Ever since he lost power in the Odisha assembly elections in 2024, Biju Janata Dal (BJD) supremo Naveen Patnaik, age notwithstanding, has moved in aggressive mode to put BJP on the back foot. The general feeling was that BJD has lost steam and may implode over a period. BJP MLA Sanatan Bijuli openly says that “there will be no need to break BJD, it will disintegrate automatically.” Echoing Bijuli’s statement, Odisha BJP President Manmohan Samal says there are many BJD leaders waiting to join BJP. Our completion of 100 days is only a trailer. The movie is ahead. To boost confidence in his party and cadres, the former chief minister Patnaik has been extensively touring the state to strengthen the party. In the last two months he has already toured 30 districts to work out future road maps district-wise. For Patnaik, attacking BJP is the best form of defence. At the BJD’s annual Jansampark Padyatra which commenced from October 2 onward at Bhubaneswar, Naveen Patnaik taunted BJP not fulfilling its election promises. He listed several of them one by one. He asked BJP why households have not received Rs 300 units free electricity, asked the status of Rs 3,000 allowances towards SSS scheme, where is the Rs 50,000 cash voucher for every woman under the Subhadra Yojana scheme. Naveen summarised these lapses as a wakeup call for people of Odisha. Seasoned politicians say Naveen’s aggressive combat strategy towards BJP is to neutralise the negative effect of his Rajya Sabha MPs joining BJP.

By pushing for a demand to raise the state quota for reservation limit to 75 %, Sharad Pawar has put the BJP in a quandary. Acceding to this demand could prove counterproductive for the BJP against its own OBC support base. The quota for reservation has upset the BJP core constituency of the other backward classes (OBC), which is upset at the Marathas wanting a share from their reservation pie and are vehemently opposing it. The BJP, which bore the brunt of the reservation agitation in the 2024 Lok Sabha results (won 9 out of the 28 seats in Maharashtra) had granted reservations for the Maratha community, hoping to woo the significant Maratha vote bank. Getting the Maratha Eknath Shinde and Ajit Pawar, on their side, was also part of this strategy. Yet, now far from getting the Maratha support, it finds itself struggling to wriggle out of its repercussions. The Marathas continue to be upset with the BJP, particularly with its leader Devendra Fadnavis for not ensuring a legal-proof reservation insisting that only being added in the OBC bandwagon, could help withstand legal scrutiny. The Marathas anger for being lathi-charged and rioting cases against them not being withdrawn, also continues. Manoj Jarange Patil continues to spit fire on BJP and threatens to scuttle their chances in this election.  Pawar, who himself has led Maharashtra four times as a CM, was clearly well aware of the pitfalls of yielding to reservations demands of Marathas, and managed to sidestep it during his regime. The wily Pawar seems to be having the last laugh for now.

Former Maharashtra minister Harshvarrdhan Patil has decided to join the NCP under Sharad Pawar, his traditional family foe. Patil had joined the BJP in 2019 and had said, “Now I can sleep peacefully, no worry about the ED or the Income Tax department.” His candid admission had provided much cannon fodder to the opposition in general and to Sharad Pawar in particular. Patil’s family elder Shankarrao and the Pawar clan had never seen eye to eye because the Patil patriarch always complained that their empire in Indapur was deprived of development as funding was diverted to Baramati next door. In the last assembly election, Ajit Pawar had held a public rally in Indapur to declare that Harshvarrdhan Patil will be trounced. Ajit’s close follower Dattatray Bharne was elected there. Since then, an exasperated Patil had mounted scathing attacks against Sharad and Ajit Pawar. According to the present Mahayuti formation, the Indapur seat will go to the NCP(Ajit) and Harshvarrdhan will stand little chance of getting a BJP ticket. Maharashtra’s Deputy chief minister Devendra Fadnavis had been trying to persuade Patil to stay on but to no avail. Unwilling to wait any longer, Harshvarrdhan Patil has decided to enter Sharad Pawar’s party. Quizzed by the media about his past comment and asked if he will be able to get a sound sleep now, Harshvarrdhan quipped, “No comment.”

The BJP, it seems, is not willing to take any chance in the upcoming Maharashtra assembly polls after its dismal performance in Lok Sabha polls. For one, Union home minister Amit Shah has entirely taken things in his own hand and is personally overseeing the ticket distribution process in Maharashtra. The BJP has also quietly given up its obsession with party surveys, which were being cited as criteria for allocating and denying tickets to party members, and were roundly blamed for leading to wrong candidate selections. Shah is also overriding strong party sentiments to drop off NCP’s Ajit Pawar despite the junior Pawar scion increasingly being viewed as a liability. Nor has Shah bothered to clip the wings of chief minister Eknath Shinde. Shah is also ignoring the clamour to let Nitin Gadkari play a stronger role in the assembly elections, a sentiment also shared by the RSS cadres. Gadkari was conspicuous by his absence in the rallies and has failed to share stage in rallies held by both the top leaders of his party – PM Narendra Modi and Amit Shah. Gadkari was stated to be campaigning in the Jammu and Kashmir election, the day Amit Shah was campaigning and overseeing election processes in his home pitch of Vidarbha. Gadkari was back in action in Nagpur whining in a public meeting, about how the state’s flagship scheme to provide monthly stipend to women, Ladki Bahin Yojana, was bleeding the state exchequer, when Shah had moved to Mumbai to oversee election operation there. Gadkari’s public disclosure that he was offered the prime minister’s post by the opposition, hasn’t helped things.

Tamil Nadu chief minister MK Stalin finally managed to elevate his son Udhayanidhi as deputy CM. This much anticipated elevation which was planned twice before was executed without any hitch over the weekend. Father Stalin had worked on it by smoothening out ties with the Centre and PM Modi. Ever since the Centre brought out a commemorative coin to mark 100 years of DMK patriarch M Karunanidhi in July, it has been easy for the regional party to reach out to Delhi. Besides, there wasn’t much resistance to the idea of giving a leg up to Udhayanidhi after the Lok Sabha results from party seniors within. In fact most of the seniors could be seen congratulating Udhayanidhi, a first term MLA. He contested the 2021 assembly elections for the first time from Chepauk-Thiruvallikeni constituency and was made a state Minister. Congress sources said an early elevation of Udhayanidhi was an indication that Stalin was not in the best of health. That is perhaps why everyone in the DMK had fallen in line. It was evident in the DMK social media timeline as it was crammed with greetings from Tamil film star netas like Kamal Haasan as well as superstars like Rajnikant, Dhanush and producers from Bollywood like Boney Kappor. Only TN BJP chief K Annamalai managed to take potshots. Underscoring the nepotism behind son’s rise in a post, Annamalai said “the sun shines for the privileged few and eclipses for the rest of the state for the last 40 months. People have now understood what the term “Vidiyal” (awakening) actually meant: Vidiyal for self, family, and the chieftains.”

In an indication of “sweetening” of ties between the DMK and the BJP, Tamil Nadu chief minister MK Stalin flagged his meeting with PM Modi as “cordial” as he raised all outstanding issues of his state with the Centre such as requesting release of the Centre’s share for Phase 2 of the jointly implemented Chennai Metro, noting that several states which initiated their metro projects after TN have already received their funds. With traditional ally Congress exploring ties with AIADMK and other alternatives, it looks like the DMK also seems to be looking for a fall back option. Stalin’s reachout comes a fortnight after FM Nirmala Sitharaman’s tough talk that the Phase II of Chennai Metro Rail was a state project and ought to be funded by the state, with the Centre chipping in with only 10% of the total cost. Of the total cost of Rs 63,246 crore, TN is expected to invest Rs 22,228 crore while the Centre Rs 7,425 crore. An additional Rs 33,593 crore was obtained through various multilateral agencies. “However, only 27% of the loan, equaling to Rs 5,880 crore, has been utilised by the state. As per the FRBM rules, up to 3% GSDP can be borrowed (by the state), and since this project is categorised as a state sector project, the loan should fall within the FRBM limit,” she said.TN cannot blame Centre over funds. Phase 1 of the Metro Rail project, which started in 2015, covered 54 km and was initiated as a central sector scheme, with 60% of the cost being covered by external loans. Stalin also urged for immediate release of Samagra Shiksha funds, currently withheld due to the non-implementation of the NEP. Interestingly, Stalin also met with Congress leader Sonia Gandhi.

Even as the Congress has rallied behind Karnataka chief minister Siddaramaiah in the MUDA land scam in spite of the High Court verdict and the Lokayukta Police registering an FIR, it is most likely that pressure may mount on him to step aside post October 8 — once Haryana and J&K election results come in. It is believed that there could be a change of guard ahead of Maharashtra and Jharkhand elections. Congress sources say specific instructions were given by AICC functionary KC Venugopal to deputy chief minister DK Shivkumar, Siddaramaiah’s main challenger, to remain solidly behind Siddaramaiah at least for now.  Of course, it is widely believed in Congress circles that Shivkumar may have helped BJP leaders access papers regarding the MUDA land scam and helped in highlighting the case. Interestingly, the MUDA scam verdict was also a talking point in PM Modi’s rallies in Haryana. He warned Haryana people not to even think of voting for the Congress. Citing the Karnataka HC order in MUDA scam, PM Modi pointed out how the Karnataka CM was accused in the land scam and had upheld the investigation ordered by the Governor. He also raised the issue of the state government diverting funds meant for Dalits. “There is no party more dishonest than Congress in the entire nation”. It was this attack by Modi on the Congress and Siddaramaiah on allegation of illegalities in allotment of 14 sites worth Rs 56 crore to the chief minister’s wife Parvathi by MUDA that may have saved Sidda his job for the moment. Only one can’t say for how long.

On September 21, the BJP’s Tamil Nadu band of officiating coordinators committee members were suddenly invited for a breakfast meeting by KT Raghavan, former BJP leader, on behalf of the Union finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman. The venue was not Kamalalayam, TN‘s BJP centre but Indian Bank’s Guest House at MRC Nagar. It may be known that BJP Destiny’s Favourite K Annamalai, is out of action as he is away in London to attend a fellowship on leadership offered by the United Kingdom’s Foreign Office. Yet, Annamalai’s unseen presence loomed large over the meeting. The recent GST imbroglio that took place in Coimbatore when Annapoorna Srinivasan(president of the Hotelier’s Association) spoke candidly about the different GST rates on sweet, savoury and coffee and the need for rationalisation. Later retracted, asked for a meeting to apologise, and this entire incident went viral. Even as Srinivasan slipped into embarrassment, Annamalai called him to apologise for the unsavoury incident. The BJP’s vulnerability stood exposed. Was this parallel power centre deliberate? Sources close to BJP says that 2026 TN Assembly polls may see a major “manthan” in the BJP TN hierarchy.

Thirty-eight year old actor-director-politician Kangana Ranaut has been courting controversy on both political and professional front ever since she was elected BJP MP from Mandi in Himachal Pradesh. Her directorial venture Emergency where she plays the role of Indira Gandhi faces flak from both the Sikh community over depiction of Operation Blue Star and the Congress party over her portrayal of Indira Gandhi. The film, where she has a producer sunk a lot of money, is yet to get clearance from the Central Board of Film Certification as CBFC has received too many legal notices over the movie’s release. This delay is taking a toll on her finances. Apparently, she had mortgaged her properties to produce this film, and release delay has resulted in her selling one of her bungalows in the upscale Bandra suburb. The actress who does not have support from the fraternity needs a hit which has been eluding her for some time. Her last nine films have done well at the box office. People who have seen rushes of Emergency say the movie will do well. Meanwhile, politician Kangana seems to have irked her party leaders by speaking against the farmers twice in the last four months. So much so, BJP spokesperson Gaurav Bhatia commented, “Kangana Ranaut is not authorised to make such a statement on behalf of BJP and it doesn’t depict BJP’s view on the farm bills. We disapprove of this statement.” And falling in line, she too tweeted, “My views on farmer’s laws are personal and they don’t represent the party’s stand on those Bills.”

The ruling Mahayuti and the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi in Maharashtra are facing the same challenge: increasing pressure from their supporters as finalization of the candidates for the 288-member state legislative assembly is taking its own time. The uneasiness is becoming vocal as the Election Commission has announced its visit to Mumbai early next week. This is the first time in the state’s history that there will be six major parties in the electoral arena in the state. The two Shiv Sena factions, the two NCP blocs, the BJP and the Congress are all trying to emerge as the single largest party in this crucial election, which will determine the political future of several prominent leaders. Given the Lok Sabha results, the MVA is confident of grabbing power while the Mahayuti has been showering one benefit after another on various sections of the population to stage a comeback. Political observers recall how MVA had taken a lead over the saffron alliance in the case of declaring LS candidates. According to present indications, the BJP is preparing to fight 160 seats, leaving about 130 for the two partners and the supporters from the smaller parties. On the other hand, chief minister Eknath Shinde’s various statements are interpreted to mean that the election will take place between 10 and 20 November.

Fishing in troubled waters of the Congress in the midst of Haryana assembly polls, former Haryana CM and Union Minister Manohar Lal Khattar invited Sirsa MP Kumari Selja, one of the senior-most Dalit faces of the Congress, to join the BJP. Khattar’s invitation to Kumari Selja went amidst reports that the veteran Dalit leader had been missing from the Congress’s campaign for the Haryana Assembly election. Referring to Selja’s absence from the Congress’s campaign, Khattar said, “One of our Dalit sisters has been insulted and abused by the Congress. She is sitting at home, but the Hoodas (Bhupinder Hooda and Deepender Hooda) and the Gandhis (Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi) family are not even ashamed.” The buzz about a rift in Haryana Congress came after Selja was not seen during the party’s manifesto launch event by Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge. Congress sources said Selja had been pushed to the wall in terms of tickets for her nominees. She had wanted only 3 tickets for her nominees.  Even these did not come easily. They were given seats far away from their choice.” Selja, a CWC member, but she had to push for the tickets with the likes of KC Venugopal. Such a senior leader was really humiliated. The Gandhis did nothing to back her. Hooda even refused to take calls from the Gandhis,” said a party source. It is this high-handedness and touching faith in power of his community support — of the Jats — that may eventually cost Bhupinder Hooda this election. “Hooda could be losing a winning election because of his own fault. He has thrown this election away by antagonizing loyalist party leaders like Selja,” pointed out a Haryana BJP leader.

The Maharashtra BJP’s insistence to contest at least 160 seats in the 288-member legislative assembly election has posed a challenge for the Shiv Sena led by chief minister Eknath Shinde and the NCP led by Deputy CM Aji Pawar since both will have to be content with just about 60 seats for each. The seat sharing talks within the ruling Mahayuti are at an advanced turn though the BJP’s position as the largest partner has been accepted by both. However, the tacit tussle to occupy the second position is now becoming apparent as Ajit Pawar has made it clear that his party will need to contest over 60 seats. Both parties have almost an equal strength in the outgoing house. The Mahayuti is more or less agreed on around a hundred seats but the substantial chunk is still under negotiations. While Shinde has established his own channel with New Delhi, Ajit’s public postures are becoming a matter of speculation. His latest displeasure with the purported anti-minority utterances by some Sena-BJP leaders and Shinde’s implied support of those leaders, though in a different context, has caused some discomfort in the Mahayuti camp. Ajit and Shinde are thus facing a daunting challenge since they will have to persuade their followers to accept the seat sharing formula. It is likely to be finalised during Union home minister Amit Shah’s scheduled visit to the state next week.

It certainly seems to be raining sops in Haryana with both the incumbent BJP and the Congress trying to outwit each other this election season. The BJP announced two lakh government jobs in the state, Rs 2,100 pm allowance for women under the Lado Lakshmi Yojana, and cooking gas cylinders at Rs 500 under the Har Ghar Grihini Yojna. Seeking a third term, party chief JP Nadda asserted that the BJP has always fulfilled its promises. “What was the image of Haryana 10 years back? Jobs used to be given on paper. Actions were taken against people. Haryana used to be known for land scams,” he said. It is another matter that Priyanka Vadra’s husband Robert Vadra had got an administrative clean chit under BJP rule in the much talked land scam. Releasing BJP’s manifesto, Nadda promised every Agniveer hailing from Haryana will get a guaranteed government job. Haryana has changed under BJP’s leadership, he asserted. In 2014, the state’s per capita income was Rs 1.37 lakh, which has increased to Rs 3 lakh rupees. A day earlier, the Congress announced similar sounding guarantees like Rs 2,000 monthly allowance to women and gas cylinders at Rs 500. The add ons were of course the  Rs 6000 social security monthly pension for the old, handicapped and widows and the promise of 300 units of free electricity per month to every household. It promised to hike the minimum income limit for the creamy layer among OBCs from Rs 6 to Rs 10 lakhs. The party also promised to provide 100 square yard plots with Rs 3.5 lakhs cash assistance to every poor homeless person for constructing a two-bedroom house.

Political parties have their own whims and fancy notions about good luck charms of their parliamentary party offices. That’s why when it comes to the new Parliament complex, it seems — both the Congress and the BJP– are reportedly being reluctant to move their parliamentary party offices from the old Parliament House. Both the offices are on the ground floor and have plenty of history to it. Of course ministers and the LoP do have their offices in the new complex. The only party which has moved into the new building is the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) which stormed to power in Andhra Pradesh winning 164 of 175 assembly seats in an electoral alliance with Janasena Party and the BJP and has 16 seats in Lok Sabha. The Lok Sabha Secretariat allocated a new office, F09, to the TDP on the first floor of the new Parliament, a prime location that also houses the offices of the Prime Minister and Union Ministers. This change marks a transition from the party’s previous office, Room No 5, which was situated in the old Parliament building. Recalling how the YSRCP led by Jagan Mohan Reddy had occupied TDP’s office after party was routed in 2019 elections, a TDP source pointed out that in the 2019 LS polls, the YSRCP had swept the elections, winning 22 of the 25 Lok Sabha seats in the state and TDP was reduced to just 3 seats. Official sources said regional parties like DMK are also reluctant to move into the new Parliament complex.

Top BJP minister Nitin Gadkari’s sensational disclosure that he had been offered support for Prime Ministership by a prominent opposition leader before the Lok Sabha election is considered significant owing to its crucial timing. Gadkari generally avoids commenting on political developments and does not entertain any media questions in this regard. Hence, his candid revelation has surprised the BJP brass, which has refrained from reacting to it. The opposition, by and large, also has kept away from the potential bombshell. Gadkari has refused to name the opposition leader who made this offer to him. But the political grapevine is on overdrive to identify the opposition emissary. Various algorithms are applied to find out who it could be. Is he from Maharashtra? From Nagpur or Vidarbha? A former BJP member? Close to Rahul Gandhi or Mallikarjun Kharge? Or someone having tacit approach to the RSS decision makers? Of course, all these are supposition without any factual backing. Still, the suspense is mounting in view of the coming assembly elections. It is deepened since Gadkari has declared on multiple occasions that he is not interested in the topmost job and is happy with his ministry. In the past, his name was being discussed to become the Maharashtra CM but he had firmly rejected the idea. His only connection now with the state elections is that he is one of the star BJP campaigners.

Haryana state assemblies, set for triangular fight between Congress, BJP and AAP, saw Delhi CM Arvind Kejriwal’s timely enlargement on bail suiting BJP’s poll strategy although facing tough anti-incumbency itself. Congress authorized former CM Bhupinder Hooda to finalise poll prospects, refusing to cede 10 assembly constituencies to AAP for pre-poll alliance. Hooda’s son Deepinder, a Lok Sabha MP organized fanfare for Olympian wrestler Vinesh Phogat (a Jat) on her return following the Olympic debacle. She was part of the Jantar Mantar agitation over molestation charges against ex-president WFI and BJP MP Brijbhushan Singh. Julana constituency choice for Phogat, however, raises questions over winnability with Congress never winning the seat and potential loss of face for the party that garnered 10,000 votes at best from here. AAP fielded former WWF wrestler Kavita Dalal against Phogat to further dampen Congress prospects while Kejriwal who steps down as Delhi CM utilizes bail time to canvas against Hooda’s choice of candidates. Brijmohan Shrivastav, Chief National Spokesperson NCP (Ajit Pawar) feels Phogat will emerge victorious in husband Somvir’s home constituency as Jat and Rathee communities will combine in her favour since caste is dominant factor in Bihar, UP and Haryana. Phogat’s recent disqualification at Olympics and perception of BJP not backing her up upset the two communities. It may be recalled that Phogat and wrestler husband Rathee even challenged norms at their wedding ceremony, opting for eight rounds (vows) of holy havan kund including extra phera emphasizing the girl child (Beti Bachao, Beti Padao, Beti Kilao) over gender bias evident in population ratio of Haryana. Will Julana solemnize Vinesh’s Congress alliance too?

Maharashtra BJP is facing a quandary since the mass media is awash with reports about a purported internal survey conducted by the party in Vidarbha region. The reason – the prediction that neither the BJP nor the Mahayuti will fare well in the region. Although BJP leaders are yet to react to the news stories, the survey has reportedly said that the Mahayuti can win around 25 seats out of the total 62 in the BJP’s traditional stronghold. Vidarbha was once the Congress citadel and had stood by Indira Gandhi even after the post-emergency election in 1977. However, it has been a cakewalk for the BJP since 2014. The first jolt it received was the Lok Sabha election earlier this year as the Congress performed unexpectedly well, at the cost of the BJP. In 2019, the BJP-led saffron alliance had won 39 of the seats. However, after the splits in the Shiv Sena and the NCP, the configuration has undergone a sea change. In view of the Lok Sabha voting pattern and analysis, the Mahayuti will have no problem in remaining at the top but its dominance will be dented seriously, if one wishes to trust the so-called survey findings. According to the survey assessment, the BJP will be able to win 18 seats while the Sena (Shinde) will bag just five and the NCP under Ajit Pawar a token two. The overall tally of 25 for the Mahayuti will impact the alliance’s ambition of returning to power in the state in the election, most likely to occur in November this year.

Maharashtra deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar has finally rung down the curtains on the speculation surrounding the prestigious Baramati assembly constituency by giving out ample indications that he will contest the seat this time, too. Ajit took this decision after he was advised that his shaky stance could cost the NCP(A) heavily. Ajit has also scored over the two other Mahayuti partners – the BJP and the Shiv Sena (Shinde) — by finalising nearly two dozen assembly candidates. Both these parties are still to decide on their nominees. Internecine power struggle and past rivalry with each other are hindering the list finalisation. The picture on the Maha Vikas Aghadi is a little different. None of the MVA partners has so far declared any name of a prospective candidate. Against this backdrop, Ajit has overtaken all other parties in the state. Equally important is his willingness to enter the fray after dilly-dallying for a long time. The other names in Ajit’s list include former home minister Dilip Walse Patil, senior leader Chhagan Bhujbal and the legislative assembly’s deputy speaker Narahari Zirwal. Not to take a chance, Ajit’s team started combing the Baramati constituency much earlier. The contest will be a fierce one if Ajit’s nephew Yugendra Pawar decides to take on his uncle. Yugendra is groomed by NCP founder Sharad Pawar ever since Ajit broke away from the parent party. Whatever the outcome, the seat will remain with the Pawar family, which has been holding it for the past 55 years.

Netflix India’s content head Monika Shergill met Union I&B Ministry officials answering summons over controversy surrounding Anubhav Sinha’s IC814 -– The Kandahar Hijack web series aired worldwide. The inadequate disclaimer tagged alongside the series was promptly rectified with additions reflecting, “During the hijacking of IC814 (Indian Airlines plane) terrorists used aliases, code names. The names of terrorists were: Ibrahim Athar (alias Chief), Shahid Akhtar Sayed (alias Doctor), Sunny Ahmed Qazi (alias Burger), Mistri Zahoor Ibrahim (alias Bhola), Shakir (alias Shankar).” While expected to bring closure to issue, BJP is livid at the selective advisory being aired limitedly on Netflix India while global feeds (aired through U.S.-based servers) continue depicting the old disclaimer. I&B Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw faces flak from within BJP for the limited clarification. “The Indian Hindu diaspora is a global phenomenon in every corner of the world. Why is disclaimer restricted to resident Indian audiences? I&B Minister must take issue with Netflix,” senior BJP leader Mahendra Jain says. Another leader states, “Vaishnaw knows the old disclaimer was amended to include fresh advisory to be put out globally to set the record straight. This is now akin to hijacking the clarification itself to suit Netflix’s convenience. When newspapers issue rejoinders over inaccurate facts, it’s not limited to one segment alone but carried across editions so all readers are well informed.” He added BJP’s former I&B minister Ravi Shankar Prasad lost his ministry over a smaller faux pas after being tasked by PM Narendra Modi for tackling X over pejorative content regularly tweeted. “Back then, Prasad’s own twitter account was suspended which did not go down well with the BJP higher ups and he lost his job. Vaishnaw must pull up his socks or else face a similar fate.”

Maharashtra deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar has once again publicly repented for parting ways with his uncle Sharad Pawar. This is considered an implied signal for the Mahayuti leadership to prepare for any eventuality, including Ajit’s probable decision to do a homecoming act. Although he has not said anywhere that he will desert the Mahayuti, his recent statements can be interpreted by his detractors to mean just that. At a rally in Gadchiroli, he advised the daughter of NCP(A) minister Dharmarao Baba Atram to reconsider her decision to enter the NCP (SP). Ajit said, “People don’t like creating rifts in one’s own family.” In Baramati, he said he had been elected uninterrupted since 1991 but if people wanted otherwise, someone else would be the MLA from Baramati. He, however, did not indicate who the next incumbent will be but his supporters are discussing the name of his son Jay, who has started touring the constituency, the fiefdom of the Pawar Parivar since 1967. Ajit’s chagrin over the defeat of his wife Sunetra in the Lok Sabha election is coming to the fore time and again. Coincidentally, some BJP workers from Pune have started expressing their opposition to the NCP(A). As Ajit has admitted to his own ambivalence in the present political atmosphere, revised electoral equations can emerge in the state.

Maharashtra BJP president Chandrashekhar Bawankule’s latest allegation against NCP MP Supriya Sule has enraged her supporters. Supriya herself has vehemently refuted the charges and challenged him to produce the evidence to substantiate it. A staunch follower of BJP heavyweights Nitin Gadkari and Devendra Fadnavis, the BJP leader has stunned the state polity with his so-called disclosure. According to Bawankule, she had said, “If Fadnavis comes back to power, we will be nowhere and this will be the last election for Sharad Pawar and Uddhav Thackeray.” Different versions of Supriya’s directions to her party’s spokespersons regarding the coming elections are floating around. The general tenor of the reports is that she has indicated to them to go soft on chief minister Eknath Shinde and avoid any statement on Maratha leader Manoj Jarange but zero in on Fadnavis. Referring to these news stories, Bawankule has attacked Supriya while making his allegation. Taking him to task over his remarks, Supriya has challenged Bawankule to produce proof that she had asked her party spokespersons to hit only Fadnavis. “Show me a video making such a statement,” she has said. Fadnavis and Supriya are the two names which are repeatedly making rounds of the political grapevine as the next CM choice. Hence Bawankule’s advocacy of Fadnavis is hardly surprising. Other major parties in the state have so far kept away from this slanging match.

Amid a series of electoral failures, including a hat-trick of zero wins in major elections, the CPI(M) in Bengal is facing growing internal pressure to reconsider its approach and hire an external political strategist. Alimuddin Street, party’s headquarters, has received feedback that the organization’s current state is “disgraceful” and it must consider “alternatives.” Most political parties – BJP, Cong, TMC, AAP and DMK — have from time to time roped in political strategists/consultants. For instance, the Trinamool Congress’s 2021 victory was largely credited to IPAC, led by Prashant Kishor. Likewise Congress party has benefited from strategic insights provided by Sunil Kanugolu. CPI(M) State Secretary Mohammad Salim stated that though the party cannot afford to hire a professional agency, professionalism must be increased. The party had hoped that its alliance with Congress for the Lok Sabha polls would increase its vote share. Leaders had predicted a three-way contest between Trinamool, BJP, and the Left-Congress combine. However, the reality was a two-way fight between Trinamool and BJP, leaving CPI(M) without a seat, and Congress lost key constituencies like Baharampur, where five-time MP Adhir Chowdhury was defeated by TMC’s Yusuf Pathan. Party insiders have highlighted organizational failures, including an inability to deploy agents in polling stations. Again, in the RG Kar incident relating to rape-murder of doctor, where the CPI(M) youth wing DYFI, led protests in Kolkata, the party failed to mobilize at the district levels. Also, it has alienated women voters in the state by terming the Lakshmi Bhandar scheme as “alms”.

Caste dynamics has political formations of India in a tizzy for the imminent Haryana state assembly elections with the BJP set to also launch a new poll strategy to dampen the Congress dream of a clean sweep in the Nuh belt of the state along with others where the minority vote plays a dominant role. The AAP and Congress vowed to fight solo after the zero-voter verdict their alliance evoked in Delhi’s seven Lok Sabha constituencies, then kissed and yet, to make up. While AAP wants 10 seats, Congress is willing to part with only seven. The SP too wants seats to field candidates in Muslim proliferated constituencies. Congress believes minority votes will accrue to itself, particularly in three assembly constituencies in Nuh region dominated Muslim voters. Only former Congress CM Bhupinder Singh Hooda appears worried over his political future. The BJP too, worried over anti-incumbency, wants to buck the political tide and announced 16 OBC candidates, 13 from Jat community with 17 reserved SC seats. Though the OBC community is the majority voter segment in Haryana, Jat community always holds sway over political affairs be it the Lal clan troika (Bansi Lal, Devi Lal) or the Chautala clan among dominant segments of farmer leaders. The BJP elevated another community leader Kiran Choudhary to the Rajya Sabha and will also accommodate her daughter for state assemblies. Similarly, late Jat leader Ajit Singh’s son Jayant Choudhary was inducted into the NDA alliance for the Haryana assembly. The BJP has topped up its poll plans by clearing a slew of farmer packages in the state before the elections were notified in the state to include most of the crops sown in Haryana under the ambit of its MSP protection.

Controversy seems to be the middle name of this 38-year old Queen of Bollywood. Once again actor-director-politician Kangana Ranaut is making headlines over soon-to-be released movie, Emergency where she plays the role of Indira Gandhi. Even as she hops from news channel to news channel promoting her movie and giving her version of the story, the political parties like Congress, Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) have sought a ban on the movie. Looks like she is a proxy for hitting the BJP.  SAD, which has sent her a legal notice wants Kangana to delete a scene which shows Indira Gandhi being assassinated by Sikh security guard.. Surprisingly, even though her party BJP is backing her, the movie is yet to receive the go ahead from the Central Board of Film Certification. Most of her movies in the last few years have not done well. Nearly six of her movies like Katti Batti, Simran Panga and Tejas have not got big numbers at the box office. According to Trade Analyst, Girish Wankhede Emergency does not look strong enough to resurrect her career. Reportedly, she has decided to quit films after being elected from the Mandi Lok Sabha constituency. It is learnt that more than Rs 80-90 crore is riding on Emergency. A hardcore nationalist, Kangana who speaks her mind and not bothered of consequences has been told by her party to not to give comments on any issues.  

Their dreams of seizing power or even sharing it long over, the BJP and AIADMK are fighting a turf war for second place in Tamil Nadu in a bitter manner. The language of exchange between the two parties has hit a nadir with BJP TN chief K Annamalai calling former CM Edappadi K Palaniswami a ‘frog in the well’ and an ‘ignoramus,’ among other things. Not to be outdone in verbal calisthenics, AIADMK leaders took potshots at Annamalai calling him ‘an octopus’ and ‘a leech’ and burning his effigies routinely until he left for the UK for a 3-month sabbatical to join the Chevening Gurukul Fellowship for Leadership and Excellence programme. It is hard to imagine the two friendly parties in J Jayalalithaa’s time and officially allies after her death in 2016 for seven years till Sept 2023 could turn out to be such sworn rivals. The fight is for second place in TN behind the ruling DMK, which both parties are aspiring for in the 2026 assembly polls though the dynamics in those elections may be churned by the presence of superstar Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) that will be splashing its entry into state politics this month. With Union Defence Minister Rajnath Singh releasing a commemorative Rs 100 coin for M Karunanidhi centenary in Chennai, the rumour mills are working overtime imagining secret pacts between BJP and DMK. As they say, anything is possible in politics, more so in TN. 

Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) leader Ajit Pawar’s ambivalence regarding his relationship with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has once again rubbed the saffron sympathisers the wrong way. The second deputy chief minister of Maharashtra is still somehow finding it difficult to align with the BJP fully, since time and again, he has chosen to keep his distance from the RSS. His latest two-day Nagpur visit was more in the news due to his absence from the RSS headquarters where chief minister Eknath Shinde and DCM Devendra Fadnavis bowed before the memorial to RSS founder KB Hedgewar than his party political activity. Interestingly, Shinde and both DCMs later held a marathon meeting behind closed doors to discuss and plan their strategy for the assembly election. Ajit’s cautious approach towards the BJP-RSS stands in stark contrast with Shinde’s unhesitant camaraderie with Fadanvis and Union home minister Amit Shah, among others. Shinde has been complimented by PM Narendra Modi during his Maharashtra visits, sending mixed signals. In Nagpur, Ajit held a series of meetings with his followers to assess his prospects in Vidarbha after his break away from his uncle Sharad Pawar.  Although the BJP has reportedly promised to accommodate the NCP(A) in the post-election equation, the speculation surrounding him does not end. The Nagpur visit has only provided cannon fodder to Ajit’s detractors, who have been making use of such incidents to corner him. 

Ajit Pawar is facing coalition compulsions of a completely different kind. Even as he faces a blatant dig by Eknath Shinde’s minister Tanaj Sawant that Congress-Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) ideologues puke him off, Pawar chose to tamely ignore it. Known for his brash arrogant straight talk, his supporters were startled to hear him say that he would rather focus on his work, not forgetting to hint at how he continued to enjoy the confidence of Amit Shah. Along with Eknath Shinde, Ajit Pawar continues to be the only other senior leader in Maharashtra who has the ears of Shah. This is probably his trump card as also the reason for his restraint, despite a few loud voices in both the BJP and his own party, trying to raise the pitch against each other. That hasn’t stopped him from chartering his own independent path ahead though. He was the first leader from Mahayuti alliance, to tender an apology about the falling of the statue of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj at Konkan. Not stopping at that, NCP’s own workers staged dharnas protesting, clearly aimed at tapping into the strong anger in Maharashtra about it. Pawar is already on a state-wide campaign in his now-trademark pink jacket, even as he simultaneously continues to participate in rallies with Shinde and Devendra Fadnavis. 

The BJP appointed a 6-member Coordination Committee to run its party unit in Tamil Nadu, in the absence of state president K Annamalai who left for the United Kingdom on a three-month sabbatical. Veteran leader and former MLA, H Raja was made Convenor of the Committee. State vice-presidents M Chakravarthy, P Kanagasabapathi, State general secretaries M Muruganandam, Raama Sreenivasan and State treasurer SR Sekhar “will be the members of the committee,” said a circular. For the next three months (Sep to Nov), H Raja-led 6 member panel would run the party, after consulting the State Core Committee. The party also made it clear that the committee will hold discussion with the “State Core Committee and take decisions about party activities.” Party sources said with this H Raja, the former MLA and NEC member had once again returned to the limelight after a decade.  The current re-entry of H Raja is due to his closeness with Annamalai. “H Raja, who was almost sidelined in the party, has now got due recognition. It was Raja who tried hard to become the state president and governor. Although he is the Convenor of the Coordination Committee, Raja will only listen to Annamalai and take decisions. Annamalai hopes that by appointing H Raja as convenor who is a hardliner, he can overcome the crisis of other leaders including Dr Tamilisai Soundararajan who are against him in the party. It will be interesting to see how ties between BJP and the DMK pan out. Like Annamalai, H Raja too is known to play a straight bat.

The Maharashtra poll battle has reached criticality of purpose with both the MVA (Congress, Sharad Pawar’s NCP, UBT Sena) and Mahayuti (BJP, Shiv Sena, NCP) alliances fine tuning their seat sharing plans. The BJP has resorted to a party cadre-based assessment over professional surveys this time, and feels assured of breaching the 100 benchmark for a record third consecutive time. The party intends to field at least 135 candidates but is negotiating hard to increase this number to 160, the Shiv Sena led by Shinde may have to accept around 70 seats while the NCP will need to be satisfied with 45 odd seats in its kitty. On the other hand, the Congress, using a survey, has pitched for 160 seats while expecting Sharad Pawar to accept around 70 seats with the remainder for Uddhav Thackeray. UBT spokesman MP Sanjay Raut had stated earlier that the party was scrutinizing 126 assembly constituencies followed by his Chief Thackeray calling upon the Congress high command in Delhi that has apparently come to naught. Thackeray may still bag maximum seats in Mumbai and Thane. In the 2019 assembly elections the Sena that fought 126 seats, emerged victorious in 56 may likely feel slighted by Congress’ discrimination. CM Shinde also may demand a higher than 70 allocation for the assembly polls while Ajit Pawar eyes more in Western Maharashtra. Meanwhile, BJP in Delhi quietly celebrates its Rajya Sabha victories (11 out of 12 seats) and will improve its majority in the upper house of Parliament through four more President Draupadi Murmu nominated MPs soon. This political gambit was reported by the Short Post recently.

Even before the dates for the Maharashtra assembly election are finalised, strategies to discredit each other and spread confusing information to hurt the other side are gaining speed. Although the exact electoral adjustment plans of MNS leader Raj Thackeray, Republican leader Prakash Ambedkar and AIMIM’s Asaduddin Owaisi are unclear, there is no dearth of speculation about which way they can go. To cash in on this suspense, NCP chief Sharad Pawar’s nephew Rohit Pawar has made a prediction that is bound to confound the picture. Rohit has claimed that the BJP bigwigs have hatched a plan to create a third front in the state to ensure that the opposition votes are splintered among several candidates. Rohit says that his uncle Ajit Pawar will be a major factor of this so-called formation and even Raj Thackeray could join it. Rohit has emerged as Pawar’s chief spokesman ever since Ajit broke away from the parent NCP. Rohit’s prediction comes after Ajit expressed regret over the collapse of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaja’s statue at Malvan in the Konkan a few days ago. Mahayuti, the three-party alliance government led by Eknath Shinde has been under fire for this serious mishap. Against this backdrop, Ajit’s unilateral decision to undergo penance has been interpreted variously. The damage control efforts of the alliance are said to be underway, sensing the potential of the stature mishap.

Is Ram Madhav being readied to take over the role of the next BJP national president? His recent appointment, along with Union Minister G Kishan Reddy, as overseers of political affairs for the forthcoming Jammu and Kashmir assembly elections to 87 constituencies is a silent indicator in this regard. While general knowledge about Madhav’s last assignment in India’s forehead region state of J&K painted him in bad colours, the truth is farther from the apparent facts. “Back then, information was muddled over apparent issues relating to his unsolicited interest in an Indian corporate’s foray in J&K, which could not be further than the truth. On the contrary, Ram Madhav, had actually been tasked with making quick inroads with the Mufti Mohammed led PDP and he succeeded in his assignment. The BJP formed a government with PDP as a result, albeit a short tenured one,” says senior BJP leader Mahendra Jain. Following this Madhav was tasked with another important assignment that took him to foreign shores, including Iran, where he was entrusted with the task of fostering better ties abroad. During his foreign assignment, Madhav, who was presumed to have been relegated to the backwaters of BJP politics, was actually interacting with international scholars, RSS functionaries and meeting up with offshoots of the Sangh Parivar there particularly, in Islamic nations. His mission was accorded the tag of having been a ‘good show’ in terms of achieved results as a BJP asset deployed abroad. The buzz in BJP circles, in the wake of Madhav’s appointment to oversee the J&K assembly elections is that he is being primed up for the top post as National BJP president to replace JP Nadda, who has been inducted by Prime Minister Narendra Modi into his Union Cabinet of Ministers.

Maratha caste reservation demand’s chief proponent Manoj Jarange Patil has now decided to wage a battle to ensure that loans of the farmers in the state are written off. Already hitting headlines for his various announcements about fielding candidates in most assembly constituencies in the state, Jarange has now announced that he will tour Maharashtra to mobilise support for securing support for the new demand. The stand taken by Jarange before the Lok Sabha election earlier this year had cost several seats to the ruling Mahayuti. Ever since, leaders of all political parties are treating every statement by Jarange with caution. In recent weeks, two former Maharashtra CMs called on Jarange “to enquire after his health.” While Ashok Chavan has recently joined the BJP, his successor CM Prithviraj Chavan is seen becoming active. His supporters feel that in case Maha Vikas Aghadi has a majority after the election, he can emerge as a consensus candidate. Though belonging to the Group– 23 earlier, Prithviraj has mended his fences with the Congress high command after Mallikarjun Kharge took over as AICC president. Though Jarange’s demand for the Maratha reservation is still entangled in a judicial battle, Jarange is becoming more and more intransigent by the day, sensing the political uncertainty. His next plan of action will be declared on 5 September.

Opposition political formations especially, the INDIA Bloc, are euphoric after the prompt formation of the Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC) for consultations, legislative progress on the Waqf Board reforms bill introduced by PM Narendra Modi’s government. They bask in political glory having forced the government to backpedal and JPC scrutiny. BJP strategically exhibited due alacrity in JPC formation, keen to fast track, re–introduce bill before parliament again. “The bill seeks reforms including inclusion of non–Muslims in the appellate tribunal regarding Waqf Board issues ushering transparency into the functioning of the board. The draft bill was circulated over a month back so, the sudden furore is surprising,” a senior BJP leader says adding that opposition’s predilection with proposed bill on Waqf Board, the largest land holder in India after Indian Railways, and defence allowed BJP to bring in another amendment related to the CAA Bill as well as focus on forthcoming Rajya Sabha elections for 12 MP scheduled in the first week of September. “The BJP expects to grow the number of Rajya Sabha MPs to around eight out of the 12 seats to be filled up including presidential nominees. Misplaced focus of opposition formations out–of–sync with India’s changed political template under Modi means they have missed the boat, so to speak,” the leader noted. With effected amendment in 2024 to the already legislated CAA Bill of 2019, the Union government has removed stringent requirements of banking account details, (Bangladeshi, Pakistani, Afghanistani) passports among other prerequisites for persecuted Hindus, Jains, Sikhs, Christians to now simply enrol for Indian citizenship. The murderous coup in Bangladesh followed the amendment earlier this year for compassionately absorbing persecuted minorities there into India.

Mahant Ramgiri Maharaj, a Hindu holy figure, has unintentionally triggered a war of words between the BJP and the NCP(Ajit) over his certain controversial remarks about another religion. The Mahant’s purported statement had led to a serious law and order situation in Nasik in north Maharashtra. While a few criminal cases have been filed against him, spokesmen of NCP(Ajit) and the BJP have added fuel to the fire by their respective utterances. Pawar’s confidant Amol Mitkari, MLA, has made certain objectionable comparisons of the Mahant while advising him caution. The use of the word dog in that comparison has enraged the Mahant’s followers. BJP legislator Ram Satpute has asked Mitkari not to forget that his party, the NCP(Ajit), is a constituent of the Mahayuti. Alleging that Mitkari has had an aversion against Hindutva, Satpute said, “Commercial thinkers like Mitkari have no business to tell Hindu religious leaders on what position to take about such matters.” Even as the duel was raging, a BJP demonstration against deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar in Pune district has provided another pointed angle to the Mahayuti equation. Maharashtra NCP (Ajit) president Sunil Tatkare has angrily asked the BJP protestors not to do something that could sour the relationship between the two parties. The BJP workers were upset since only Pawar’s image was flashed at an official event’s venue, ignoring CM Eknath Shinde and DCM Devendra Fadnavis. 

You can’t keep an ambitious and feisty woman out of power and profile in politics. BJP leader Khushbu Sundar has proved yet again that she is a woman of substance and stature. She had resigned from NCW in July, but her resignation was accepted only on August 14. It is said that certain high powered BJP leaders were on her side to speed up her resignation acceptance. A sparkling, animated and emotional Khushbu sashayed into the BJP TN HQ Kamalalayam on August 15, after one and half years of Vanvas. Khushbu is known to have fought her way through many political upheavals and frustrations, the best recalled ones about her party hopping and stormy encounters with TN heavyweights. Her talent as a brand ambassador is unique…and her fans have built a temple in her name. Her cinematic and small screen status is as intact as her self–confidence. Even today, she commands Rs 10 lakhs per day. But there are personal undercurrents to Khushbu turning Na Khush at this point. Even as she was almost being erased from popular memory, Radhika, her contemporary, had climbed several steps up the BJP pecking order, along with hubby Sarathkumar. Khushbu was acutely aware that her lost public ratings had quickly found a new lady brand in Radhika. At a recent Tiruppur event, Saratkumar was given pride of place on the BJP dais, an event where Dr Tamilisai Soundararajan was not invited. Time for intervention. Like Mamata, Khushbu challenged. Now the game starts. Khela Hobe? 

A Times-Matrize pre-poll survey has predicted a hung assembly in Maharashtra while forecasting about 100 seats for the BJP, to emerge as the single largest party. According to the survey, neither the ruling Mahayuti alliance nor the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) will be able to win a majority. The Congress, it says, will be the largest partner within MVA. Between Eknath Shinde and Uddhav Thackeray, more respondents (27%) have preferred the incumbent CM than the former CM (23%). The forecast says the saffron Mahayuti will be able to garner around 130 seats against 110 by MVA out of the total 288 seat. This means, nearly 40 seats will be out of reach of either side. In other words, the key to power will be controlled by unattached or independent MLAs in the next house. The MVA is hoping to win at least 160 seats, based on its performance in the Lok Sabha election. Mahayuti leaders are confident that they will be able to turn the tide by convincing the electorate that it had been duped with the help of a fake narrative by MVA leaders. The Election Commission’s position about Maharashtra is interpreted to mean that the assembly election will be held in December and not in October, when it should be due. Although the survey has not evoked much political debate in the state, both sides have intensified their campaigning.

Uddhav Thackeray’s insistence on declaring the CM’s candidate is not going well within his Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) partners. Uddhav’s Shiv Sena is insisting that the MVA finalise a CM face before polls. His logic — a similar strategy with his then alliance partner, the BJP, had backfired badly. This had led to coalition partners working against candidates of their own alliance partner, to bag the CM’s chair, he says. Clearly, the Congress, which netted the highest tally of 14 seats among their allies, in the recent Parliamentary polls, remains unimpressed. Then there is also the whispered rift between the Uddhav Sena and senior Pawar over the Adani issue, at play here.  Uddhav’s strong outbursts against favouritism in land allotments to the Adani group, across Mumbai City, for Dharavi redevelopment, has not gone down well with the Pawar, known to be close to the Adani group. Recently, Sharad Pawar made an unexplained visit to CM Eknath Shinde at his official residence, where Adani officials were believed to have made a PowerPoint Presentation ostensibly on the Dharavi issue. Uddhav is known to be friendly with the Mukesh Ambani family and his younger son Tejas Thackeray was seen dancing in the Ambani marriage function.  Not surprisingly, Uddhav Thackeray doesn’t want to take chances about who will get the CM’s post. 

The rape and murder of a trainee doctor at RG Kar Medical College in Kolkata has sparked unprecedented protests across West Bengal and the country and in the process pushed the West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee into a corner. Citizens and political parties, including the CPI(M) and BJP, have taken to the streets, criticizing the state government for its handling of the case. In an uncharacteristically defensive stance, Didi lashed out at her political rivals, accusing them of exploiting the tragedy for “cheap politics” where instead of standing with the family, they think they can do “a Bangladesh” here and even spreading fake information about the case using artificial intelligence (AI). Interestingly, she has refrained from directly attacking the Congress, even after Rahul and Priyanka Gandhi voiced their concerns over the incident.  The controversy took a new turn when the Calcutta High Court ordered a CBI investigation into the case bypassing the state police. While a section of the ruling TMC sees this as a potential “relief” from the escalating crisis, others within the party view it as a clear sign of dissatisfaction with the state police’s role in the investigation. In a bid to downplay the CBI’s involvement, TMC leaders have questioned the agency’s track record, citing past failures such as the unsolved cases of Taapsee Malik’s rape and murder, the death of Rizwanur Rahman, and the theft of Rabindranath Tagore’s Nobel Prize. As doctors strike continue it’s the patients across the state who are suffering from a lack of medical care. Political experts are asking whether Didi, known for her ability to turn adversity into advantage, will be successful this time around.

Controversy seems to be the middle name of VK Pandian, ex-private secretary of former Odisha chief minister Naveen Patnaik. After a big setback to the Biju Janata Dal (BJD) in the Lok Sabha and Assembly elections, Pandian had gone under the radar. But he is not lucky. BJP is hell bent on exposing his abuse, misuse and misappropriation of state machinery, public money and power. According to the BJP, Pandian has taken advantage of Patnaik’s failing health and is seeking a probe. It seems Pandian used the State helicopter services round-the-year — to visit 147 constituencies during elections. He is not entitled to such a facility going by the protocol. Former chief minister Patnaik defended his “helicopter ride” saying he had asked Pandian to visit the people at their doorsteps and understand their grievances. “There was no misuse of public money on Pandian’s helicopter ride as the state spent Rs 1-1.5 crore per month on chopper rides all through the year,” said Patnaik. But, this number contradicts with former BJD’s minister Tukuni Sahu’s figure of Rs 10-12 crore on an average spent in a year. Congress seems to have welcomed BJP’s move to investigate Pandian’s expensive tours. According to current Odisha’s Transport Minister Bibhuti Bhushan Jena as per the government rules, the Governor, Ministers, Chief Minister, Chief Secretary, MLA’s, Development Commissioner, Deputy Chairperson of State Planning Board and Chief Justice of Odisha High Court are authorised to use helicopters for official duty. This apart, CM can also give special approval to any other person on merit.  Strangely, even after filing RTI, no data has been made available of the expenses incurred by Pandian on his chopper tours. There is speculation mining companies may have funded Pandian’s helicopter election tour.

This is a story that must be told at least a day ahead of PM Modi’s visit to Wayanad.  It is about his Minister of State from Kerala George Kurian and BJP leader who was put to work on the day of landslides itself. Yes, he was woken up by a phone call from the PM’s office at 3 am on July 30. With instructions to go to Wayanad and oversee rescue operations. He flew to Bengaluru by the 6 am flight, then to Kozhikode by army copter. From there to the landslide affected area by road .From the morning of July 30 till August 4, just a few hours after the landslides, this man has been walking and working nonstop in the affected areas. Traversing risky roads with the army and rescue teams, making arrangements for rescue operations, the Bailey bridge, lending an ear, a shoulder, a helping hand to the affected. Also coordinating with the central government. He has been operating below the radar without giving a media byte or addressing the media. The Kerala press has also ignored his work as he hasn’t highlighted his work via FB posts.  His down to earth work was briefly noticed when there were memes during the visit of Gandhi siblings to Wayanad.

CPI(M), once a dominant force in West Bengal, is finding it increasingly difficult to connect with the masses in the current political landscape. After the party’s significant loss in the 2011 state elections, the presence of veteran leader Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee at rallies and public gatherings continued to provide a semblance of continuity. However, as Bhattacharjee’s health began to fail, the CPI(M) had to adapt modern ways to send out his messages. During the recent Lok Sabha election 2024 campaigns, the party relied on his video statements and even experimented with AI-based videos to keep his message alive. It may be recalled that Bhattacharjee’s controversial land acquisition policies in Singur (Hooghly district) and Nandigram (Purba Medinipur district) remain a significant blot on his legacy. These events, which led to widespread protests and violent clashes, symbolized the disconnect between his vision for industrial development and the concerns of the rural populace. Ironically, the same party that once criticized Bhattacharjee for his “perform or perish” attitude and his opposition to the bandh culture promoted by the Left’s trade union wing, CITU, has repeatedly turned to him in times of crisis. His televised video and audio addresses to the masses, particularly his call for a judicious decision to defeat the “undemocratic” Trinamool Congress and the “communal” BJP in the 2021 assembly elections, were seen as efforts to resurrect the party’s dwindling influence. As the CPI(M) navigates a rapidly changing political environment, the challenge of connecting with the masses without the charismatic presence of Bhattacharjee looms large after his death on August 8.

With Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina resigning and fleeing the country, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee finds herself in a tough spot. Known for her sympathetic stance towards refugees, Mamata is now confronted with the daunting challenge of managing the influx of people. Hasina’s departure has thrown Bangladesh into a state of uncertainty, prompting many to seek refuge in West Bengal. This surge in refugees could disrupt the state’s already fragile demographic balance. It may be noted that during the Annual Martyr’s Day Rally on July 21, Didi had declared that she will welcome any person coming from Bangladesh due to the ongoing turmoil. Her announcement was not only criticised by the Central government, but even the erstwhile Hasina government as they felt it was sending the wrong signal to Bangladeshis. Mamata has been facing the heat from BJP about sheltering illegal Bangladeshi immigrants and giving them official recognition in order to increase her minority vote bank. However, deviating from her soft stance, Didi has sent out a strict directive to her party leaders to not make any provocative statements on the Bangladesh crisis. Political observers state that if Didi is not careful about the influx of refugees, it is likely to disturb the delicate balance of religious diversity of the state, which has a Muslim population of 27%.  BJP leader and LoP in Bengal Suvendu Adhikari is claiming that the state is set to witness the entry of 1 crore Bangladeshi Hindus who are likely to face discrimination and hostility in the Muslim dominant districts of Bengal.

Maharashtra deputy chief minister Devendra Fadnavis is among the frontrunners to don the mantle of the president of the BJP. Sitting president J P Nadda’s term will soon come to an end. When Nadda was inducted in the Modi 3.0 team, it was obvious that the party will start looking for its new president. Besides giants like Shivraj Singh Chauhan and Dharmendra Pradhan, the name of Fadnavis is making rounds of the political grapevine in the national capital. However, the state assembly election being slated for October this year, some rethink about the schedule of his installation at the BJP headquarters could take place. BJP top brass has not given any indication either way but whispers are seeping out about the party machine’s overhaul. Owing to the disappointing show of the party in the Lok Sabha election, Prime Minister Narendra Modi is said to be more malleable now towards RSS suggestions. In such a scenario, Fadnavis will fit the bill perfectly as he is close to both, RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat and Modi. If and when Fadnavis is elevated, the thorny issue of selecting the next chief minister of Maharashtra will automatically get resolved as present incumbent Eknath Shinde or another DCM, Ajit Pawar, will be asked to run the show provided the NDA wins a majority. Fadnavis has time and again expressed his desire to devote to the party work.

There are persistent allegations of corruption within the Trinamool Congress (TMC) where the party supremo Mamata Banerjee, once celebrated as one of the most honest chief ministers, has found herself at the centre of the Opposition attacks. For a considerable period, Banerjee seemed to dismiss the corruption allegations, often asserting, “In a big party, one or two people may be corrupt, but that does not make the whole party bad.” Despite her statements, the recent electoral setbacks, particularly in Kolkata, where the TMC is trailing in wards that were previously strongholds, have forced a re-evaluation of the party’s stance. The decline in urban voter support is largely attributed to the perceived corruption and misrule within the TMC. The party is trailing in crucial wards, including those of the Mayor and Deputy Mayor, signalling a significant shift in voter sentiment. In response, Didi and her nephew, Abhishek Banerjee, the second-in-command of the party have made clear their intentions to rectify the situation with an eye on the 2026 Assembly elections. However, reports indicate internal differences between the two leaders regarding the reshuffling of party functionaries. Interestingly, party sources said that while Abhishek advocates for comprehensive changes in areas where the TMC is trailing with respect to all opposition parties, Didi favours making changes in areas where the party has a significant loss to BJP. A senior party member revealed that Didi is considering a 30-40% change, contingent upon discussions with other senior members. Also, it is learnt that several members who allegedly collaborated with the BJP during the Lok Sabha polls are under scrutiny, with reports being submitted to Abhishek’s office.

Name calling, jibes, taunts, dares have become a daily TV routine in Maharashtra in the run-up to the 2024 state polls. Leading the pack has been the estranged partners — BJP and Uddhav Thackeray’s Shiv Sena  — whose leaders have been warning of finishing each other politically. Chief minister Eknath Shinde gets criticised for ‘stealing’ a political party complete with name, symbol, ideology and even a father. Raj Thackeray gets mocked for waking up late, Ajit Pawar faces jokes over his pink jackets as much as for his corruption scandals, while Uddhav Thackeray faces jibes for operating from his home as a chief ministerial stint. His son Tejas Thackeray too does not get spared for dancing at the Ambani wedding.  Uddhav pointsman Sanjay Raut gets called morning siren for his daily morning press briefings that lambast all his opponents. The BJP too has set up Nitesh Rane specifically to counter him who gives it back in equally colourful language even as it has allocated daily briefings to counter the daily tirade of allegations and counter-allegations. The name calling also got personal at times like when NCP spokesperson Vidya Chavan put out call recordings in a press conference showing how BJP leader Chitra Wagh tried to incite her daughter-in-law to take to the press against her party leadership. Not surprisingly, those with ears to the ground believe that the pot has been kept boiling deliberately as a smokescreen to avoid focus and questions on ground reality that could prove difficult for all. Considering that all parties have been partners or opponents at some point or the other, too many questions could get uncomfortably closer home for almost every party or combination.

Karnataka CM Siddaramaiah who is battling charges of land allotments to his wife Parvati by Mysore Urban Development Authority (MUDA) way back in 2006, has reportedly unleashed media war via advertorials to counter political charges against him. These advertorials in local media which first appeared on July 20 are apparently being released back to back on a weekly basis. The CM insists that MUDA had legally allotted 14 residential sites to his wife, Parvathi, in lieu of illegally acquiring her land. The authority had accepted its ‘mistake’, and a MUDA committee comprising members of BJP, JD(S) and Congress had allotted alternative sites in 2021 during the tenure of the BJP government. Siddaramaiah’s opponents including Union Minister and JD(S) leader HD Kumaraswamy  feel details of  the CM’s land allotments made their way into public domain  courtesy his deputy chief minister DK Shivakumar. To counter allegations by the BJP and JD(S), Urban Development Minister Byrathi Suresh released a list of beneficiaries that included Kumaraswamy and some JD(S) MLAs. Responding to the charges levelled against him by Siddaramaiah, Kumaraswamy said he was yet to receive the site allocated to him in Mysore. “I was the CM in 2006. Had I wished to misuse my power, I could have registered that site in my name back then. But unlike CM Siddaramaiah, I did not misuse my authority.” He added that the investigation into this site has been ongoing since the time of late CM Ramakrishna Hegde.”In 2012, I wrote to MUDA for allocation of the site. I wrote another letter in 2017.  Unlike CM Siddaramaiah, I never misused my authority. They are not giving me this site out of charity. I paid Rs 34,000, and it’s been 40 years,” said Kumaraswamy.

The maiden budget presented by the BJP-run Odisha government recently seems to have come in for harsh criticism from the intelligentsia and former chief minister Naveen Patnaik. The general feeling is that the BJP chief minister Mohan Charan Majhi has done a cut and paste job of his predecessor Patnaik’s popular programmes. Analysts pointed out that it was a rehash of most schemes implemented by Patnaik’s Biju Janata Dal; the only difference being it was rechristened. On the social media questions were asked “Is CM Majhi running a name changing government or a game changing one?”. For instance, Patnaik’s ‘Mission Shakti’ programme has been renamed as Subhadra Yojana 2024 by the BJP. Similarly, BJD’s ‘Make in Odisha’ was changed to Utkarsh Utkal,  ‘Ama Odisha Nabin Odisha’ renamed Vikasit Gaon Vikasit Odisha, ‘Biju Swasthya Kalyan Yojana’ rechristened Gopabandhu Jana Arogya Yojana. Looks like the BJP government in Odisha liked the content of BJD’s various schemes but not its name. Not to lose an opportunity Patnaik joined by the Congress blasted the Majhi’s government saying, “There is nothing new in the budget…more than 40 BJD’s government schemes were renamed by the Majhi government”. This renaming of these many schemes cannot be a coincidence. CM Majhi stated that the budget has taken inspiration from PM Modi’s ‘Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikash’ vision. Besides cut-and-paste job, Majhi’s budget focussed on welfare of farmers and women as it was an election promise. Besides, it also saw prudence in funding Naveen Patnaik’s Metro Railway project at Bhubaneswar.

The Maharashtra Vidhan Sabha elections due in October/November 2024 has the BJP recalibrating its poll plans in the wake of the setback it suffered in the state at the recent hustings for the Lok Sabha. A revitalized and wiser BJP deputy chief minister Devendra Fadnavis is expected to stake a claim to contest 130 to 135 state assembly seats out of the 288 assembly constituencies in Maharashtra. At the recently held party conclave in Pune last week the BJP’s face for Maharashtra, shedding his inaccessibility tag, exhorted party men to desire and deserve party candidatures for the state assemblies with the only proviso that they consciously refrain from indulging in controversial public speaking. “The BJP has always performed well when a triangular political fight took place in Maharashtra, as in 2014 and 2019 securing when it won 122 seats and 105 seats respectively. The party is backing up DCM Ajit Pawar wholeheartedly to ensure a repeat in their poll fortunes in the state of Maharashtra,” BJP’s Maharashtra Executive Committee member Mahendra Jain avers dismissing talks of imminent plans to eject the Maratha leader as just idle chatter. All the same, loud rumblings abound of possible plans by the prodigal nephew of Sharad Pawar to reinvent his political positioning in Maharashtra. The BJP’s desperation for Maharashtra is undeniable, considering it lost the state in 1999 under then PM Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s tenure and again in 2019 under PM Modi, when the MVA alliance trumped BJP prospects in the state and, is leaving no stone unturned in its efforts to rule the state. The poll efforts of the BJP are easier said than done what with the tallest Maratha leader in Maharashtra, Sharad Pawar, Uddhav Thackeray of the original Shiv Sena busy garnering a double sympathy wave for their respective political formations once again in tandem with the Congress. Only time will tell for whom the political bells toll?

Punjab Congress leaders were quite surprised by the manner in which former Punjab chief minister and Jalandhar MP Charanjit Singh Channi came out openly in support of the controversial Khadoor Sahib MP, Amritpal Singh. Channi triggered a political uproar of sorts after he claimed that the BJP-led Central government had curbed the freedom of speech of Amritpal by continuing to hold him in NSA custody in an Assam jail. Reacting to the remark, BJP MP and Union Minister of State Ravneet Singh Bittu had a heated exchange with him in the Lok Sabha as he felt Channi was behaving like a traitor. “A former CM is behaving like a traitor and is misleading the entire country through the House.” Channi coming out in support of Amritpal did not go down well with the Punjab Congress. Party sources said Channi, a Dalit leader, had set a dangerous precedent of speaking up for a Khalistani leader in his pursuit for Jat votes. It may be recalled that the Congress and the country had lost Indira Gandhi to Khalistani assassins. In the Lok Sabha,  LoP Rahul Gandhi got party MPs to heckle Bittu when he started countering Channi. Bittu had left the Congress ahead of the Lok Sabha poll and joined the BJP and became a minister. Channi kickstarted the spat with Bittu by saying the BJP was like the East India Company, which had taken over trade to rule the country. Bittu got up to say something after which Channi reminded him, “Your grandfather (former Punjab Chief Minister Beant Singh) was a Shaheed (martyr)….” Bittu retorted, “My grandfather laid down his life for the country and not for the Congress.”

The Budget blues are being felt all over the country save for Bihar and Andhra which got the most favourable allocations. While it is natural that the BJP, fast learning coalition dharma, gave away dollops of financing to keep the two most important allies in good humour, it offended too many states, including those ruled by the party itself, in skewed distribution of funds. Nowhere was the antipathy towards differential treatment of friends and foes felt more than in Tamil Nadu. Crying hoarse over funds needed to mitigate the misery caused by unprecedented flooding in Chennai at the hands of Cyclone Michaung and five southernmost districts that were hit by extraordinary amount of rain in 2023, Tamil Nadu saw a measly Rs 500 crore paid before the cyclone hit as woefully inadequate to relieve the flood-hit. Doles were paid out by the government of at least Rs 1,000 per family, but everything came from state funds rather than the Centre. No wonder the ruling DMK decided to take to the streets to point out the huge prejudices in the BJP that has earmarked Tamil Nadu as the most rebellious state and fiercest critic of the Narendra Modi government. While Mumbai, Kolkata, Hyderabad, Bengaluru, Ahmedabad and Pune are to get flood relief funds, there is zilch for Chennai, the worst hit of them all last year.

Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman strongly  responded  to Opposition  criticisms that she had  only picked two states — Andhra and Bihar — that are ruled by  NDA allies for special attention in the Union Budget.  Responding to  Rajya Sabha LoP Mallikarjun Kharge’s charge that the BJP-led government  had unfairly prioritised Bihar and Andhra Pradesh in the Union Budget for 2024-25 and  it was a “kursi-bachao” document, suggesting  that it was designed to preserve the government’s power rather than serve the nation’s needs , Sitharaman  noted that the absence of specific state names in her speech did not mean those states were ignored. Sitharaman pointed to Maharashtra as an example, where despite not being mentioned, the state had recently received approval for a Rs 76,000-crore port project at Vadhavan ,Dahanu. “From the time of the interim budget till now.” If the speech does not mention the name of a particular state, does it mean that the schemes of the Government of India, the programmes of the Government of India, the externally-aided assistance which we obtain from the World Bank, ADB, AIIB and institutions like that do not go to these states? They go as per a routine,” Sitharaman remarked. Kharge  said  states where people have rejected BJP, those states got nothing from this budget! ” Everyone’s plate is empty, and in the plate of two states there are Pakora and Jalebi. This budget has been brought only to save his chair.” Attacking Bihar for Rs 26000cr infrastructure funds  got so personal  with JD(U) MP Dinesh Chandra Yadav protesting  Chennai MP Dayanidhi Maran  for  linking collapse of 15 bridges recently  to  the  release of  Central funds.” Our state bears the brunt of flood waters from the Himalayas, something no one will  know.”  Vishakhapatnam MP M Sribharat of the TDP also highlighted  the importance of Centre’s role in rebuilding his state.