Actor Kangana Ranaut, the BJP MP from Mandi in Himachal Pradesh, is showing herself to be a misfit in politics. Naturally, the BJP high command is upset with her. But they do not know how to handle her moods. Mandi is reeling from the impact of cloudbursts, landslides and flash floods. Firstly, Kangana did not rush to Mandi from Mumbai, where she normally stays. After the natural disaster that killed 85 people, Kangana was asked by BJP leaders to reach Mandi. On reaching there, she said she had no power or post to do anything. “I have no cabinet, no funds’ during a visit to Mandi on July 6.  Since her comments drew a negative reaction, BJP chief J P Nadda decided to go to Mandi himself. Nadda belongs to Himachal Pradesh. Accompanied by Leader of Opposition Jairam Thakur, and Himachal BJP chief Rajeev Bindal, Nadda met with people impacted by the heavy rainfall in Mandi. Kangana was not part of his entourage despite being the local MP. Later, Thakur oversaw the relief efforts. A BJP MLA, Vinod Kumar, and another party MLA, Deep Raj, were given the responsibility to help affected people. At this rate, Kangana is indicating that she is no longer interested in politics. She told a podcast recently that “It’s a very different kind of work, more like social service…I’ve never thought of serving people.” No politician speaks the truth. What more, Kangana feels that “I’ve fought for women’s rights, but that’s different… Somebody’s naali (drain) is broken, and I’m like, ‘But I am an MP and these people are coming to me with panchayat-level problems… they come to you with problems like MLAs, broken roads, and I tell them that’s a state government issue, and they say, “You have money, you use your own money.” With that kind of comments, can Kangana survive in the BJP as an MP for long?

Has ‘Sheesh Mahal’ jibe returned to haunt the BJP?  First it was Uttarakhand CM Pushkar Singh Dhami who went on to splurge on a swimming pool in his official bungalow. And then Delhi CM Rekha Gupta came up with doing up her quarters. The Opposition called it ‘Maya Mahal’. This has left the BJP high command very angry. Taking a dig at Dhami’s “Jal Mahal” — a play on Arvind Kejriwal’s “Sheesh Mahal”jibe coined by the BJP — the Congress has asked “how many crores” the CM spent on the “modern, all-weather” pool. Last year, the BJP had released a video of Kejriwal’s erstwhile Civil Lines residence, calling it “Sheesh Mahal”, a “museum of corruption”, and a “luxury palace” of Kejriwal, in an attack on the AAP chief’s ‘common man’ image. AAP had lost Delhi to the BJP in the elections that followed. Dhami had shifted to the CM’s official bungalow in 2021. Built over 10 acres, the residence was termed as jinxed by many, as the previous three CMs were not able to complete their tenures. Some say Dhami apparently added the swimming pool to improve the Vaastu of his residence. The now-cancelled renovation plan for Gupta’s residential bungalow allegedly included extensive electrical upgrades, the installation of 14 air conditioners, televisions worth Rs 9 lakh, and light fixtures worth Rs 6 lakh. Improvements for Delhi CM’s bungalow ran into controversy as tender orders for 14 ACs had to be cancelled as it became a throwback to Kejriwal’s days. Gupta had been allotted two bungalows on Raj Niwas Marg by the Public Works Department, with one to serve as her residence and the other one for a camp office, which she inaugurated last week.

Despite recent efforts at mending fences, internal rifts in the Bengal BJP have resurfaced after senior leader and former state president Dilip Ghosh reignited controversy with remarks seemingly soft on West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee. This comes even after Ghosh’s meeting with newly appointed state BJP chief Samik Bhattacharya and a visit to Delhi where he met BJP national joint general secretary Shiv Prakash. Ghosh stated again that Mamata herself is not named in any corruption cases, blaming those around her instead — a comment that runs contrary to the BJP’s aggressive anti-Mamata narrative and has triggered discontent within state ranks. Without naming him, Ghosh also appeared to take aim at Leader of the Opposition Suvendu Adhikari, saying that some recent entrants into the party are trying to stoke divisions — a likely reference to criticism he faced after attending the inauguration of Digha’s Jagannath Temple on Mamata’s invitation. Ghosh later insisted he was merely stating facts, not giving Mamata a “clean chit.” In an effort to contain the damage, state president Samik Bhattacharya met Ghosh at the party office and publicly reaffirmed his place in the BJP, declaring, “He was in BJP, is in BJP, and will remain in BJP.” Tensions date back to Ghosh’s April 30 Digha’s Jagannath temple visit, which drew flak from Adhikari and then-state chief Sukanta Majumdar. Ghosh was subsequently sidelined from key meetings, including on leadership selection, and complained of deliberate alienation—even being denied a chair during meetings. His latest remarks, though intended to reaffirm party ties, have once again unsettled the BJP ahead of the 2026 Assembly elections.

Three days after their joint rally at Worli, the Thackeray brothers bounced back on the streets, forcing the BJP and even Eknath Shinde on the backfoot. Their cadres turned up in large numbers to showcase Thackeray’s street strength at Mira Road, on the outskirts of Mumbai, which is emerging as the laboratory for polarisation of identity and communal politics. What Raj Thackeray lacks in political strength of numbers — he has zero legislators or corporators — he made up with his street-smart strategy, as he had vowed at the joint rally.  Both Thackeray’s stayed out and kept mum, letting cadres to defy midnight detainment by police, take train to outwit police and successfully put the BJP on the mat on the Marathi issue. Eknath Shinde’s minister Pratap Sarnaik, who tried to participate in the MNS showdown, was booed and forced to retreat within minutes. That chief minister Devendra Fadnavis had to step in, to distance itself from the critical remarks made by BJP Jharkhand MP Nishikant Dube as also to explain lack of police permission to protest, reflected the party’s failure to handle the Marathi language issue. That this street show is just the beginning can be gauged from the fact that Raj Thackeray has restrained his leaders from commenting on alliance issues. Interestingly, Shiv Sena leader Eknath Shinde, known to enjoy close equations with Raj, too has restrained his people from criticising Raj Thackeray or his party. Shinde has been very selective in reserving his criticism only for Uddhav Thackeray and showering praise on Raj, post the Thackeray’s joint rally.

The Odisha government headed by Mohan Charan Majhi has chalked up big plans to transform Puri, which houses the famous Lord Jagannath Temple, into a world class tourism hub so that tourists spend more days at Puri. For starters, it is planning to upgrade Puri from municipality to a municipal corporation. A municipal corporation is a larger, more autonomous body than a municipality, typically governing big cities while municipality governs smaller towns. Puri’s envisaged municipal corporation status will now include around 10 adjacent Gram Panchayats, expanding the city’s size and providing enhanced facilities for residents and tourists. Other plans include: a world class museum and library complex showcasing the rich cultural heritage of Lord Jagannath and an auditorium for daily light and sound shows in multiple languages plus an open-air theatre. This decision by the Majhi government to enhance Puri’s appeal comes at the back of a large influx of devotees – both from India and overseas. With this upgrade proposal, Puri now joins Odisha government’s plan to establish a metropolitan development region of 7,000 sq km encompassing Bhubaneswar, Khurda, Jatni, Cuttack, Paradeep and Puri making an integrated economic corridor. For now, CM Majhi’s focus is clear, he wants to make Puri one of the liveable cities of the country.

The BJP has appointed Kolkata-centric and RSS-backed Samik Bhattacharya as the president of its West Bengal unit, marking a strategic departure from its previous leadership patterns. Bhattacharya, known for his clean image and strong ties with party stalwarts including outgoing state president and Union minister Sukanta Majumdar, LoP Suvendu Adhikari, and even sidelined party veteran Dilip Ghosh, is seen as the party’s attempt to build cohesion ahead of the crucial 2026 assembly polls. Political observers suggest this move is also a subtle endorsement of Adhikari as BJP’s projected face against chief minister Mamata Banerjee. With smooth coordination between Bhattacharya and Adhikari—both sharing a cordial rapport—the party aims to enter the electoral battlefield with a unified front. Sources indicate Bhattacharya’s urban, middle-class image could help the BJP strengthen its hold in key regions like Greater Kolkata and Durgapur. His long standing role as BJP spokesperson, with consistent media engagement, has lent him the acceptability required for a high-visibility opposition leader—a trait Suvendu is often criticised for lacking. His rise, however, comes after years of inner-party marginalization, reportedly due to both electoral surprises and internal resistance. Despite winning the 2014 bypoll in Basirhat South and staying loyal through political highs and lows, Bhattacharya was never fully empowered—possibly due to his independent success unsettling the power structure. His elevation comes amidst the BJP’s acknowledgment of the “Kolkata factor.” After successive non-Kolkata-based leaders like Dilip Ghosh and Sukanta Majumdar, the party now bets on the historical trend where successful state leaders like Jyoti Basu, Didi and Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee all had strong urban roots. Now a Rajya Sabha MP, Bhattacharya has sounded the election bugle stating that this election is Bengal’s final chance to stop brain drain and save the identity of Hindu...

Is censorship back in India, 50 years after it was first introduced during the Emergency. Modi 3.0, which boasts of strengthening constitutional principles and opposing attempts to subvert it, is arming the Indian censor board with license to change names of central characters in a feature film. The Union Minister of State for Petroleum and Tourism, Suresh Gopi’s first film, after becoming a minister, has run into rough weather following its title.  The Malayalam movie, Janaki Vs State of Kerala (JSK), which was cleared by the local censor’s in Thiruvananthapuram a month back, has hit a roadblock at the hands of the revision committee. The committee, which previewed the movie in Mumbai, has suggested that the name of the titular character, Janaki be changed to get a certification. The CBFC revising committee has verbally informed the makers of the film to change the name of the titular character, as Janaki is another name of Goddess Sita. The producer of the film moved the Kerala High Court as they are unable to comply with the orders of the CBFC. The court has questioned the basis for CBFC order when movies like Seeta Aur Geeta, Ram Lakhan had no problems. The name Janaki is mentioned over 90 times throughout the film thereby making it impractical to change things. In fact, the trailers of the movie, cleared by the Thiruvananthapuram-based board, have been running at the theatres, TV screens etc for close to a month. Meanwhile, the Film Employees Federation of Kerala (FEFKA) has announced a protest march to the local Censor board office in Thiruvananthapuram. Interestingly, the name change is not a new issue in the Kerala film industry. Earlier, the film, Token Number, was cleared for release only after the female character’s name was changed from Janaki to Jayanthi.

Marathi celebrities and film stars find themselves getting called out for their silence on the Marathi issue. The issue of the imposition of Hindi language for primary students has raised hackles in Maharashtra since it is being perceived as an anti-Marathi decision. While a strong groundswell of protest has got both the estranged Thackeray cousins to rally together on this issue, Raj Thackeray is particularly upset that the average Marathi celebrity, particularly those from the Marathi film fraternity, have failed to stand up and speak about the issue. The fact that the ruling BJP-led Mahayuti government is pushing the initiative, makes it doubly difficult for many to voice their support. Asha Bhosale not just refused to take a stand but also publicly feigned knowing the Thackerays. Raj Thackeray, a known art aficionado, is known to patronise artists, academics and even film stars in a big way. Through his party — MNS film wing — he is known to fight for more theatre screens for Marathi films. He threatened to watch out for those who failed to support the issue. The Shiv Sena (UBT)’s Sanjay Raut specifically called out Nana Patekar, Madhuri Dixit and even Prashant Damle for their silence on this issue. Patekar is known to be a vocal voice on political issues and also known for his proximity with many political leaders.. Even the demigod of cricket Sachin Tendulkar was not spared for his silence. But, fortunately for him, the ex-ICC president chief Sharad Pawar rushed to defend him. Pawar stated that he should be allowed only to hold forth on subjects of his expertise. Now with both the Thackeray’s together, it remains to be seen how many celebrities from the Marathi film industry turn up on the streets for the Marathi language issue.

Congress MP Shashi Tharoor did not expect a second foreign tour so quickly after delivering exceptionally well as team lead of the (Indian) Parliamentary Standing Committee on External Affairs’ outreach to the world post ‘Operation Sindoor’. The Indian diplomat turned MP was invited to PM Modi’s residence late night, and following an hour-and-a-half long meeting, dispatched out-and-out to Russia without even returning home to pack his bags. Tharoor met Russia’s Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov the following day and was not surprised when the Russian leader commenced his parlance in French. India’s former UN delegate comfortably, consciously negotiated the rest of the conversation in French with aplomb. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s emphasis on out-of-the-box thinking now extends without the BJP party lines, making him the first Indian premier to command international statesmanship across party lines for national progress. Another first in Indian international history was Union defence minister Rajnath Singh’s visit to China to attend the SCO summit where he not only refused to sign on the dotted line of the resolution for excluding references to Pak terrorism but also sidelined the courtesy call meeting with the Pakistani foreign minister who was also in attendance. Singh’s visit to China simultaneously witnessed India’s NSA Ajit Doval holding talks with his Chinese counterparts emphasizing Pakistani double speak vis-a-vis China and USA respectively. Next up, MEA S Jaishankar’s visit to China that may well accomplish another major diplomatic win for India. So, what else is new? 

Kirit Somaiya, who rose up from the ranks to become a MP of the BJP, finds himself isolated within his own party. The fact that a coalition party leader like NCP’s Ajit Pawar could publicly tick him off without any protest from the BJP, clearly highlighted Somaiya’s lack of standing in his own party. The junior Pawar warned him to stay off Masjids since it escalated social tensions after Muslim legislators and leaders across Mumbai protested against his campaign against loudspeakers in Masjids. Muslim legislators across the board approached Ajit Pawar demanding he rein back Somaiya particularly since his campaign against Masjid loudspeakers created outrage in the community. Notwithstanding a token voice of support from Mumbai president Ashish Shelar, forget outrage there was not even a whimper of protest from within the BJP. Somaiya, once known to be close to the party leadership, found himself systematically isolated in the BJP. Despite raising high decibel anti-corruption campaigns against the likes of Ajit Pawar, Hasan Mushrif, Narayan Rane, Sunil Tatkare, Chhagan Bhujbal, Uddhav Thackeray, he and his son found themselves denied party tickets. Almost all his campaigns failed to withstand legal scrutiny after most of those accused either joined the BJP or its coalition partners. Viral videos of him in a compromising position and charges of misappropriation of funds raised for INS Vikrant ship, were the last nail in his political career. But the persistent Somaiya refuses to give up and keeps raising controversial issues like that of illegal entry of Bangladeshis or illegal loudspeakers in Masjids, subjects that the party keeps at an arm’s length.

Whispers within Bengal’s political circles are growing louder that the former BJP state president Dilip Ghosh may launch a new political party — possibly named Paschimbanga Hindu Sena (PHS). Reports suggest a senior BJP leader chaired a closed-door meeting, allegedly attended by nearly 25 BJP leaders and ex-functionaries, to discuss the formation of a new Hindutva-oriented outfit. Sources claimed preparations are underway to submit registration documents to the Election Commission. The appearance of PHS-branded T-shirts in parts of South Kolkata has only intensified speculation. Interestingly, several names of leaders who will join Ghosh are doing the rounds. They are: former BJP general secretary Sayantan Basu, ex-vice president Rajkamal Pathak and the currently suspended Ritesh Tiwari. Though none have confirmed it. Ghosh, BJP’s most successful former Bengal president, has been increasingly sidelined within the party which has become evident from his absence from key events including those of PM Modi and Amit Shah. His appearance at Digha’s Jagannath Dham inauguration by the West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee provided grist to the rumour mills of him launching a new party. While subtly critical of Suvendu Adhikari’s faction, Ghosh denies any split, reaffirming his decades-long role in building the BJP and rejecting splinter politics. However, Bengal BJP sources claimed that the party HQ is enquiring about a close-door meeting that took place, after the party lost Kaliganj bypoll, by some of the disgruntled leaders who feel they have been sidelined ever since Suvendu Adhikari entered the scene.

Maharashtra’s most prestigious civic elections to be scheduled for India’s financial capital, Mumbai’s metropolis is turning into a political potboiler. Every formation worth its salt wants to make its political presence count. Before this happens, realignment of 227 seats electing our city fathers, to include designated reserved civic constituencies is the big news. A former state election department officer emphatically says, “No electoral officer can provide you the last value on anvil changes of civic wards. Reservations, realignment of individual seats is the prerogative of Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporations’ ward offices. We provide electoral lists of the six parliamentary, 36 assembly constituencies in Mumbai and enjoy hands-on involvement only during general, state assemblies.” BMC Chief Bhushan Gagrani says 2011 census data (alongside estimated population figures) serve as the benchmark aligning individual civic councillor seats. “Wherever there is a geographical change — the coastal roads infrastructure — where ‘nullah’ (sewer lines) were diverted and, couple of redevelopment projects impact population demography within 26 wards will witness marginal realignments,” he says. That done, Uddhav’s Sena (boasting 85 sitting corporators) demanding over100 seats, Congress emphasising minority voter base in Mumbai — citing Lok Sabha results to wrest an equal number of seats leaves Sharad Pawar rueing his woes or, will he? BJP’s 83 invisible sitting corporators failed emphasizing PM Narendra Modi’s schemes over five years so, CM Devendra Fadnavis will micromanage BMC polls also while sharing civic seats with deputy CMs Eknath Shinde and Ajit Pawar’s political parties without much acrimony. Despite the Supreme Court’s mandate for early polls, some delays still threaten to postpone Mumbai’s civic elections some more.

Hindu Munnani, a right-wing outfit close to BJP, organised a Lord Murugan (or Kartikeya) Devotees Conference on June 22 and passed a resolution for ‘Hindu unity’ and protection of Hindus in the temple town of Tirupurakundram in Tamil Nadu. An interesting aspect of the Murugan Meet of devotees was that it was attended by Andhra Minister Pawan Kalyan and BJP office-bearers of Tamil Nadu. The conference adopted a number of pro-Hindu resolutions to protect the rights of Hindus. The Murugan Meet seemed like the first of steps to rally Hindu votes ahead of 2026 assembly polls. It not only suggested that the DMK government should “stop treating temples as a revenue source and use temple funds to only benefit devotees”. A highlight of the Murugan Meet was the record-breaking mass recital of “Skanda Sashti Kavacham”( a popular Tamil hymn in praise of Lord Murugan) by an estimated 5 lakh Murugan devotees. It was also resolved to have such recitals of Skanda Sashti Kavacham regularly. The political message of the meet was a clarion call to Hindus to vote en bloc. Pawan Kalyan, who had been encouraged by the RSS to take active interest in TN politics, spoke in Tamil. He hit out at ‘secularists’ and atheists for targeting Hindu gods and temples. In a grand gesture Pawan Kalyan also sought to bring together former TN BJP chief K Annamalai and present incumbent Nainar Nagendran as he made them hold hands on the stage. As for the AIADMK, former CM Edappadi K Palanisamy made it a point to send four MLAs for the meet. Meanwhile RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat was in Coimbatore where he praised the spiritual tradition of adheenams in TN.

For AAP chief Arvind Kejriwal winning MLAs in Gujarat by itself may not be a big deal; about half a dozen or so have won before. But none of the MLAs have stuck around. However, with AAP candidate Gopal Italia winning from Visavadar for the second time in a by-election, Kerjiwal has something to cheer about. In the backdrop of losing power in Delhi, AAP felt it had to make a song and dance about securing assembly seat in Gujarat by-election– where the BJP has been in power for 30 years –that too from a seat– Visavadar which the BJP has never won. In a post on X, Kejriwal bragged that his party won with nearly double the margin compared to the previous elections and claimed that “people of Punjab are very happy with the work of our government and have voted even more in favour of us than in 2022. The people of Gujarat are now fed up with the BJP and see hope in the AAP”. Italia shot to fame during the 2015 Patidar agitation in the state. The seat has been vacant since 2023 after the then AAP legislator Bhupendra Bhayani resigned and joined the BJP. BJP sources said Italia winning the seat wasn’t a surprise. Visavadar has been a traditional Congress seat. “BJP has never won from there. In 2012, Keshubhai Patel won from there as Parivartan Party candidate. Kesubhai later rejoined the BJP.  Sources say more than Visavadar what is of significance for Gujarat politics is that BJP managed to win Kadi assembly seat, a reserved seat in Mehsana. BJP’s Rajendra Chavda won by a margin of over 39,000 votes in a triangular contest taking on both the Congress and the AAP.

The West Bengal government’s action is once again under scrutiny after political cartoonist Manjul received a takedown notice from Cyber Crime wing of the state police.  News website, The Wire, reported that the notice targeted two 2019 cartoons featuring chief minister Mamata Banerjee; one depicting defections from TMC to BJP, and the other on chit-fund scams under her regime. The state police cited alleged legal violations behind the notice. Earlier in March, FIRs were filed against CPI(M)’s Mohammad Salim and BJP IT cell head Amit Malviya for sharing a video showing a woman being flogged by a TMC leader in North Dinajpur’s Chopra. The post led to public outrage, prompting police to seek content removal. These instances reflect a long-standing pattern. In 2012, Jadavpur University professor Ambikesh Mahapatra was arrested for forwarding a cartoon featuring Banerjee; his case dragged on for a decade. Farmer Shiladitya Chowdhury was branded a “Maoist” by Banerjee after questioning fertiliser prices, then detained and legally pursued. In 2019, Sanmoy Banerjee, ex-Congress spokesperson, was arrested for criticising the chief minister’s nephew. In June 2022, YouTuber Roddur Roy was arrested from Goa for allegedly abusing Banerjee and her nephew. In 2023, advocate and former Congress spokesperson Kaustav Bagchi was also detained for allegedly derogatory remarks about Banerjee. Both later joined the BJP. Notably, during protests over the rape and murder of a junior doctor at Kolkata’s RG Kar Medical College in August 2023, artists criticised the state’s response. In retaliation, the TMC initiated a cultural boycott led by Kunal Ghosh, backed by MP Kalyan Banerjee and Education Minister Bratya Basu.

West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has targeted the BJP for distorting Bengal’s contribution to India’s freedom movement through the recently released film Kesari Chapter 2, starring Akshay Kumar, R Madhavan and Ananya Panday. Banerjee and the ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC) have accused the filmmakers of deliberately altering the names of iconic Bengali revolutionaries, alleging that this was done with political intent, as Kumar is known to be close to PM Narendra Modi and the BJP. According to Didi, the BJP had been consistently targeting the state and its rich cultural heritage. The film, directed by Karan Singh Tyagi, released in theatres on April 18 and later on OTT platform JioCinema, has now landed in controversy. A formal police complaint has led to a FIR under multiple sections of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) for allegedly insulting freedom fighters and misrepresenting historical facts. Ranjit Biswas, a resident of Nabapalli Sector IV in Bidhannagar South, filed the complaint, claiming that the courtroom scene in the film related to the Muzaffarpur Conspiracy Case misrepresents revolutionaries Khudiram Bose and Barindra Kumar Ghosh. In the movie, they are portrayed as ‘Khudiram Singh’ and ‘Birendra Kumar’ from Amritsar, which Biswas called an “insult to Bengal’s martyrs.” Following the complaint, the police have registered a case under BNS Sections 352 (intentional insult), 353(1)(c) (public mischief), and 353(2) (dissemination of false information). The TMC has demanded an apology and correction, accusing the film of whitewashing Bengal’s revolutionary history.

The Bharatiya Janata Party in Maharashtra is facing some sticky moments over the entry of two controversial politicians, both belonging to the Shiv Sena (UBT). BJP sympathisers and supporters are perturbed over the welcome accorded to Sudhakar Badgujar and Baban Gholap, both from Nashik in north Maharashtra. Badgujar was till a fortnight ago a close associate of Sena MP Sanjay Raut. He was expelled from that party since he presented a memorandum listing civic demands to chief minister Devendra Fadnavis who was visiting Nashik. Badgujar was in the news for the past year after his pictures dancing with Salim Kutta, an alleged operator of Dawood Ibrahim, went viral on social media. Several BJP members had castigated the Sena though he had remained untouched. Even after he joined the BJP, Raut was cautious to react. Normally in the habit of launching a tirade against Sena opponents, Raut merely said about Badgujar that he would not comment on those who were not in his party. Gholap, a former minister in the first Sena-BJP alliance regime, was imprisoned for fraud and was rather inactive politically for a long time. His BJP entry was somewhat surprising for many. The BJP is facing heat for admitting the duo. Fadnavis has said that none should be held guilty unless convicted by the court. All said and done, Badgujar’s entry into the BJP has weakened the Sena (UBT) which is already facing a deluge.

There is a saying in Hindi, Aapko Aam khanese matlab hai ya ghutli ginnese?  For Dr S Ramadoss and his feuding son, Dr Anbumani, the PMK and its symbol, the Mango have come to a collision point in their succession battle for taking over the party. In this bitter battle, not just Dr Anbumani but even his wife Sowmya has been targeted by Dr Ramadoss senior stating that her ambition has made the father-son dispute irrevocable. He claims that even as he had brought the alliance with AIADMK to almost closure in 2024, Sowmya sabotaged it with her hectic hospitality, inviting Annamalai to their Thailapuram residence and overturned the alliance as BJP was her choice. The impasse has come to a point where Dr Ramadoss says Dr Anbumani is no longer the party head and leader, even as the son insists that his term lasts till 2026 according to the Election Commission. Going a step higher, Sowmya has taken the matter to the Gods. She travelled with her two daughters to Rameshwaram, Dhanushkodi and to the temple of Nambu Nayaki Amman, a temple where thousands of devotees seek the Goddess’s blessings for their problems. This is highlighted by a ritual …fresh green turmeric is ground on stone grinders here then the turmeric paste is offered to Nambu Nayaki. Sowmya, seasoned bahu and politician went a step further …. She offered luscious looking mangoes too , to the Goddess …probably praying that her husband succeeds in getting both party and leadership in this bitter power struggle in the PMK. Considering that 80 % of the followers are silently throwing their hats in favour of Dr Anbumani, the turmeric and mangoes could well be a winning combo.

The possibility of political merger of Maharashtra’s most powerful political family, the Pawars, has been ruled out by the family patriarch Sharad Pawar. There had been much speculation following the uncle-nephew (Ajit Pawar) sharing dais on multiple occasions. Underscoring that those aligned with the Congress ideology would not accept the BJP and view them as opportunists, senior Pawar also stressed how those who had left him in his political journey had ended up defeated out of the electoral race. His daughter Supriya Sule, who has now emerged as a strong voice within the NCP-SP since her takeover as the working president, is said to be averse to the idea of reuniting with her cousin. Sharad Pawar’s partymen, known to lead sugar industries and banking institutions, have been reportedly itching to return to power. Sharad Pawar’s good personal equations with PM Narendra Modi clearly are not proving fruitful for his partymen. Being out of power also isn’t helping the senior Pawar faction particularly with Ajit Pawar, known to leverage his position as Maharashtra’s finance minister, for his partymen. Ajit Pawar continues with his mission to poach from his uncle’s party with his official position clearly giving him an edge in the poaching exercise. The BJP too seems to be poaching party leaders from opposition parties with a vengeance and this exercise seems to have picked up steam now with the local body elections around the corner.

Well, when National Security Advisor (NSA) Ajit Doval met with Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis on June 10 evening at his official residence in Mumbai, Fadnavis shared a picture with the ace sleuth on his X handle. Though the CM did not share details of his discussions, the meeting has set off speculation in Delhi political circles that Doval, who is 80 years old and has been the NSA since 2014, could be considered for a gubernatorial role. It is being said Doval could be moved to Raj Bhavan in view of his advancing years and somewhat indifferent health. Since he has done tremendous work in revamping the security set-up under the Modi regime, PM Modi is not keen to let go of him. It is being said Modi would like to accommodate him as Governor and Maharashtra Raj Bhavan could be an ideal place. BJP sources said governors reshuffle/appointment would be first in the series of changes in the Modi government that would come before the Monsoon Session of the Parliament. With the Governors’ appointments, changes will happen in the Union Cabinet and eventually in the election of BJP chief.  Lot of administrative changes and changes in the party set up have been delayed because of a series of unfortunate events. As far as Doval is concerned what is  working for him is that he is a much  decorated IPS officer of the Kerala cadre (1968 batch ) who hails from Uttarakhand  who has been overseeing sensitive  security operations of the Modi Government in the past decade. In June 2019, when he was reappointed NSA he became the first NSA to get a Cabinet rank. In 2024, he got a 3-year extension as NSA.

In a rare and increasingly confrontational political climate within the West Bengal Assembly, Leader of the Opposition (LoP) Suvendu Adhikari has set an extraordinary record with multiple suspensions and breach of privilege motions against him over the past four years. From chief minister Mamata Banerjee labelling him as a “limitless opposition leader”, the Assembly passed yet another breach of privilege motion against BJP leader Adhikari, the eighth since 2021. Reminding that he had defeated the CM in Nandigram, Adhikari has already faced suspension from the Assembly four times over the past four years and maintains that the government would not be able to take any effective action against him as he had never claimed any medical bills since 2006 and had not drawn his salary during suspension periods. He argues that these motions are attempts to silence his voice. Dismissing the claim, TMC Chief Whip Nirmal Ghosh and senior cabinet minister Chandrima Bhattacharya explained that the party had repeatedly approached the Speaker due to various statements made publicly by the LoP. Assembly records show that no previous LoP since 1957 has faced as many disciplinary actions as Adhikari. Former opposition leaders such as CPI(M)’s Surjya Kanta Mishra and Congress leader Abdul Mannan also faced privilege motions during Didi’s tenure but not to this extent. Veteran leaders noted that even former CM and CPI(M) patriarch Jyoti Basu, who served as Opposition Leader from 1957–67 and again from 1971–72, did not face such a record. Congress leader Abdul Mannan viewed that the situation was unprecedented adding that while strong opposition is important, lawmakers must remain mindful of their language.

On June 9, BJP national president JP Nadda addressed a spirited presser to mark PM Modi’s 11 years in office – which he called a transformative period that should be “written in golden words”. The best part of the presser was that Nadda had marked his targets. He wanted to highlight the achievements of the government. It may be recalled that at a meeting with his ministers recently, PM Modi had shared a sense of disappointment that achievements of the government had not been adequately showcased. That is why even as Nadda attempted showcasing some of Modi government’s achievements such as reduction of Naxalite-affected districts from a high of 126 to just 18, he also settled political score with Congress leader Jairam Ramesh who was mocking PM Modi for not addressing a press conference in all these years. Nadda reminded Jairam, a Rajya Sabha MP, that he would never have spoken to the public as much as PM Modi does. Nadda credited the BJP government with bold decisions like the repeal of Article 370, abolition of triple talaq, Waqf amendment, demonetisation, and the women’s quota bill. He said PM Modi had changed the country’s political culture by making the government more responsive and accountable. Reacting sharply to LoP Rahul Gandhi’s remarks questioning Operation Sindoor and EAM Jaishankar, Nadda dismissed the LoP’s charges with a prayer  that “may God give them true wisdom” because it’s very difficult to understand their objective. “When they attend an all-party meeting, they say they stand with the country. But when they step outside, they start raising questions, questions that are completely baseless. That’s why I can only say they are playing the role of an irresponsible opposition.”

Brand “Thackeray”, currently flavours Maharashtra politics over possible rapprochement between cousins Uddhav and Raj appears headed nowhere even as internal party conflicts within BJP leaders on the wrong side of CM Devendra Fadnavis use pretext to settle scores with him. UBT Chief Uddhav Thackeray will announce what Maharashtra wants to hear (UBT Sena and MNS coming together or not) though no formal proposal has emanated thus far, apart from MP Sanjay Raut’s daily proclamations. Factions within BJP inimical to Fadnavis, termed as the ‘Raj Thackeray fan club’ by BJP insiders who insist MNS chief’s political flip-flops render the “Thackerays” coming together talks a non-starter. National BJP general secretary Vinod Tawde, former MLA Sudhir Mungantiwar, Ashish Shelar blame Fadnavis for their respective political downfalls in Maharashtra, are ratcheting up political foreplay to settle scores with Fadnavis as the climax. Tawde eschewed his Borivali MLA constituency to Sunil Mane (2019) who followed suit in favour of Upadhyay (2024) considered to be Tawde’s man. Tawde idolises Raj Thackeray, took MNS Chief to meet Home Minister Amit Shah a few months ago, even hosted Thackeray scion in Delhi hotel. Fadnavis backers in turn include Shiv Sena chief/DCM Eknath Shinde, his top lieutenant/industries minister Uday Samant who also held political parleys with Raj. BJP itself currently weighs options to appoint Mumbai Pradesh President as contenders in fray include MLAs Sanjay Upadhyay, Yogesh Sagar, Sunil Mane. Mane is frontrunner, sacrificed MLA constituency to favour Upadhyay, particularly, since he is the ‘Marathi Manoos’ imminently set to become Vice Chancellor of Atharva (deemed) University that he administers as an educationist whose institute of learning is renowned for having its own robot to boot.

In an unprecedented step, the Election Commission has castigated Congress leader Rahul Gandhi for once again raising suspicions about the Maharashtra assembly elections held late last year. The Congress and the INDIA bloc under its leadership had fared miserably in the election that had given a thumping mandate to the Mahayuti under the BJP. “Unsubstantiated allegations raised against the EC’s conduct of the elections are an affront to the law. All these facts were brought out in EC’s reply to the Congress party on 24th December 2024 itself,” the EC has said. At the same time, the political battle over the allegations has caught Rahul in a tight corner. BJP leader Amit Malviya and Maharashtra CM Devendra Fadnavis have ridiculed these charges. Moreover, Rahul has warned of similar tactics being used in the upcoming Bihar polls. “This means Rahul has already accepted defeat in Bihar,” Fadnavis has said. Accusing Rahul of undermining public trust in democratic institutions and the electoral process, Malviya has reiterated his allegation of a link between Rahul and U.S. billionaire George Soros. Malviya in his X said, “This is straight out of George Soros’ playbook – systematically erodes people’s faith in their own institutions, so they can be cracked open from within for political gains.” The Congress in the state is in a paralysed condition, lacking a focus or leadership. Hence, Rahul’s attack is not taken seriously by prominent leaders, but for making fun of him.

All eyes are on Odisha chief minister Mohan Charan Majhi’s planned celebration of the first anniversary on June 12.  It may be a big affair dashed with cultural extravaganza, exclusive dinners with CM for business leaders, MPs, MLA and media. Specially branded vans will visit all the 314 blocks of Odisha to amplify BJP government’s achievements, reforms, various schemes and various public service initiatives. The centre piece of the celebration will be the PM Modi attending the same. The day will also see the unveiling of the Odisha Vision document which has been prepared after taking suggestions/inputs from over 320,000 Odites across the state. As per CM Majhi the aspiration is to make Odisha $ 500 bn economy by 2036 and $1.5 tn by 2047. While the CM seems gung ho, his critics say Majhi is skating on thin ice as in terms of performance he has not achieved much. He has lots of ground to cover. But in all fairness one year is a small period to judge the capability, ability of any CM.  

Some BJP ruled states will witness a change of guard in the coming days starting with Gujarat CM Bhupendra Patel seeking relief from public service to tend to his ailing son (Short Post reported earlier). Other CMs on the block include Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh and Odisha although the last incumbent Mohan Charan Majhi was issued the ‘Perform or Perish’ diktat having only recently assumed power. Rajasthan’s deteriorating law and order scenario queered the pitch for Bhajan Lal Sharma, installed at expense of the Rani of Dhaulpur, Vasundhara Raje first placed on probation (as BJP LoP) by PM Narendra Modi, then shrugged off, with state assemblies being fought under Modi’s name. Rice bowl of India, Chhattisgarh’s tribal CM Vishnu Deo Sai is also in cross hair of BJP high command for inability to grow party ideology in erstwhile Congress ruled state and, being invisible unlike his Assam, Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand counterparts. To non-corrupt Sai’s credit, he recently introduced anti-conversion law, mobilized anti-naxalite operations. Rajasthan’s Brahmin CM Lal, however, made rounds of New Delhi (thrice in recent weeks), may be replaced by Rajput Union Minister for Tourism and Culture Gajendra Singh Shekhawat. UP governor (former Gujarat CM) Anandiben Patel held consultations with PM Modi to address her home state CM issue with Union Sports, Youth Affairs Minister Mansukh L Mandaviya’s name being considered. As senior BJP leader Mahendra Jain, however, puts it, “PM Modi listens to all but takes decisions on his own!” While steeped in corruption owing to alliance politics, Maharashtra CM Devendra Fadnavis remains the PM’s blue-eyed boy.

In a throwback of sorts to his clash with TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee that had marked his didi-oh-didi campaign in the last West Bengal assembly election, incumbent CM made a personal jibe about PM Modi’s estranged wife setting off a vicious cycle of personal attacks. A controversy apparently erupted following PM Modi’s rally in Alipurduar on May 27, where he, without naming Mamata, had sharply criticised her government and the TMC. In response, Mamata at a presser called out Modi’s “politicisation of Operation Sindoor”. She transgressed the political line with a personal jibe: “Remember that every woman has respect. They take sindoor from their husbands… Modiji is talking this way. You are not every woman’s husband… why don’t you give sindoor to your Missus first?” Apparently Mamata attacked Modi on the basis of unfounded media reports that BJP was going to distribute sindoor to women.  Later, realising the inappropriateness of her comment, she immediately apologised while blaming Modi for provoking her. “I am sorry to say this. I shouldn’t get into all this. But you are compelling us now to open our mouths.” Instead of accepting Mamata’s apology, BJP’s State unit chief Sukanta Majumdar and LoP Suvendu Adhikari launched a coordinated retaliation that targeted not just Mamata’s alleged personal conduct but also her humble origins and socio-economic background. The situation reached a disturbing climax in Chinsurah, Hooghly, where BJP women workers forcibly applied sindoor on female police officers who were trying to disperse their protest. The incident drew criticism even from within the BJP’s own state unit. The episode highlights how personal attacks and identity politics have increasingly dominated Bengal’s political landscape, with both major parties crossing traditional boundaries of political propriety and raising serious questions about the health of democratic discourse in the state.

In a sharp counterattack to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent address in West Bengal’s Alipurduar, chief minister Mamata Banerjee has challenged the PM to a live TV debate—teleprompter and all—and dared the BJP to call early elections in the state. Modi’s address, widely seen as the start of the BJP’s campaign for the 2026 Assembly elections, took aim at Mamata, branding her “Nirmam” (merciless) while highlighting recent communal violence in Murshidabad and Malda, the Supreme Court’s scrapping of teaching posts which left over 25,000 teachers jobless, and accusing her government of blocking Central government’s schemes. Hitting back, Didi accused the PM of engaging in “political Holi” at the expense of national interests. She dismissed his “Operation Bengal” remarks as an insult to the people of the state and pointed out that her nephew, TMC National General Secretary Abhishek Banerjee, was part of an MP delegation meeting global leaders—signalling her party’s commitment to protecting the nation’s interests internationally. Didi also slammed the Centre’s political motives behind naming the post-Pahalgam operation. She mocked Modi for his transformation from a self-proclaimed tea-seller to what she described as a “sindoor salesman,” a dig at his remarks that she interpreted as disrespectful to the women of Bengal. Mamata claimed that she had instructed her leaders to avoid commentary on “Operation Sindoor” despite its provocative nature. She accused the PM of spending more time on foreign trips than on India’s pressing issues and criticized what she called the erosion of federalism under Union Home Minister Amit Shah’s watch, branding him the country’s “acting Prime Minister.”

An unstated factor in the electoral alliances of Tamil Nadu is that of funding. It is well-known in political circles that the Dravidian parties are a bit more evolved in the sense they are prepared to fund the election campaigns of smaller allies. This may be the reason why TN parties are keener on allying with the DMK or the AIADMK that are flush with party funds and do not mind spending some of it on campaigns whereas the national ruling party BJP is known to be reluctant to do so. Another unstated number is the amount per seat that the Dravidian majors are prepared to spend to give their alliances a better chance. The cash-for-vote is a far more refined process here than in other states even if it started very late, in 2009, in a bypoll that became famous as the “Thiumangalam Formula” whereby individual voters were given money or gifts. A WikiLeaks document of 2011 read, “From paying to dig a community well to slipping cash into an envelope delivered inside the morning newspaper, politicians and their operatives admitted to violating election rules to influence voters.” The money gets spread over 234 constituencies in assembly elections, making it tougher for the EC to catch loads of it, as they do in bypolls. The contests for key seats in assembly polls are known for the generosity of candidates in showering voters with cash and gifts. If some minor parties are yet to declare their alliances for the 2026 polls, it can be assumed that they are merely waiting to know how much they can expect or extract from the majors.

Alliance partners Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena (SS) and the BJP seem to be flexing over seats in the run-up to the prestigious Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) elections in four months. The BMC is a high-stake election for both — while the BJP’s never had its own mayor thus far in Mumbai, for Shinde it’s a chance to chart out his own space. The BJP is aiming for 150 seats with Mission 150 proclaimed as its mission statement, Shinde is targeting 100 seats in the 227-strength of the BMC where 114 seats are needed to reach a majority. Shinde publicly claims the support of 65 corporators and is actively wooing ex-corporators beyond Uddhav Thackeray’s Sena. Shinde’s Sena has already started holding meetings with current and ex-corporators wooing them with promises of funds for works from his urban development and housing ministry and even from the District Planning and Development Committee (DPDC), where being guardian minister of Mumbai City he is its chairman. Beyond the trappings of power, Shinde also holds the advantage of being an accessible leader unlike Uddhav Thackeray, a fact which he keeps harping on. Uddhav, who held the highest tally of 84 corporators that later extended to 90, had the BJP closely following him with 82 corporators, is now fighting them back with conciliatory notes to his cousin Raj Thackeray, who had seven corporators.

The unbearable summer heat and humidity quotient in Tamil Nadu were further intensified by the fierce exchange between chief minister MK Stalin and AIADMK chief Edappadi K Palaniswami (EPS), even as Stalin took off to participate in the NITI Aayog meet. Viral watchers had a field time lapping up this internecine exchange. EPS reminded his bête noire about how Stalin had thundered about boycotting NITI Aayog for not giving TN its dues in funds. What turned the wheels now? EPS scorched …this sudden urge to fly to Delhi is not for TN but saving his family. Remember his late father and the 2G rescue mission? Stalin is all set to open a white truce umbrella for the family rescue. Stalin is talking about a mystery Thambi (younger brother). Who is this Thambi he wants to save? The CM, no novice at cutting edge filmi dialogue, gave it back. Edappadi has not changed from his fabled ambulatory mode …crawling and creeping to clasp feet. So why carp and crow about my visit?  It took just one raid for his party to strike an alliance with BJP and float the white flag manoeuvre. Stalin’s repartee, this hand which has waved the Red and Black DMK flag, a super emblem of scholars and statesmen, Arignar Anna and Kalaignar, will never creep and crawl for favours. His dialogue could be straight out of the cult classic Parasakti which took both Karunanidhi and Shivaji Ganesan to dizzying heights of artistic popularity. Meanwhile EPS is still asking the question “Who is this shadow superman…the charismatic Thambi hailed by you and your son? Has he flown the coop? If you have guts and integrity reveal Thambi’s identity”. The people of TN want to know.

In the wake of the Murshidabad killings and the terror attack in Pahalgam, Bengal’s political battleground has heated up, with both BJP and CPI(M) scrambling to secure the Hindu vote bank. While CPI(M) leaders like State Secretary Mohammed Salim and youth leader Minakshi Mukherjee visited Murshidabad post-violence, BJP’s Suvendu Adhikari downplayed the incident, claiming victims were targeted for being Hindu, and dismissed the CPI(M)’s recent Brigade rally, stating Hindus have distanced themselves from the party. This intensified BJP attack is part of a broader strategy to erode the Hindu support base that still aligns with the Left in certain pockets. BJP leaders believe converting this segment could significantly alter Bengal’s electoral dynamics. Despite failing to win any seats in recent elections, the Left’s 11% vote share — largely perceived to include Hindus — remains a target for the BJP, especially as the Trinamool-BJP vote gap stood at 7% in the last Lok Sabha polls. Senior CPI(M) leaders assert Adhikari’s focus reflects his intent to pull Hindu voters from the Left into the BJP fold. Salim countered, stating Suvendu’s attacks show BJP’s internal frustration, citing leaders like Dilip Ghosh distancing themselves from the party. Districts like Murshidabad, Nadia, Malda, Uttar Dinajpur, and Hooghly — once Left strongholds — have witnessed increasing communal tensions, providing a backdrop for BJP’s polarisation strategy. BJP finds Hindu voters aligned with the Left more reachable than TMC supporters, who are seen as bound by secular ideology or economic factors. However, a section of Bengal BJP leaders feel that after peaking in 2019, setbacks in 2021 and 2024, indicate that Hindu consolidation alone may not ensure success without strong momentum or triggering events.

With less than a month left for Mohan Charan Majhi government’s first anniversary on June 12, a mindless controversy has been created with regard to the Odisha chief minister’s recent visit to Mumbai for an investment meeting and his five-day stay at a 5-star hotel located in Nariman Point. This has set the tongue wagging whether a party like BJP has let go its principle of being judicious in cost and expenses. Veteran journalist Ruben Banerjee who closely follows Odisha politics brought this out and said the former CM Naveen Patnaik during his first 15 years’ governance created a positive impression by avoiding 5-star culture. But BJP sources say what about Patnaik’s party which splurged tax-payers money to allow Patnaik’s man Friday VK Pandian to use helicopters extensively to tour the state! The state government sources say the presidential suites in The Oberoi weren’t used for Majhi’s personal leisure. The CM was just matching the level of diplomacy and stature expected while interacting with industry leaders and CEOs. They say Banerjee has misinterpreted this as personal luxury which is misleading. Satyapatha, Odisha’s popular news channel editor said this is judgemental politics by Ruben Banerjee. He is close to Patnaik as he has written a book on him. Is this issue being raised because CM Majhi hails from a poor Adivasi family? As one BJP leader aptly put it, “Judge CM Majhi on what investments he bags, not where he stays.” Quite.

Known as Maharashtra’s cultural capital and fountainhead of many social reform movements, Pune has been shaken over the past few days owing to two daylight incidents of publicly supporting Pakistan and Hamas. More shocking is the fact that the pro-Hamas activity has taken place in Karve Nagar, an elite locality in Pune. When local BJP workers learnt that a group of youngsters was distributing pamphlets in support of Hamas in that area, they rushed to the spot and tried to prevent the effort. There was a free for all and the BJP group has demanded urgent appropriate action against the Hamas backers. The police have assured them that no anti-national activity will be permitted and those breaching social amity will face action. In the other incident, a young girl, said to be an engineering student, has been sent into police custody for posting slogans like Pakistan Zindabad on social media. It is alleged that she recently visited her relatives in Srinagar. After some organisations declared that they would stage a demonstration against her, the police took adequate precautions while producing her in court. In recent months, intermittent news reports have appeared about the objectionable developments in certain Pune pockets. The police have intensified their campaign to identify and arrest illegal immigrants, especially those from Bangladesh. Pune is considered a BJP stronghold and deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar is its guardian minister. As these incidents took place amidst the height of Operation Sindoor, more follow up actions are anticipated.

With just a year left for the West Bengal Assembly elections, the Bengal BJP is under pressure to finalise its new state president. Internal dynamics, however, have delayed the decision, pushing the central leadership to shift its approach — from finding a consensus candidate to identifying one without strong opposition. The central leadership recently met senior Bengal BJP leaders to discuss party programmes and key organizational issues. According to party sources, central observers Mangal Pandey and Amit Malviya also held one-on-one talks with leaders like Sukanta Majumdar, Suvendu Adhikari, Shantanu Thakur, five general secretaries, two organisation secretaries, Debasree Chaudhuri, Nisith Pramanik, Soumitra Khan, Manoj Tigga and Shamik Bhattacharya regarding the state leadership. Currently, the Bengal BJP suffers from multiple power centres — Majumdar, Adhikari, former president Dilip Ghosh, and two senior organizational figures — making it hard to present a unified front. Despite occasional friction, Majumdar and Adhikari have maintained a functional partnership for over three years, ensuring some organizational stability — something the central leadership values and is hesitant to disrupt. While Majumdar’s term is still ongoing, his induction into the Union Cabinet complicates matters due to the BJP’s “one person, one post” policy. Adhikari, being the Leader of the Opposition and not from the RSS, also presents a conflict. Various names have been proposed, including one from the RSS Bengal unit. Some Delhi-based leaders have preferences, but no clear consensus has emerged. Meanwhile, political survey agencies are influencing decisions, with a Karnataka firm submitting a unified leadership blueprint directly to Modi’s core team.

Congress MP Shashi Tharoor cannot be ignored or intimidated even by his own party. But surprisingly his talents, communication and diplomatic skills are overlooked…deliberate or by accident? Tharoor’s felicity with English and his fluent communication is often dubbed intellectual arrogance. A recent interview with Al Arabia is bound to make the country look at him with awe and admiration. It is a lesson in non-partisan voice in a time of national crisis. Chairperson of the Parliamentary Committee on External Affairs he has hit home the fact that the current conflict with Pakistan is India’s “calibrated response” to Pakistan’s repeated terrorist incursions. “India is not escalating, merely reacting with precision and restraint by hitting back at terrorist locations.” Pakistan is a master of denial …the most humiliating one when Osama Bin Laden was given sanctuary in Abbottabad. Tharoor further goes on to laud the term “Sindoor” and how appropriate it is in the context of the terror killing of a newly-wed man at Pahalgam …in one swoop , his wife’s as well as many other victim’s sindoor was wiped off. Why then is the Congress High Command not openly volunteering his talents as a global media mouthpiece to defend India’s stand? The BJP and especially Modi have extended their hand openly. At the Vizhinjam Port inauguration, Modi was all admiration for Tharoor’s presence. Is the tipping point at hand now? Whatever the political exigencies and ideology compulsions, a resource like Tharoor could well be harnessed for India’s benefit.

While the nation is just recovering from the shock following the dastardly Pahalgam terror attack, the Shiv Sena (UBT) has launched a campaign by criticising the BJP government at the Centre day in and day out. It has gone to the extent of demanding Union home minister Amit Shah’s resignation, holding him responsible for the security lapse. Upon this, Sena leader Uddhav Thackeray has been taunted by former Union minister Milind Deora, who is now with the Sena led by deputy chief minister Eknath Shinde. Responding to the repeated criticism of the BJP government in the state and the Centre by Sena MP Sanjay Raut about the delay in teaching Pakistan a lesson, Deora has reminded Raut that his leader was in Europe or wherever enjoying a holiday when Shinde had rushed to Kashmir to reassure the tourists from Maharashtra. Shinde had organised their return journey and extended monetary help where it was required urgently. Deora has pointed out that Uddhav kept on posting X messages but did not send any representative for the all party meeting after the attack. While Prime Minister Narendra Modi cut short his visit abroad and returned to India, Uddhav continued with the vacation, Deora has told the Sena. Incidentally, it has been routine for Uddhav and his family to travel to the cool environs of Europe every summer. So far, there is no response from the Sena (UBT) to Deora’s barb.

As the first BJP government in Odisha under chief minister Mohan Charan Majhi will soon complete a one-year anniversary, the corridors of power are abuzz with speculation about the declining influence of Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan in the state’s affairs. Pradhan and his coterie, which includes leaders such as Samir Mohanty, Golak Mohapatra and Thakur Ranjeet Das, appear to have lost their hold. Well known journalist Shekhar Gupta has been raising the question: Who is ruling Odisha these days? Dharmendra Pradhan or Ashwini Vaishnaw! Thus, by raising this question he has clearly indicated that there is a power shift. The new power centre seems to be multi-portfolio minister Vaishnaw. Vaishnaw, a former IAS officer from the Odisha cadre whose family has been associated with the RSS is known to have close ties with both Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union Home Minister Amit Shah. Besides, his control over three key cabinet portfolios has further bolstered his stature. According to both government and bureaucratic sources in Odisha, the decline of Dharmendra Pradhan’s clout has directly contributed to Vaishnaw’s ascendancy in the state’s political landscape. For instance, Vaishnaw is widely believed to be the driving force behind the Odisha government’s auction of mines. He is also close to Naveen Patnaik’s Man Friday VK Pandian and that made it possible for Vaishnaw to be re-elected to the Rajya Sabha in February this year with the support of BJD. While his efficiency and varied experience are beyond question, Vaishnaw in the past has been dogged by controversy, primarily because of his association with B Prabhakaran, who was named in the massive mining scam in Odisha in 2013. 

The Bharatiya Janata party (BJP) has sent out a clear message that it is not with Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) or any elements which are using the issue of compulsion of Marathi language. The timing of a statement made by senior BJP leader Kripa Shankar Singh in this regard is interpreted as an unambiguous signal by the BJP in view of the new political formations likely to take place in the state with an eye on the coming local body elections.  The statement is also viewed against the backdrop of the possibility of MNS and Shiv Sena (UBT) joining hands for the BMC election. MNS leader Raj Thackeray had triggered the agitation for Marathi some time ago though he stopped it after some ugly incidents took place against Hindi speaking sections. Moreover, a few Gujarati residents, also, had to face ire of the aggrieved people on the issue of Marathi and vegetarianism. As the atmosphere was vitiated, the BJP has taken a firm stand, especially as the assembly election is approaching in Bihar. Making the position clear, Singh recalled his long association with Mumbai and said, “Hindi is my mother and Marathi is my Mausi (aunt).” Taking a swipe at those using the language issue for political purposes, Singh lamented that such elements reared their heads when their political existence was threatened. He emphasised that the north Indians in Maharashtra were not merely a workforce but had been contributing towards the state’s development as well.

Tensions have erupted within the BJP West Bengal unit following senior leader and former state president Dilip Ghosh’s controversial appearance at the inauguration of the Jagannath temple in Digha where he shared the stage with chief minister Mamata Banerjee. The temple event had been boycotted by the BJP in light of recent communal tensions in Murshidabad. Ghosh’s presence — along with his wife Rinku Ghosh — was quickly disowned by the party’s current state leadership. BJP state president Sukanta Majumdar distanced the organisation calling it his “personal choice.” Others, including senior leaders Swapan Dasgupta and Soumitra Khan, launched more pointed attacks, with Dasgupta branding the move a “betrayal.” The backlash has reignited tensions between Dilip Ghosh and sections of the BJP leadership, especially those who joined the party after 2021. Ghosh accused defectors of sidelining long-time loyalists like him and also claimed that many grassroots workers have become disillusioned under the current leadership. Ghosh’s veiled remarks were seen as a dig at Suvendu Adhikari. Ghosh pointed out that many had once thrived under Didi’s leadership and lacked the credibility to question him. He urged the party to recall its past alliances with Banerjee during the Vajpayee-era. Despite the controversy, Ghosh reiterated his loyalty to the BJP but cautioned against internal sabotage, blaming leadership failures for the party’s declining momentum in Bengal. He highlighted his own role in the party’s past growth with 18 MPs winning during 2019 Lok Sabha Polls and 77 MLAs during 2021 Assembly Election and questioned why that progress had stalled since his exit from the top post.

By inaugurating the magnificent Jagannath Dham temple in the tourist town of Digha on the auspicious Akshya Trithiya, West Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee has completely stunned state BJP leaders. Many BJP leaders who attacked her for not visiting Murshidabad where Hindus were victims in violence unleashed by Muslims over Waqf Bill wonder if Digha Dham is a ploy to placate the majority community. The lone leader questioning the project is LoP Suvendu Adhikari. He insists that Hindu temples can’t be a state project and talks of his own efforts to restore temples in Murshidabad. The Digha consecration ceremony was held with great grandeur, with sacred water from various pilgrimage sites brought to the temple for the rituals. Several celebrities and prominent figures from West Bengal’s music and film industry, along with political leaders, were present. Constructed in the traditional Kalinga architectural style, the grand structure, developed by the state government at a cost of Rs 250 crore, the dham is expected to emerge as a major centre for pilgrimage and tourism. Mirroring the design of the original Lord Jagannath Temple in Puri, the Digha Dham is spread across 20 acres. BJP sources admit no one wants to criticise the project as Digha is a popular sea resort for Bengalis from Kolkata, especially those who can’t afford time or money to go to Puri. Hitting out at Mamata, BJP leader Amit Malviya posted on X, “This is how Mamata Banerjee appeared at the inauguration of the Jagannath Cultural Centre in Digha. There is no sign of devotional enthusiasm—only a sinister political calculation aimed at salvaging her reputation as an anti-Hindu leader”.  In social media, Didi is already being hailed as the second Bengali Woman after Rani Rashmoni–who had built Dakshineswar Temple associated with Ramakrishna Paramahans–to establish a historic Hindu Temple in Bengal.

When the newly appointed Tamil Nadu BJP chief Nainar Nagendran met with PM Modi he apparently gifted him a statue of jallikattu, the popular bull taming event in Tamil Nadu which the Modi Govt in 2016 had restored by first issuing an ordinance to overcome the Supreme Court ban. Nainar also presented him the famous Tirunelveli halwa and Srivilliputhur’s palgova (a traditional sweet dish). He was accompanied by his son Nainar Balaji. Modi advised Nagendran to focus on revitalising the state unit and prepare for next year’s elections. A number of Modi visits are likely through the year in the poll-bound state. Nagendran also held discussions with Home Minister Amit Shah and FM Nirmala Sitharaman. On X, Nagendran shared how PM Modi “in every word and gesture” conveyed ” his deep love for the people of Tamil Nadu, and his reverence for our ancient and glorious Tamil language”. Meanwhile, contrary to speculation the BJP nominated an old RSS leader and OBC face Pakka Venkata Satyanarayana for the lone Rajya Sabha seat from Andhra Pradesh instead of K Annamalai, former TN BJP chief. Why did Annamalai lose out? It was believed that at this juncture no point would be served by bringing him into the Rajya Sabha with a limited tenure of three years. The party would use him fully in Tamil Nadu until the state elections.

The AIADMK-BJP alliance is not the only cause of anxiety for DMK chief and Tamil Nadu chief minister MK Stalin. Senior ministers in his cabinet are as much of a headache for the chief honcho. While trusted lieutenant and money handler V Senthil Balaji put in his resignation on April 27 after strictures from the top court, so too the education minister K Ponmudy  quit on the same day as he was also under fire for needlessly disparaging comments that drew the ire of a High Court judge who called for a suo motu FIR against him. Did he really need to joke about Brahmin sects and sexual positions and denigrating the whole of womanhood? Brahmin baiting may be fair game for the DMK that evolved out of the Justice Party, but vilifying women outraged a senior woman party leader in Kanimozhi who spoke out. The most senior minister among Stalin’s cabinet colleagues, Duraimurugan, who was just emerging from the woods after a tasteless description of physically challenged people — whom he called ‘nondis’ using an old Tamil term for lame people — when an old case came out of the woodwork to haunt him. A DA case has re-emerged to trouble the minister as the Madras High Court cancelled his acquittal by a lower court. Even the highly regarded IT minister Dr P Thiaga Rajan (PTR) was pulled up by the Speaker for saying in the Assembly that his ministry had no funds to create new IT parks. He was told there must be a better way to approach the government for funds.

On June 14, Odisha chief minister Mohan Charan Majhi will be completing a one-year term in the office. Has the CM who has the backing of the PM delivered? There are mixed reports from the ground. Some are saying that Odia people are fed up with lip service of the Majhi government – the same line “work in progress and grandiose investment plans”. The general feeling is that Majhi has simply tweaked close to two dozen schemes of the BJD government led by Naveen Patnaik. It is a cut and paste job without any value addition –BJD’s colour green has been changed to BJP’s saffron in government buildings and buses. But a clued-in analyst has a different take. He points out that Majhi is considered “accessible CM” in a stark contrast to BJD’s chief minister Naveen Patnaik with whom ordinary people had no access. Besides, it would be inappropriate to compare the two CMs performances — one with 8 months governance record and the other with 290-month dream run. Adding further he says, BJD failed to fulfil their promise of giving bonus of Rs 100 per quintal to poverty-stricken farmers om Western Odisha’s Sohela in Bargarh district. Here, the Majhi government took a decision in just 24 minutes in its cabinet meeting to provide Rs 800 per quintal input assistance to farmers, apart from providing annual financial assistance of Rs 10,000 to around one crore women in the state. But the general lament is that Odia people voted for BJP, so that it effectively weeds out “mafia raj” and “percentage raj” but nothing substantial has happened in this direction. Meanwhile, the BJD has not lost the opportunity to brand Majhi as a “copycat” government.  

The game of one-upmanship between Shiv Sena’s Eknath Shinde and Maharashtra’s chief minister Devendra Fadnavis, that followed in the relief operations for the tourists affected by the Pahalgam terrorist attack, exposed the friction within Mahayuti government. Shinde duplicated the efforts of the Fadnavis government with his parallel visits and relief flights for the stranded tourists there. While Shinde was meeting tourists at Pahalgam, donating to the local Muslim victim and even holding parleys with Jammu and Kashmir’s deputy chief minister, Fadnavis was restricted to paying condolence visits to Pahalgam victim families at Pune. This wasn’t Shinde’s first attempt at duplication of governance; earlier too he had set up parallel medical relief funds in tandem with Fadnavis’ official ones. Shinde may have been cornered within Mahayuti with many of his decisions as CM either being withdrawn, stayed, kept in abeyance or simply rejected but he is not lying quiet and instead seizing the moment like he did at Pahalgam. He is also trying to assert himself as a Hindutva mascot and trying to usurp the advantage enjoyed by the Thackeray cousins even if they were to come together. Shinde’s attempt to carve out his own distinct identity in Fadnavis’ term, is clearly not going down with the man and the party at the helm. The BJP is clearly upset with Shinde’s attempt to hog the credit and not let the landslide majority government have its way. Shinde may be indispensable to the BJP in the run-up to the BMC polls to woo the Marathi manoos vote bank but remains to be seen how this open friction between Shinde and Fadnavis may play out for the Mahayuti in the forthcoming local elections.

The AIADMK supremo Edappadi K Palaniswami (EPS) could not have asked for more. Every wish of his was granted by the BJP that was seeking an alliance in Tamil Nadu with a major party at any cost. The first concession that EPS made in return was in withdrawing the case against Sasikala’s nephew TTV Dhinakaran that he had filed at the height of the battle for the party and its ‘Two Leaves’ legacy symbol. This is the first sign that some sort of rapprochement might come about between EPS and his bete noire O Panneerselvam, who has stood by Sasikala. It is, however, unlikely that any of the Sasikala clan and cronies will be allowed back into the party. At most, they may be accommodated in the seats that the BJP gets from AIADMK. Earlier, the BJP had empowered EPS after it became known that Vijay was bent upon going into his poll debut on his own with his fledgling TVK. EPS and his party have been named the leaders of the grand coalition that the BJP was desperate to cobble together to take on the DMK that has further entrenched its position by being a fierce voice of opposing the ruling national party. Former BJP TN chief Annamalai may have fought tooth and nail to improve the party’s vote share in the Lok Sabha polls but BJP had to ditch him to get EPS on its side. Today, EPS is bold enough to state that there will be no coalition government in TN even if the alliance wins a majority even though Amit Shah had hinted at a sharing of power in the state.

PM Narendra Modi’s ‘Look South’ policy may see former Tamil Nadu BJP president K Annamalai’s induction as Union cabinet minister (Rajya Sabha) or general secretary of southern states (TN, Telangana, Karnataka, Kerala) like Hemanta Biswa Sarma took charge of North Eastern states. Three-time MLA, N Narendran, elected as AIAIDMK MLA twice under Amma’s tenure, turned BJP president of TN playing a crucial role for fostering improved coalition relationship with his former party. Similarly, four to five state BJP presidents are likely to be replaced before BJP announces its national president by the end of this month. Manoharlal Khattar, Bhupinder Yadav are still front-runners for post, even as Manoj Sinha, Dharmendra Pradhan candidatures were seriously considered. Consultations with RSS next week will finalise the name of the next incumbent. An open secret in BJP that Shah effectively was backseat driving BJP’s politics even while JP Nadda held the post, adding grist to rumour mills over his candidature for presidential responsibility. His holding crucial ministries (Home and Cooperation) is the only hitch. Next incumbent will lead BJP’s election juggernaut at the 2029 general elections so appointment will require persuasion of the Hindutva brigade. Pertinent to note here, Nadda was RSS prerogative in 2014 when PM Modi imposed Shah as national president. Shah’s heightened activity of addressing Parliament, visits to Maharashtra, Kashmir and West Bengal on a single day exposed the fact that he runs BJP’s national politics as de facto president. The May-June cabinet reshuffle may see BJP leaders from Bihar elevated with an eye on the forthcoming state assembly elections.

Top Congress leader Sangram Thopate’s decision to join the BJP has dealt a severe blow to the party not just in Pune district but in the state as well. Elected on behalf of the Congress ticket thrice, Thopate lost the recent assembly election. Thopate’s father Anantrao was a staunch Congress worker who had always opposed the domination of his foe Sharad Pawar, who was in the Congress till 1999. Pawar’s efforts to pose a challenge to senior Thopate in Bhor assembly constituency in the district had not been successful. After Anantrao’s demise, Sangram donned the mantle and experienced similar difficulties. So much so that he was never made a minister in Maharashtra. His humiliation was unbearable when his claim to become state assembly speaker was ignored by the high command after then incumbent Nana Patole resigned the post suddenly. Owing to Pawar’s strategy, the Congress party has not been able to influence Pune district’s politics. Still, a handful leaders like Thopate have tried their best to stall Pawar’s monopoly but the Congress party has never acknowledged their single-handed battle. Only recently, former Congress MLA Ravindra Dhangekar in Pune had joined the Shiv Sena led by deputy chief minister Eknath Shinde. Even then, the Congress party had remained silent. Exasperated by such treatment, Thopate has announced his decision to join the BJP, rendering the Congress still weaker in the district which was once upon a time its stronghold.

Shiv Sena leader Uddhav Thackeray has undertaken a sustained plan to rejuvenate the organisation buffeted by continuous desertions by loyal Sainiks over the past two years. Initially, the campaign will focus on Mumbai since the existence of the Sena under him will depend upon who controls the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), the richest civic body in India. The Sena (UBT) has been heading the BMC since 1985. On the other hand, the ruling BJP is equally determined to wrest the control from Uddhav, who is its enemy number one at present. Deputy chief minister Eknath Shinde has been supplementing the BJP’s planning to end the hold of Uddhav in a bid to avenge the treatment he received when he was with him till 2022. As larger planning, Maharashtra Navnirman Sena leader Raj Thackeray is periodically wooed to help the saffron alliance to decimate Uddhav. Assessing the situation, Uddhav has decided to activate his lieutenants to launch efforts to inject  new life into the organisation whose soul is the Sainik at the local level. According to the data compiled by Uddhav, there are over 50000 Sainiks and Shakha Pramukhs who are loyal to him and eager to reestablish the Sena’s hold in Mumbai. Over the past few weeks, he has been liaising with the rank and file so as to give shape to the strategy he will adopt for the BMC polls, likely to take place after the monsoon this year.

West Bengal may be in hot spot over violence in Murshidabad where Hindus were targeted by mobs protesting over the Waqf Act. However, the news of senior BJP leader and a veteran RSS hand Dilip Ghosh’s marriage has brought a lot of smiles. There has been a flood of wishes for him. Many BJP leaders went to his house in a group on April 18 to wish him well. Among them were state president Sukanta Majumdar and Mahila Morcha general secretary Locket Chatterjee. However, no one knows yet whether Leader of Opposition Suvendu Adhikari will visit Dilip’s house or not. Dilip-Suvendu relationship is not very ‘smooth’. Incidentally, Saturday, April 19 is Dilip’s birthday. Although his birthday is officially shown as August 1. But Dilip’s close friends say that his ‘real’ birthday is April 19. Dilip himself is completely against ‘celebrating’ any occasion with pompousness. Dilip turned 60 last year. Ever since his decision to marry has been on the social media, Dilip himself has been indifferent to it. According to sources close to Dilip, when he was a little depressed after losing the last Lok Sabha elections, Rinku was the one who proposed to him to start a family.  A divorcee and housewife, with a son who works in the IT sector, Dilip initially did not agree to the marriage. She admits Dilip took three months, mainly after his mother’s insistence, to decide. A section in the Sangh wasn’t keen that Dilip should get married. Two members of the Sangh had even gone to Dilip’s house! However, Dilip was adamant on his decision. Finally, on April 18, Dilip became a ‘samsari’.

Maharashtra deputy CM Eknath Shinde currently enjoys a special place at the ruling BJP’s table, thanks to the key role he is scheduled to play in the forthcoming crucial BMC polls for them. A straight victory has evaded the BJP in the Rs 59,000-crore budget civic body till date. Politically too, winning the BMC polls for BJP has become crucial since dislodging Uddhav Thackeray from here would truly deliver a big blow to the Uddhav Thackeray Sena and decimate them. Not surprisingly, Amit Shah held a one-on-one with Eknath Shinde at Mumbai for a good half an hour without his own chief minister Devendra Fadnavis in attendance. Shinde has already got down to the task at hand and has been poaching Uddhav’s key supporters quite regularly. Shinde is using the opportunity to get his way around too. Shinde’s men have started grumbling about budgetary cuts introduced by the finance minister Ajit Pawar that have impacted their ministries. Shinde, who had funded many welfare schemes while as a CM, finds many of his schemes being curtailed, folded up or ignored by the Fadnavis government. His pet scheme, the Mukhyamantri Ladki Bahin Yojana, still continues, albeit with many restrictions. Shinde also has Sanjay Raut breathing down his neck, comparing him to a goat with nowhere to go and awaiting his butchering. Unlike the Ajit Pawar’s of NCP, who have warmed up to each other, the Sena factions continue to a collision drive breathing fire and fury against each other.