign rally in the constituency though he has a candidate there and Raj’s silence about Aaditya Thackeray during the MNS rally in Worli are contributing to the intrigue. The intensity will increase as Raj has castigated cousin Uddhav for the present mess in the state politics due to defectors.
The ruling Mahayuti (BJP-Shiv Sena-NCP) and the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (Cong-Shiv Sena(UBT)-NCP(SP) have decided to keep both former chief ministers in Maharashtra on hold as a cautionary strategy, indicating that they will open their cards at an opportune time. Both hopefuls, Devendra Fadnavis and Uddhav Thackeray, also have adopted a similar stance though Uddhav had earlier tried to prevail upon the Congress and senior leader Sharad Pawar to project him as the next CM. However, both MVA partners had refused to concede. Now, Pawar has announced that his party will support the leader chosen by the largest of the three parties after the assembly election. According to available statistics, the Congress party is contesting the largest number of seats, 102, leaving 96 for the Shiv Sena under Uddhav and 87 for the NCP led by Pawar. In the Lok Sabha, the Congress strike rate was the most impressive. Hence, the Congress has always maintained its claim as the eldest brother in the MVA formation. Similarly, Fadnavis has been lauded by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union home minister Amit Shah over the past two days. Despite this, Shah has declared that a decision about the next Maharashtra CM will be taken after the outcome is declared. The BJP is contesting 152 seats in the 288 member assembly and over a dozen of its leaders are contesting on behalf of the Sena (Shinde) or NCP (Ajit Pawar). Therefore, its prospects are considered better this time, after the Lok Sabha drubbing.
As the Maharashtra election battle enters a crucial phase, a cornered Congress clearly seemed uncomfortable with the kind of mobilisation for Hindu votes by the RSS and top BJP leaders including UP chief minister Yogi Adityanath. While PM Modi’s”ek hai toh safe hai” is being been viewed largely as an appeal to OBC and SC/ST communities to remain united against any move to dilute their quota entitlements by the Congress, it is Yogi’s “batenge toh katenge” that has worried the INDIA bloc. Yogi’s catchy slogan was endorsed by both Sangh and PM Modi. It is in this background that Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge launched a scathing personal attack on the UP CM without taking his name. “Many leaders live in the guise of sadhus and have now become politicians, some have even become CMs. They wear gerua clothes and have no hair on their heads. I would say to the BJP either wear white clothes or if you are sanyasi wear gerua clothes but then get out of politics. On the one hand, you wear gerua clothes and on the other hand say batoge toh katoge and spreading hatred among people and dividing them.” Kharge’s attack on saffron clothes was dubbed as an attack on sanatan dharma. It came in the backdrop of the Congress working out a deal for Muslim votes. BJP sources said it was odd for Kharge to mock Yogi for his saffron attire but not speak a word about maulana in Opposition ranks. Rampur MP Maulana Mohibbullah Nadvi of Samajwadi Party is second such religious person to be in Parliament. The first was Maulana Abdul Kalam Azad. Nadwi is Imam of Parliament masjid.
TRENDS & VIEWS
Editor’s Note: Big Punch In Small Pack
It is the Third Anniversary of Short Post and as a news media startup launched during the Covid-19 pandemic it certainly feels better than good to find ourselves where we are today. Here, I must cite the unstinted support of our seasoned contributors, all senior editors in the country, who brought a great degree of maturity and sagacity to the Short Post newsroom. But for them, our tagline “Authentic Gossip”, an Oxymoron, would not have matured viably. Our user numbers may be small but our stories have created the desired impact among people who matter — decision makers and influencers. We offer a big punch in a small pack and Short Post with its 225-word stories has been punching above its weight category. Having posted close to 3,000 stories in the last 36 months, Short Post, I feel, is an idea whose time has come.
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If you look at the media landscape – print, TV and digital — it is a mixed bag. There are job losses as some outfits have closed down while a lucky few were bailed out by large corporate houses. Yes, there is a lot of action in the digital space. However, the entry of corporate houses has raised the question of independence of news media outfits. Sadly, there are just a handful of independent media outfits in the country that are highly respected for their neutrality. At Short Post, our credo is not to take sides, prejudge issues or be biased but, informing readers of behind-the-scenes happenings. In essence, Short Post strives to be a neutral editorial platform — neither anti-establishment nor pro-establishment.
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