Will former Tamil Nadu BJP chief K Annamalai quit the party and go on a yatra of the state to establish his leadership? A tough choice when the next assembly election in the state is five years away.  Annamalai is meeting with BJP President Nitin Nabin and other senior leaders of the party in New Delhi on June 2 ahead of his birthday (June 4) during which he is likely to submit his resignation.  Initially, it was believed that the former IPS officer was merely flexing muscle and putting pressure on Central leadership to accommodate him in upcoming Rajya Sabha vacancies. With such pressure tactics unlikely to yield results, it is more likely that Annamalai may have to have live up to his promise of mobilising Tamil Nadu youth. Rise of Joseph Vijay may have inspired him to chart his own course; he is much younger than CM Vijay. With both the Dravidian parties battered by TVK – Annamalai will probably be able to rebuild afresh from their debris. Of course, it will be a tough task. Annamalai has kept a low-profile since stepping down as the TN BJP chief to facilitate the party’s alliance with the AIADMK. He has had several run-ins with Edappadi K Palaniswami (EPS) of AIADMK, and they don’t share a good rapport. AIADMK may have denied Singanallur as EPS did not want Annamalai to contest and emerge as challenger to him in the region. Interestingly both belong to the powerful Gounder community. Annamalai expressed his displeasure over the constituencies allotted to the party. He is believed to have questioned why the BJP agreed to contest in three seats in Pudukkottai district, where it lacks a strong base and asked why strong efforts were not taken to get seats in western Tamil Nadu, where it has a base. Reportedly, BJP leadership is upset with the way Annamalai managed party finances during the Lok Sabha polls. Looks like he runs a trust deficit among Delhi bosses.  

BJP has given a Maharashtra Legislative Council (MLC) ticket for the Chandrapur-Wardha-Gadchiroli seat to a prominent industrialist Arun Lakhani, co-treasurer of Maharashtra BJP for the June 18 elections. His son Sarang Lakhani is engaged to marry Revati, daughter of Supriya Sule on June 20. The Lakhani family has been connected to the RSS. The marriage itself was arranged by political bigwigs in the state.”Supriya Tai sent me a congratulatory message. The reference to the Pawar family is natural because it is a large political family and we are related. I do not see anything unusual in that,” says Arun Lakhani. Revati Sule studied economics at St Xavier’s College, Mumbai and did master’s degree in public administration from the London School of Economics. Sarang Lakhani is currently the executive director at Vishvaraj Group, Nagpur-based group controlled by his father. A badminton player, he has studied management at Columbia Business School in the United States. The buzz around the Sarang-Revati wedding grew after senior NCP leader Sharad Pawar was admitted to a private hospital in Pune following a chest infection early this year. Sarang’s family-owned business group, the Vishvaraj Group, is a company engaged in water sustainability projects, wastewater management and road infrastructure development. He has been involved in the family business for over eight years now. Before joining the family business, he worked as a business development consultant with Modern Hydrogen.

A massive racket to issue birth certificates has come to light following a complaint filed by former BJP MP Kirit Somaiya. The racket reportedly involves over 87,000 bogus records issued between 2024 and 2026. As it may have national security repercussions, investigations have been launched by the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC). So far, these have revealed that the officials concerned allegedly bypassed the mandatory Central government portal to manipulate a defunct internal system. The fraudulent birth certificates were flagged as being generated through an unauthorized SAP system rather than the official Civil Registration System (CRS). The racket was mostly operative in the M East ward (Govandi and Deonar) and Malad (Malvani) areas, previously under scrutiny for sheltering illegal immigrants. A SIT led by the Joint Commissioner of Police (Crime) was established on 5 May 2026, to investigate the perpetration. At least three Medical Officers of Health (MOH) have been suspended by the BMC and FIRs have been registered against some former officials for approving certificates without verification. Mumbai Mayor Ritu Tawde directed the BMC to cancel all such illegal certificates and initiate criminal cases against those officials involved. The scammers exploited technical gaps by continuing to use an old SAP system that lacked the security protocols of the newer CRS portal, allowing unauthorized “corrections.” Somaiya has announced that a special meeting will be held soon with the state government’s health authorities regarding this issue.”Bangladeshi immigrants are obtaining these birth certificates online by using forged documents, he has charged.

The coming Rajya Sabha election to be held on 18 June will impact political equations in Maharashtra as all three ruling Mahayuti partners – the BJP, Shiv Sena (Shinde) and NCP (Ajit Pawar) – are eager to augment their presence in the Upper House of Parliament. As election for the 17 seats on the Maharashtra Vidhan Parishad is also scheduled to be held on the same day, tussle among the three parties has generated intense speculation. It appears that the BJP, the largest member of the tripartite coalition will grab the biggest number. Accordingly, for the Vidhan Parishad, the BJP will contest 12 seats while the Shiv Sena’s share will be of three seats and the NCP will get two slots. Given the numerical position in the state assembly, the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi will not be able to win a single seat provided that there is no cross voting. But that possibility is very remote. While confabulations are underway day and night, all eyes are on firebrand leader Chhagan Bhujbal, a confidant of the late Ajit Pawar. Presently a minister in the government of Devedra Fadanvis, the OBC leader is said to be desirous of entering the Rajya Sabha. However, deputy CM Sunetra Pawar, widow of Ajitdada, is learnt to be not in favour of the idea. Instead, former Union minister of state Subodh Mohite is under consideration though his equation with senior NCP leader Praful Patel is a major factor in the choice as both hail from Vidarbha. Whatever happens, Fadnavis is determined to avert any infighting in the Mahayuti team.

With West Bengal chief minister Suvendu Adhikari relinquishing his Nandigram seat and taking oath as the MLA from Bhawanipore seat, speculation has intensified who will hold the state’s most crucial portfolio, finance.  For quite some time in the social media the name of economist Sanjeev Sanyal has been doing the rounds. A member of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Economic Advisory Council, Sanyal is widely known for his work in international economics and policy making. He has also been associated with global institutions and forums such as the G7 and the OECD. Party insiders claim that Sanyal’s name had earlier been discussed even for the CM’s post. However, the BJP’s central leadership ultimately chose Adhikari, citing his role as the face of the anti-Trinamool movement and his organisational influence in Bengal politics. If Sanyal is inducted into the cabinet, he would need to become an MLA and Nandigram seems the safe option. Currently serving as Chancellor of the Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics in Pune, Sanyal previously worked with Deutsche Bank. After joining the Union Finance Ministry in 2017 as Principal Economic Adviser, he played a significant role in preparing several economic surveys and policy frameworks. He has consistently advocated industrial growth, infrastructure expansion, port-led development, urban modernisation, and ease of doing business reforms. A BJP-linked economist mentioned that Sanyal combines strong Bengali roots with a global economic outlook, where he could play a transformative role in Bengal’s revival through industrial growth. However, Sanyal remains a polarising figure, while supporters view him as a visionary reformer, critics have questioned some of his interpretations of history and his perceived ideological proximity to Hindutva narratives. Looks like the Modi government is looking for a figure capable of tackling Bengal’s long-period of industrial stagnation.

As May 30 nears, political activity in Maharashtra is bound to intensify over the issue of the 2026 Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls, especially against the backdrop of the assembly election in West Bengal. For a variety of reasons, Maharashtra ‘s electoral rolls have become a major point of political clash. BJP leaders in the state have been demanding SIR’s implementation “to clear up bogus voters” on the electoral rolls. On the other hand, major Opposition parties have expressed concerns about the process and its impact on their own vote banks. Trading allegations of manipulation ahead of upcoming elections is expected to begin any moment now that the EC has come out with its timetable. But it will have the imprint of the apprehensions raised by the so-called Bengal Model. For instance, the Maharashtra Congress has expressed concerns that the SIR, being implemented after 22 years, is a “hurried” attempt to follow the pattern in West Bengal, where millions of names were deleted, raising doubts about fairness of the process. Certain Opposition leaders have alleged that the revision is aimed at selectively removing voters from specific communities and constituencies, particularly in major cities. The state-wide exercise will deploy over 3.94 lakh Booth Level Officers (BLOs). There is unease since the logistical hurdles that can occur as it runs parallel with census work will have to be handled by the government. The SIR to take off on May 30 will conclude on October 14. This door-to-door verification aims to clean up the electoral rolls. The BLOs will conduct house-to-house visits between June 30 and July 29, 2026.

  The recent BJP win in West Bengal must be music to the ear of the Odisha chief minister Mohan Charan Majhi. The end of 15-year rule of Mamata Banerjee’s TMC government means the end of perpetual potato shortage crises in Odisha and prices getting stabilised. Political observers say Odisha-Bengal re-alignment also means settling border disputes and help build coastal belt development in Eastern India and also bring out a comprehensive plan to further develop an interstate trade as well. The most significant point emerging now is the potential of new BJP government in West Bengal to address the misuse of Lord Jagannath name. The controversy was generated by Mamata Banerjee’s TMC government by erecting Lord Jagannath Temple in Digha, West Bengal. This saw the influx of Bengali tourists to Odisha drastically falling. The rumour is the new BJP Bengal headed by Suvendu Adhikari may consider modifying the nomenclature of the Digha temple suitably by removing the name Dham. With a BJP government in Bengal many in Odisha believe the long-standing Puri Temple name and logo controversy between Odisha and West Bengal would finally see a solution soon. Sangram Mohanty

Close on the heels of the Congress severing ties with the DMK in Tamil Nadu and extending support to TVK led by Joseph Vijay to form a government, DMK leader Kanimozhi Karunanidhi sent a letter to Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla asking for a separate seating arrangement inside the House. In her letter, she said that in view of the changed political circumstances and in view of the fact that our alliance with the Congress has come to an end, it may not be appropriate for us to continue sitting alongside them in the House. She sought separate seating arrangements for her MPs. Kanimozhi’s requests for separate seating arrangement was reposted on X with interest by BJP national secretary BL Santosh; he had predicted that the Congress surely would end up “with egg on its face”. Meanwhile, Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav took to social media to take a veiled swipe at the Congress after the party’s dramatic political shift in Tamil Nadu triggering fresh questions over the stability of the INDIA bloc. Sharing a photograph from his recent meeting with Trinamool Congress supremo Mamata Banerjee and another picture with DMK’s MK Stalin, Yadav posted on social media: “We are not the ones who abandon each other in times of difficulty.” Though he did not name any party, the timing of the remark quickly drew attention in political circles, especially after Congress walked out of its long-standing alliance with the DMK in TN and extended support to actor-politician Vijay’s TVK. Yadav’s post also came just a day after he met Mamata Banerjee and TMC national general secretary Abhishek Banerjee in Kolkata following the Trinamool Congress’ setback in West Bengal. The meeting was seen as part of broader opposition efforts to reassess strategy after recent assembly election losses.

After Bengal, Telangana is the BJP’s next target in the South? Is it laying the ground to flip a Congress-ruled state? The failure and rejection of BRS, and the unfolding saga of Congress’s rule, ridden by corruption and the non-delivery of promises, have paved the way for the BJP to gear up to set a narrative against the rule of both these parties. In this context, Union Minister Bandi Sanjay’s return has not been ruled out. Sanjay, president of the Telangana BJP in 2023, was considered a powerful orator and succeeded in creating an anti-incumbency wave against the ruling BRS in the state. However, it is believed that his abrupt removal from the post cost the BJP a chance at performing better in Telangana. A long-term plan for Telangana that would carry the party forward beyond any individual is in the works. The BJP is hoping to position itself to capitalise on a possible victory in Karnataka, which goes to the polls just six months before Telangana. Sunil Bansal, master strategist and the BJP’s national general secretary, who is among those credited for delivering Bengal for the party, is expected to visit Hyderabad to give the state leaders a blueprint for 2028, sources say. Nearly a month before Prime Minister Modi’s scheduled visit to Hyderabad on May 10, BJP national president Nitin Nabin and national general secretary Tarun Chugh visited Hyderabad in April, just as Tamil Nadu and Kerala were going to polls. The two leaders met with senior party functionaries and the Telangana Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) sangathan mantri, Chandrasekhar Tiwari. In his maiden visit to the state after assuming office for a third consecutive term, PM Modi will launch infrastructure and industrial projects worth nearly Rs 9,000 crore. At present, the BJP has eight MLAs in Telangana and the same number of MPs from the state.

In a historic shift for West Bengal, the BJP has ended the 15-year rule of the Trinamool Congress, securing 207 out of 294 seats. The TMC was reduced to just 80 seats. As the dust settles on this landslide victory, intense speculation has turned toward who will be the state’s next Chief Minister. Among the contenders, Suvendu Adhikari has emerged as the clear frontrunner. Adhikari pulled off a remarkable feat by winning both the Bhabanipur and Nandigram constituencies. Notably, he defeated Mamata Banerjee in Bhabanipur by a margin of over 15,000 votes—repeating his 2021 success against her in Nandigram. Currently the Leader of the Opposition, Adhikari’s vast organizational reach and “insider knowledge” from his former tenure in the TMC are seen as major assets. However, some analysts point to his relatively recent entry into the BJP and limited proximity to the RSS as potential hurdles. Other key contenders Include: Samik Bhattacharya: The State President is credited with steering the party’s organizational surge. A long-time member of the Sangh Parivar, he is viewed as an articulate leader with high internal acceptability, though he is often perceived to trail Adhikari in terms of mass mobilization. Dilip Ghosh: Retained his Kharagpur Sadar seat with a victory margin of over 9,000 votes. Roopa Ganguly: The former TV star secured a decisive win in Sonarpur Dakshin by more than 35,000 votes. Agnimitra Paul: Delivered a massive performance in Asansol Dakshin, winning by over 40,000 votes. The swearing-in ceremony is scheduled for May 9, coinciding with the birth anniversary of Rabindranath Tagore. Prime Minister Narendra Modi is expected to attend. Party insiders suggest that preliminary internal consultations show overwhelming support for Adhikari among both newly elected MLAs and grassroots workers.

There’s a fear of post-poll violence in West Bengal!  That is why around 50,000 central forces will remain in the state till counting day on May 4. Yet home ministry mandarins acknowledge that their deployment will remain a constitutional challenge without the state government requisition as law and order are state subjects. The CAPF’s operational powers will be legally limited, creating federal tension. Under Article 324, the ECI requisitions central forces to ensure free and fair polling. But once the ballot boxes are unsealed and votes counted that authority begins to fade. The BJP is confident of winning Bengal but fears post-verdict violence, which Amit Shah wants to prevent. A party source said the Union Home Minister who is likely to arrive in Bengal after the election results are announced on May 4, would monitor the situation to avoid a replay of 2021. Shah has already announced that the central forces would remain in Bengal for two months after the election results to prevent post-poll violence. He has sent his deputy and Union minister of state, Nityananda Rai to Bengal even before the exit poll results were announced. BJP Bengal poll manager and Union minister Bhupender Yadav will reach Kolkata by May 2. Apart from administrative vigilance, Shah asked party workers and leaders to refrain from violence during victory celebrations. State BJP president Samik Bhattacharya said, “We want to ensure that what happened to our workers and supporters in 2021 does not happen to anyone this time. We are afraid that TMC workers will attack their own party workers once the BJP wins.,” Both the BJP and Trinamool have issued warnings to each other’s alleged goons over what might happen after the results are declared on May 4. Shah has warned that Trinamool goons will be “hung upside down and straightened out”.

In the 2026 assembly elections CPI (M) in West Bengal is banking on the youth brigade to win a few seats and re-enter the Assembly. It is trying to woo the youth with a development plank, deviating from the TMC, BJP and Congress focus on freebies and doles. It has fielded young leaders across key constituencies, signalling a generational shift. Candidates include Minakshi Mukherjee from Uttarpara, Kalatan Dasgupta in Panihati, Dipsita Dhar in Dum Dum Uttar, Mayukh Biswas in Dum Dum, and Afreen Begum in Ballygunge. Many emerged from student and youth movements with strong organisational work. The party is shifting discourse from identity and welfare politics to issues like inflation, unemployment, education, healthcare and civic amenities. Leaders say the campaign engages youth through direct outreach. Postcard campaign urges voters to reject religion-based appeals and economic and civic issues. Candidates target BJP for polarisation and TMC for corruption and governance failures. The Left Front contests with the Indian Secular Front and CPI(ML) Liberation, with CPI(M) in 195 of 294 seats. Yet Bengal remains seen as a TMC-BJP bipolar contest. CPI(M) says its development focus is on real issues. It notes both rivals attack the Left, signalling relevance. However, it faces an uphill task. After 34 years in power, it lost in 2011, with seats falling from 40 in 2011 to 26 in 2016 and zero in 2021. Vote share dipped, despite minor local recoveries. The defection of Pratikur Rahman to TMC adds pressure. Senior leaders like Biman Bose join padayatras, backing grassroots mobilisation and youth strategy to regain ground. Whether this yields gains is uncertain, but the final push shows CPI(M)’s bid to reinsert itself in Bengal’s contest.

It is understood that Ashok Kumar Lahiri—the distinguished economist and BJP MLA from Balurghat, West Bengal—informed the party high command of his wish not to contest the 2026 Assembly polls. Instead, he expressed a desire to move to Delhi, where his core strengths, talent, and skills could be put to better use. Prime Minister Narendra Modi appears to agree. Lahiri has been appointed as the Vice Chairman of NITI Aayog, replacing Suman Bery. As the Prime Minister serves as the Chairperson of NITI Aayog, this move places the “right man in the right job.” PM Modi reportedly feels that a proven performer like Lahiri can contribute more effectively from Delhi than by nursing his Balurghat constituency. In a recent tweet the PM noted: “His rich experience in economics and public policy will further strengthen the path of reforms in India and the journey towards becoming a ‘Viksit Bharat’.” Seems like PM Modi has gone for a major overhaul of the think tank since 2015. Along with Lahiri, the government has already added four new members: M Srinivas, Abhay Karandkar, Gobardhan Das and KV Raju. Lahiri boasts an impressive track record, including tenures at the World Bank, the IMF, and the ADB, as well as serving as India’s Chief Economic Advisor. Despite these high-profile roles, colleagues describe him as remarkably grounded. Endorsing the selection, Rajat Nag, the former ADB Managing Director, stated: “Ashok Lahiri is a very competent economist with vast experience and international recognition.” Lahiri has shifted to Delhi, met with the Prime Minister, and immediately reported for duty. He has already indicated that his primary focus will be on meaningful policy changes in the healthcare and education sectors—areas he views as essential to achieving the vision of a Viksit Bharat.

AAP MP Raghav Chadha who split two-third members belonging to the AAP in Rajya Sabha and helped party MPs in merging themselves with the BJP, is most likely to get a berth in the Union government.  It is being said Chadha’s switch to the BJP had been in the works for some time. With Punjab assembly elections slated to be held early next year, the BJP wanted Chadha to be on its side to prepare for the elections. At the same time the BJP wanted to ensure that the defectors did not lose much. Or at least they remained as MPs. With more than two-thirds — 7 out of 10 — of the AAP MPs defecting, a figure needed for the MPs to retain their membership in the upper house, Chadha ensured he and his colleagues were safe for the time being. Meanwhile, it is being said Chadha’s continuation in AAP had become difficult ever after Arvind Kejriwal began to take an active interest in Punjab. Particularly after he had lost power in Delhi in February 2025 assembly polls. Besides, Kejriwal also did not want Chadha to play any advisory role to Bhagwant Mann government as he himself had begun to take an active interest in Punjab. It is in this backdrop that reports of Chadha cozying up to the BJP began to do the rounds. Kejriwal removed Chadha as the deputy leader in the Rajya Sabha over allegations of not raising key issues against the Modi government and doing “soft PR” instead. Ironically, when Chadha walked out of the AAP – he had two more MPs as part of the merger — Ashok Mittal and Sandeep Pathak, a former IIT professor. Interestingly, Mittal was the AAP replacement for Chadha’s Rajya Sabha deputy leader post.

The fall of the 131st Constitutional Amendment  (Women Reservation Bill) in the Lok Sabha last week and the BJP ratcheting up attack on the Opposition for not helping in its passage —  complete with PM Modi’s address to the nation, street protests in Delhi and outside Congress leader Rahul Gandhi’s residence – is not helping ordinary BJP karykarta in Bengal fighting the Trinamool Congress (TMC). In fact, BJP sources are quite puzzled as to why PM Modi tried to even bring a women’s quota bill at this juncture in the midst of Bengal polls. That too, when the government was aware it was set to fall? What was the big idea? Atleast in Tamil Nadu, AIADMK chief Edappadi K Palaniswami (EPS) is able to take pot shots at DMK leader M K Stalin for putting the state at a disadvantage in the delimitation gamble. In Bengal, TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee has gone on a disinformation overdrive. It was as if the defeat of the women’s quota bill had given a new lease of life to the TMC. Her campaign has naturally upset the BJP leaders and workers. Mamata, who was fighting with her back to the wall as she had begun to sense hostilities to the TMC among the Hindus, used the defeat of the Bill to describe it as “beginning of BJP’s downfall”. At a rally in Howrah, Didi went on to portray that the BJP had been “defeated” and was surviving in office only with the support of its allies. She was clearly trying to scare potential BJP voters by portraying that the national party no longer mattered in Delhi. Meanwhile senior Congress leader Ashok Gehlot too suggested that the government ought to seek a fresh mandate on the gender issue.

The BJP has intensified its Bengal campaign in the run-up to the April 23 polling, unveiling what party insiders describe as an “all-out strategy” to flood the ground with messaging, mobilisation and leadership presence. Almost 500 rallies, roadshows and meetings will be held across 152 constituencies voting in the first phase, with at least one event in each seat addressed by a senior leader to push last-mile outreach. Union minister and election observer Bhupender Yadav said a Bengal leader will also address at least one rally in every constituency, reinforcing coordination between central and state units. The campaign is led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union home minister Amit Shah, who together anchor the high-decibel push. Modi is addressing around 11 rallies for this phase, while Shah is addressing about 30. Chief ministers from BJP-ruled states, including Himanta Biswa Sarma and Yogi Adityanath, have been deployed to target regions such as border belts and tribal areas. Alongside physical outreach, the party has launched a structured media offensive from April 15, aligning with the Bengali New Year, with daily press conferences focused on manifesto themes and governance critiques of the Trinamool Congress government. The messaging marks a calibrated shift, avoiding direct personal attacks on Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee after backlash in 2021, and instead focusing on governance, economic distress and agrarian concerns. A central campaign issue is the potato crisis, highlighting price crashes, export restrictions and inadequate storage. This year, supply disruptions in Kolkata and price spikes halted inter-state sales. Combined with bumper output, this has hurt farmers even as consumers face volatility. The BJP argues this reflects administrative failure, promising market access and fair prices, while deploying over 700 external personnel to manage campaigns despite factional challenges.

Nitish Kumar stepped down as Bihar CM within a couple of months after being elected for the 10th term as the state’s longest-serving leader — he has been CM since 2000. His exit surprised a number of his close associates. The JD(U) won 85 seats in the November 2025 elections which was a vast improvement from its 2020 tally of 43 seats. It was only marginally behind the BJP’s tally of 89 seats. Yet, for some reason the BJP had made it clear right from the start that it would lead the government even though the election was won in the name of Nitish as CM. It has also been a surprise that there was no serious resistance from top JD(U)leaders to the idea of Nitish being eased out. Which means it was not just the idea of Delhi cabal – Lalan Singh and Sanjay Jha—who were implementing wishes of the BJP game plan drawn up by Union Home Minister Amit Shah, everyone in the JD(U) too had fallen in line. Maybe the buzz about Nitish ‘s indifferent health may have persuaded the JD(U) cadre to accept the move. Nitish has of course resisted pushing his son Nishant into politics — though the son has joined the party. It is being said that the elevation of deputy CM Samrat Choudhary, an OBC (Khushwaha) as the Bihar CM, is being viewed as a perfect transition and successor to Nitish. Samrat essentially comes from the RJD or the Janata parivar mould; he does not belong to the RSS. As for Nitish, it is being said he may not rush for any role at the Centre and is likely to continue as Rajya Sabha MP. As such party leader Harivansh has been appointed as President’s nominee to Rajya Sabha. He is expected to continue as Deputy Chairman of the House.

In a bizarre move, a day after Kerala polling, BJP leaders, a father-son duo P C George and Shaun George launched a scathing attack on the Catholic Church accusing it of working against the NDA in the assembly elections. In what seemed like an exercise to cover up for their own failure in reaching out to the Christians in the state, the Georges attacked the Church for “letting them down”. Shaun’s attack particularly surprised BJP circles in Delhi as the duo were considered far too influential and vested with a lot of importance by BJP Kerala chief Rajeev Chandrashekhar. “So why were the Georges shifting the blame on the Church that too even before May 4 poll results? Are they covering up for their lapses? Sources said if the Church went against NDA, it was only because of the way P C George has been campaigning against the Catholic priests. Son Shaun said he expected the Catholic Church to back the NDA parties for the government’s gesture of pausing the FCRA bill. Well the quid pro quo did not happen. P C George too took on the clergy for personally intervening to canvas votes for the UDF candidate in his Poojnar assembly seat; he sought to know if Church was part of the UDF. More than the Georges, what is worrying the BJP is the fate of NDA candidate from Thiruvalla –Anoop Anthony Joseph — whom PM Modi had personally endorsed as his “dedicated companion” and “right hand man”. It is felt that because of the Georges’ attack on Church and clergy, Anoop could face the heat. Besides, Anoop is also up against the son of a Catholic priest. Will PM Modi’s endorsement for the Keralam boy clinch the seat for him? Only time will tell.

At the end of the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) process in West Bengal, around 9.1 mn names have been deleted from the electoral rolls, but the Election Commission has not disclosed the religious composition of those deletions. Based on its organisational assessment, the TMC claimed that 63% of the deleted names belong to Hindus and 35% to Muslims, indicating a ratio of roughly 2:1, a figure that could be politically uncomfortable for the BJP. The BJP has not questioned the accuracy of the figures but has raised questions about how the TMC accessed such data. TMC’s estimates indicate that in the first phase of the SIR process about 5.8 mn names were removed –around 4.4 mn Hindus and about 1.35 mn Muslims. In the second phase, around 550,000 names were deleted, of which 528,000 were Hindus around 97%, roughly 13,000 Muslims about 2.5%. In the third and final phase, approximately 2.7 mn names were removed with Muslim names outnumbering Hindu names — 1.75 mn Muslims and 835,000 Hindus. TMC alleged that in the process of identifying infiltrators and Rohingyas, people across communities had been subjected to scrutiny and names removed from the voter list. Some observers argued that the deletions should not be viewed solely through a religious lens but also in terms of categories. They said first-phase deletions, largely migration or duplicate entries, contrasted with the third phase where minority names formed the majority of deletions. TMC leaders have indicated in internal discussions that large-scale deletions of Hindu names could have an impact in Matua-dominated areas, where the BJP has performed strongly in the last three major elections.

The BJP has identified 58 Assembly constituencies in West Bengal where it believes a swing of 1.92 lakh votes could change election outcomes. The strategy is based on an internal analysis of vote margins and voter list revisions. According to party sources, the analysis includes constituency-wise data on the vote gap between the TMC and BJP in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, along with the impact of the SIR on electoral rolls. Professional survey agencies prepared the report. In these 58 constituencies, the total vote margin between TMC and BJP in 2024 was slightly over 3.8 lakh. The BJP estimates that shifting 1.92 lakh votes in its favour could overturn results. This requires an average swing of about 3,310 votes per constituency. Party leaders, however, said it is difficult to ensure that the entire shift comes from TMC voters. After the SIR process, about 91 lakh names were removed from the voter list. With an average turnout of 80%, analysts estimate that around 73 lakh votes may not be cast. The BJP assessment indicates that a larger share of this reduction could affect TMC’s vote base. The identified constituencies are mainly in Malda, Murshidabad, Howrah, Hooghly, North 24 Parganas, South 24 Parganas and Kolkata. These areas were strongholds of TMC in previous elections. The report also notes that TMC has large vote margins in 114 constituencies, mostly minority-dominated, which increase vote share but do not add seats. The BJP has 35 such constituencies. In 2024, the “ineffective margin” was about 55.8 lakh votes for TMC and 11.9 lakh for BJP. A similar pattern existed in the 2021 Assembly elections.

In an interesting move TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee charged DMK chief M K Stalin of having tacit understanding with the BJP. This is outrageous, considering the DMK is part of the anti-BJP INDIA bloc that Mamata associates with according to her convenience. The West Bengal CM has been an all-weather friend of the BJP when it suits her.  Like she was part of the Vajpayee government. Maybe just as the DMK too was. However, Mamata felt quite comfortable taking a swipe at Stalin at a public rally in her state this week. The moot point is why did Didi suddenly find Stalin to be BJP friendly? While four states and a Union Territory headed to the hustings in the next few weeks, Mamata feels the Election Commission which she terms as “BJP stooge”, had only targeted bureaucrats close to her for punitive action. The EC had sent many of Bengal’s IAS and IPS officers to TN. She found that several officers including those instrumental in local law enforcement and development initiatives, had been sent to TN as observers. She alleged that out of 510 officers removed as observers across five poll-bound territories, a staggering 500 (approximately) were drafted from Bengal alone. “What are you thinking? Outsiders from Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh will come and (conduct the) vote?” she asked. Meanwhile, as the DMK-led Secular Progressive Alliance and the AIADMK-led NDA battle it out in TN, DMK surprised political watchers by the way it handled the SIR exercise in the state. It did not make a song and dance of SIR, the DMK simply took it in its stride. This may have led an old ally like the TMC to suspect it of being a friend of the BJP!

With polling date fast approaching for the West Bengal Assembly elections, the central investigative agencies have got into their act, summoning candidates from the ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC). Polling for all 294 seats is scheduled in two phases on April 23 and 29. Both the Enforcement Directorate (ED) and the National Investigation Agency (NIA) have intensified probes in respect of four TMC candidates in cases linked to alleged recruitment scams, land-grabbing and a blast investigation. Among those summoned are: Sujit Bose, state’s Fire Minister, contesting from Bidhannaga. He has been asked to appear before the ED on April 6 in connection with alleged irregularities in municipal recruitments. Bose won the Bidhannagar seat in 2021 by around 8,000 votes. The case relates to alleged multi-crore irregularities across 123 municipalities and seven municipal corporations, including South Dum Dum, Kamarhati, Panihati, North Dum Dum and Baranagar, based on a CBI FIR alleging illegal recruitments between 2014 and 2018 in exchange for money. In a separate case, Debasish Kumar, TMC candidate from Rashbehari and a member of the Kolkata Municipal Corporation’s Mayor-in-Council, has been summoned three times within 15 days by the ED in an alleged land-grabbing case. He was questioned for several hours on March 30 and April 3. Senior TMC leader Rathin Ghosh, contesting from Madhyamgram, was summoned on April 9 in connection with 1,500 alleged illegal municipal recruitments during 2014–2018. Manab Kumar Parua, candidate from Bhagabanpur, appeared before the NIA in the 2022 Bhupatinagar blast case. TMC spokesperson Arup Chakraborty accused the BJP of using central agencies to target candidates. He claimed leaders like Tapas Roy, Suvendu Adhikari who joined the BJP are not being investigated.

In May 2024 when Mohan Charan Majhi government came to power he had set an ambitious target of creating over 3.5 lakh new jobs in the state by 2029. Political commentator Ruben Banerjee says going by the current rate of hiring it will take the state government 140 years to achieve that number. According to him, against the promise of providing 65 000 employment in the first two years 2024-26, the Majhi government provided employment to only 39,505 people. However, clued-in political commentators say job creation should not be an issue since Majhi’s Odisha seems quite set to acquire India’s top 5 industrial state status diversifying beyond metal by 2029.  Odisha government is now targeting Rs 5 lakh crore commissioned industrial investments by 2029 from eminent industrial houses like Vedanta, JSW Group, Adani Group, and Tata Steel, IndianOil Corporation, ACME Group, SRF and Bharat Forge thus making a  transition from a largely mineral-based economy to a diversified manufacturing powerhouse.

In West Bengal, the BJP is leaving no stones unturned to come to power. It seems the party has intensified efforts to consolidate support among traditional Left voters, a segment widely seen as having contributed significantly to its electoral rise in the state. Party insiders indicate that the BJP is seeking to retain and expand the gains it made from the Left’s declining vote share, particularly that of the CPI(M)), which saw its support shrink to around 5–6% in the 2021 Assembly elections. According to sources, the BJP has rolled out a booth-level outreach programme aimed at identifying and engaging Left-leaning voters. Local party workers have begun visiting households, making phone calls, and compiling detailed lists of voters perceived to be either inactive Left supporters or ideologically inclined towards Left politics. In several districts such as Howrah, Hooghly, and Purba Bardhaman efforts are underway to persuade disgruntled Left cadres and sympathisers to switch sides, with assurances of organisational responsibilities within the BJP. Former state BJP president Sukanta Majumdar on multiple occasions appealed to Left supporters to join hands with the party, arguing that ideological commitment can be retained while aligning politically against the ruling establishment. Political observers note that the BJP’s strong performance in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections in West Bengal was partly fuelled by an erosion of the Left vote base. The party has highlighted examples of former Left leaders who have transitioned successfully into the BJP. Among them are Khagen Murmu and Shankar Ghosh who are now prominent faces within the BJP. Former Left minister Bankim Ghosh is also part of the BJP’s legislative ranks.

He is a veteran Parliamentarian who opens all the debates from the Treasury bench side. So, it was surprising to see this senior BJP leader, a four-time MP Nishikant Dubey stir a controversy by calling Biju Patnaik, a CIA agent. Dubey is not a loose cannon and this is why clued-in political analysts say it could be BJP’s strategy to assess Odia’s icon Biju Patnaik popularity today.  It did backfire with people from within BJP taking strong exceptions to Dubey’s loose remarks. Some BJD leaders walked out of the Parliament to register their protest. Seeing the backlash, Dubey apologised on X saying  “My thoughts on Nehruji were misconstrued as being about Biju Babu,” It is learnt that PM Modi has intervened to douse the fire. He wrote to Odisha chief minister Mohan Charan Majhi praising Biju babu as a symbol of Odisha’s strength and pride having commitment to nation building. Interpreting Modi’s recent praise for Biju babu,  Odia’s are asking will Modi ever confer Bharat Ratna status to the late Biju Patnaik or is this just lip service praise to bring the temperature down?

It was 2019 when a Karnataka cadre cop waded into the murky waters of Tamil Nadu politics with a dream…to bring the BJP beacon to TN, to get its rightful recognition in this Dravidian stronghold, K Annamalai came in with a vision of Camelot…but today his political survival and special status in the BJP is under a big question mark. The very BJP which nurtured and applauded his strength, is ignoring him. What happened to all that mercurial charisma that made Annamalai, Modi’s favourite (remember he was perhaps the only BJP member who got a one-hour car ride with the PM when Modi drove to the Coimbatore airport). But recently, as the PM was on his way to Kerala, he stopped at Coimbatore airport where a 11-member team was waiting to receive him…BJP’s Women’s Wing leader, Vanathi Srinivasan sounded surprised that Annamalai was not there…did they know that the official list did not have his name! What a profile he had etched in TN… Annamalai was here, there and everywhere …he led padayatras, nursed his Coimbatore constituency and was the inevitable face of the BJP…but in his meteoric rise, he rose in strident speech too … making enemies of the established AIADMK and its chief Edappadi K Palaniswami. The internal warfare and jockeying were in full throttle. So when Annamalai lost the election in 2021, the AIADMK broke the BJP ties. Anticipating the need to keep the alliance going, Nainar Nagendran was made TN Chief. The BJP’s compulsion was to have a respectable presence in TN at any cost. Annamalai had to be downsized to please Edappadi. Now it is learnt BJP is making amends, TN in-charge Piyush Goyal has summoned Annamalai to party office to request him to enter the fray from a constituency of his choice. Will he?  Annamalai is fired by the RSS ideology …this Knight is sure to find his place at the Round Table like Lancelot.

Trouble for the BJP-led Odisha government headed by Mohan Charan Majhi, in power for close to 21 months, never seems to be ending. The latest is the Opposition’s vociferous demand for the resignation of the state health minister over the death toll in the fire at SCB Medical College Hospital in Cuttack which rose to 13.  Ten Opposition parties – Congress, BJD, CPI (M), All India Forward Block, NCP, RJD — and other regional outfits have come together in a rare display of unity against ruling BJP. Massive protest has been organised demanding resignation of Health Minister Nukesh Mahaling. The Majhi government has rejected the resignation demand of the health minister, even as it suspended four of its officials. Naveen Patnaik’s party, the BJD in alliance with the Congress, has made it clear that the protest and agitation are not being withdrawn until the health minister resigns on moral ground. Supporting its argument, BJD sighted the case of its Health Minister Atanu S Nayak who resigned over a similar tragedy in 2016 when BJD was in power.  The BJP has turned the tables on BJD saying that because of lapses during their rule, of not making fire safety arrangements during their 24 years rule, the current accident took place.

This Assembly elections, the BJP has launched a focused outreach to women voters, crafting a candidate list featuring women activists and public figures to challenge West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s strong hold over the women vote bank. Over 15 years in power, Didi has built a strong rapport with women through welfare schemes such as Lakshmir Bhandar and Kanyashree. Notably, ahead of the elections, the TMC government increased monthly assistance under Lakshmir Bhandar. In a strategic shift, the BJP has fielded candidates directly associated with protests against alleged violence or injustice, particularly in cases linked to individuals associated with the ruling TMC. Ratna Debnath, mother of the RG Kar Hospital rape victim, has been fielded from Panihati. Rekha Patra, a key figure in the 2024 Sandeshkhali protests will contest from Hingalganj. Tumpa Kayal, known for leading protests after the 2013 Kamduni rape and murder case in North 24 Parganas, has joined the BJP. Together, Ratna, Rekha and Tumpa represent the BJP’s effort to foreground real-life experiences of violence against women and are expected to campaign across the state, including Bhabanipur, where Opposition leader Suvendu Adhikari is contesting against Mamata. The BJP has also fielded women candidates such as actors Roopa Ganguly, Sarbori Mukherjee, Papiya Adhikary, and advocate Priyanka Tibrewal, who contested against Didi in the 2021 Bhabanipur bypoll after her defeat in Nandigram. Meanwhile, TMC has raised concerns over a reported drop of nearly 57 lakh women voters after the SIR. It claims numbers rose from 3.59 crore (2021) to 3.73 crore (2024), before falling to 3.16 crore (2026), alleging many women were marked “under adjudication” due to marriage, address, or surname changes, effectively excluding them and weakening participation.

Nandigram has once again become a key political battleground. Unlike 2021, the focus this time is on Opposition leader Suvendu Adhikari. Former close aide of Suvendu, Pabitra Kar, switched to Trinamool Congress (TMC) and was given ticket to contest from Nandigram. The defection — timing, messaging and disruption — is a masterstroke by West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee and her nephew Abhishek Banerjee. TMC leaders interpret Pabitra’s candidature as an indication that political equations in Nandigram are changing. The move raises questions about Suvendu’s organisational strength and internal stability. Kar poses a serious threat as he knows the local terrain and Suvendu’s political network from within. BJP leaders acknowledge the challenge admitting that the contest in Nandigram has become more uncertain due to this development, but maintain that Suvendu retains a strong voter base. Kar has grassroots connections, family political presence, and links with local religious organisations. Local BJP unit has admitted that the timing of the defection has hurt perception, though its real impact will depend on ground-level translation. Defections like this can influence booth management, cadre morale, and voter perception. A section of the party believes that local workers may face confusion due to Kar’s shift, affecting campaign coordination. Nandigram has a history of tight elections—Didi lost by just 1,956 votes against Suvendu in 2021.  Nandigram remains politically symbolic and emotionally significant in Bengal politics. Political observers believe that elections here are decided by booth management, local equations, and last-mile outreach—not rallies. Kar’s insider knowledge could influence these micro-level dynamics. For Suvendu, 2026 elections is a different test as he must not only defend Nandigram but also Bhabanipur where he challenges Mamata Banerjee.

In a strategic shift ahead of the upcoming Assembly elections in West Bengal, the BJP has decided to release a comprehensive “chargesheet” alleging decline in various sectors in the state during the 15-year rule of Chief minister Mamata Banerjee. Party sources said that before unveiling its election manifesto, this document will be released on March 28 by Union Home Minister Amit Shah and is expected to outline a series of allegations against the state government in 14 key areas. The chargesheet will not only target Mamata but will also hold her nephew and second-in-command of the party, Abhishek Banerjee accountable. The move signals a recalibration of the BJP’s campaign approach, placing emphasis on alleged governance failures before presenting its Bengal Manifesto in early April. The broader outline of these allegations includes corruption and scandals such as the ration scam, irregularities in School Service Commission recruitment leading to 26,000 job losses, misappropriation in the mid-day meal scheme and also cattle smuggling syndicate. Besides these, the BJP has also levelled allegations on administrative breakdown and political mis-governance, Incidentally, the TMC has already published its manifesto charting out “Didi’s Dash Protigya” (Didi’s 10 Promise). Following the chargesheet, the BJP’s manifesto is likely to outline a range of promises, including increased funding for existing welfare schemes such as Lakshmir Bhandar and Yuva Sathi, development of Singur as an industrial hub, and improved road connectivity between North and South Bengal. Besides, the central leadership is also expected to include the promise to implement the 7th Pay Commission within 45 days of coming to power and payment of pending Dearness Allowance dues.

Food culture has emerged as a parallel campaign theme in the current West Bengal assembly election. The phrase “Mache Bhaate Bangali”, signifying the deep-rooted connection between Bengalis and fish-rice cuisine, has gained prominence in the political discourse. Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee had earlier foregrounded “Bengali asmita” in her campaign. Food habits are now being projected as an extension of that identity. The ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC) has sought to frame dietary practices as part of the state’s cultural fabric, raising concerns that these may come under threat with the BJP’s possible rise in influence. TMC leaders have repeatedly portrayed the BJP as an “outsider” force and flagged issues around “vegetarianism” and restrictions on meat consumption in BJP-ruled states. They have suggested that similar policies could affect Bengal’s established culinary traditions. Mamata Banerjee has alleged “food control politics”, warning that dietary freedoms, including the consumption of fish and meat, may be at risk. The BJP in West Bengal has responded by rejecting allegations of imposing dietary restrictions. State BJP president Samik Bhattacharya said fish and meat would remain part of daily life, while indicating that certain regulatory positions on beef would continue. BJP candidates have also sought to emphasise their connection with local food culture. Campaign activities have included public displays of consuming fish and carrying staple varieties such as katla and rohu during outreach programmes. Leaders including Swapan Dasgupta and Rudranil Ghosh have highlighted their preference for traditional Bengali meals. Bidhannagar candidate Sharadwat Mukhopadhyay drew attention by carrying a raw katla fish during campaigning. With campaigning intensifying, the TMC is expected to sharpen its “outsider versus insider” narrative, focusing on cultural identity. The BJP, meanwhile, is attempting to recalibrate its messaging to counter perceptions of cultural disconnect...

After the Congress roped in Karnataka deputy chief minister DK Shivakumar (DKS) as a central observer for Assam polls, the BJP initially felt the compulsion to rush in Tejasvi Surya, the young MP from Bangalore South to counter the narratives for the ruling party in Assam. However, DKS who initially felt there was “a strong wind in favour of a change,” in the North Eastern State, going to polls on April 9, changed his opinion after a first-hand assessment. One visit to Guwahati made the senior Karnataka leader change his mind. He felt there was no need to spend precious “resources” on campaigns and candidates. He shared his views with top party bosses including Priyanka Gandhi who is handling the poll-bound state. With steady erosion of Congress leaders who were seen making a beeline to join the BJP, DKS found the Congress organisation itself in a precarious position. Exit of a Lok Sabha MP Pradyut Bordoloi just ahead of elections to 126 assembly seats was a clear indication that the rot had set in. The BJP has set the target to form the government for the third term with CM Himanta Sarma at the helm. By making DKS an important part of the Congress battle in Assam, the party had sought to highlight the commitment of a Congressman. Despite differences with Karnataka CM Siddaramaiah, DKS had not betrayed Congress. The Congress wanted to contrast DKS’s commitment to Congress with Himanta Sharma who had quit the Congress to join the BJP in 2015 and became Assam CM in 2021. It also wanted to highlight the success story of Karnataka under Congress. However, with non-fulfilment of guarantees in Karnataka, the Congress will find it difficult to hard sell the Karnataka model in Assam. With or without DKS.

Senior Congress leader P Chidambaram has reportedly emerged as a trouble shooter of sorts for the Congress both in Tamil Nadu and Puducherry, considering the way he managed to salvage and seal Congress-DMK deal for the Puducherry Assembly elections on the last day of filing nominations on March 23. While the Congress will contest in 16 constituencies, the DMK will fight on 14 seats. The understanding comes after days of hard bargaining by the two parties. Both had even filed nominations for all seats triggering a new level of tension. In the 2021 assembly polls, Congress fought 14 seats but had won only six while its ally, the DMK fought 13 and won 2. The All India N R Congress-BJP alliance had captured power. The fallout of the Puducherry settlement is that there are huge queues of ticket seekers at Chidambaram’s residence in Nungambakkam residence, TN. It is all because he is seen as someone who has the ear of Tamil Nadu CM and DMK chief M K Stalin. This notwithstanding the fact that Rahul Gandhi has never cared much for the senior leader. Party sources said it is another matter TNCC chief Selvaperunthugai is also a Chidambaram pick.  However, a section of TN leaders are apparently livid that the Congress sealed an electoral alliance with the DMK. These are pro TVK leaders and have lashed out against Chidambaram for sealing a pact with the DMK. Initially the DMK offered less than Congress’s 2021 tally of 25 seats. The Congress was persistent and often loud in criticism and demanding share in power, leveraging on the possibility of aligning with actor Vijay’s TVK. Ultimately the DMK offered 28 seats, and a Rajya Sabha ticket to the Congress.

The AIADMK finalised its seat-sharing arrangement with allies –the NDA — for the April 23 Assembly elections, by allotting 27 seats to the BJP. Under the pact, the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK) will contest 18 seats, while the Amma Makkal Munnetra Kazhagam (AMMK) 11 seats. The agreement was signed at the AIADMK headquarters in Chennai in the presence of Union Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal and AIADMK chief Edappadi K Palaniswami (EPS). With merely a week to go for the filing of nominations Tamil Nadu BJP in-charge Goyal arrived in Chennai on March 23 to expedite the process of talks among the constituents of the NDA, headed by the AIADMK in the state. Goyal not only reached Chennai, he also made it a point to visit AIADMK party headquarters where the NDA alliance under EPS’s leadership was announced. The visit of a senior BJP leader to AIADMK headquarters not only sent the “right kind” of message about the NDA alliance, it also busted a few myths. A section of the media was critical about the NDA alliance being worked out in Delhi; it panned EPS’s visit to Delhi to meet and discuss with Union Home Minister Amit Shah to draw a roadmap for the NDA alliance. In his interaction with the media, EPS made it clear that he had no inhibition about interacting with anyone in Delhi. Political analysts in Chennai found EPS being very confident about the way he handled his alliance. In fact, by including every shade of opinion and community like AMMK leader T T V Dhinakaran and PMK leader Dr Anbumani Ramadoss, EPS could be holding the key to a rainbow coalition of OBC castes. As for the DMK led secular alliance, one hears its talks with the CPI (M) have hit a roadblock over one seat.

With barely a few days left for nominations to close for Puducherry assembly elections (Mar 23), Congress leaders were hoping for a miracle. They were hoping that there would be some electoral arrangement with actor Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) in the Union Territory. This seemed possible as the party in power — All India N R Congress — sent a message to its partner BJP that it could go alone in the polls. The CM’s Congress colleagues were keen that he break away from the NDA and return to the Congress fold. Jose Charles Martin, the son of lottery tycoon Santiago Martin, had launched his own political party — Latchiya Jananayaga Katchi. But the CM was not keen to include anyone with a lottery background. The CM raised everyone’s hopes in the Congress in TN as he played truant. He had avoided meeting Union Minister Mansukh Mandviya in Puducherry. However, Home Minister Amit Shah ensured all outstanding issues were sorted out and the alliance for 30 seats was finally sealed on March 20. Meanwhile, it is being said Rahul Gandhi has not publicly endorsed the DMK-Congress alliance in TN; it is quite likely that he may not campaign for the alliance. With his close aide Praveen Chakravarty renewing contacts with Vijay, there is a possibility that there could be an informal understanding between the Congress and the TVK in select constituencies in the state. However, more than TN it is the contest in Kerala that is posing a challenge for the Congress. Party sources say return of the Left Front for a record third term is now inevitable with the Congress trailing a good 2% behind. With group clashes coming to the fore, party men feel Kerala can be reclaimed only if the Congress projects a different CM — say a Shashi Tharoor!

It’s a high stakes battle in Bhabanipur between West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee and Leader of Opposition Suvendu Adhikari. Didi will do everything to defend her urban stronghold, while Adhikari — former TMC heavyweight turned BJP leader defeated her in the 2021 Nandigram contest — has entered the fray to challenge her once again. Interestingly, Adhikari will also contest from Nandigram as well. Observers say this could be BJP’s strategy to pin down Mamata to a gruelling local fight in Bhabanipur so as to limit her ability to lead a state-wide campaign. Her presence remains vital for TMC candidates across West Bengal’s closely contested districts. The constituency itself, often called “mini Bharat,” features a diverse demographic where nearly 40% of voters are from non-Bengali communities—including Gujaratis, Marwaris, Punjabis, and Odias—alongside a 20% Muslim electorate. While the seat has leaned toward the TMC since 2011, the BJP is aggressively courting the business community to bridge the gap. The build-up to the April 23 and April 29 two-phase elections has been marked by a fierce dispute over the electoral rolls. Reports indicate over 47,000 names were removed during a special intensive review, with another 14,000 under scrutiny. While the BJP justifies the deletions as a clean-up of duplicate entries, the TMC alleges a conspiracy involving the Election Commission to disenfranchise genuine voters. Despite these tensions, Didi enters the race with a formidable record, having won her 2021 by-election by over 58,000 votes. Her party’s broader list reflects a push for representation, featuring 52 women, 95 SC/ST candidates, and 47 minority representatives.

West Bengal’s upcoming Assembly election will be held in two phases, dividing the state into contrasting political zones, with data from the 2021 Assembly polls and 2024 Lok Sabha segment mapping indicating the battle for power will unfold differently across the two regions. The first phase, scheduled for April 23, covers 152 constituencies across 16 districts, including North Bengal, the western belts, and coastal Purba Medinipur. A retrospective mapping of the 2021 results suggests a competitive landscape where the TMC held 92 seats against the BJP’s 59. While the BJP previously capitalised on anti-incumbency here, 2024 Parliamentary data shows a tighter race; the TMC secured a 52.6% vote share, the BJP 39.5%, and the Congress-Left alliance 7.9%. With an average victory margin of just 9.89%, this zone remains highly volatile. Social demographics add further complexity. Of the 39 constituencies with minority populations exceeding 40%, the TMC’s 2021 clean sweep faced fragmentation in 2024, with the TMC leading in 21 segments, the Congress-Left in 11, and the BJP in seven. Furthermore, voter list adjudication poses a mathematical threat: in 48% of these seats, voters under adjudication outnumber the 2024 victory margins. On April 29, the battle shifts to 142 seats in the South Bengal heartland, encompassing Kolkata and the 24 Parganas. This remains a formidable TMC stronghold; the party won 123 seats here in 2021 and maintained an 80.3% lead in 2024 segments with a wide 15.05% average margin. Interestingly, this region shows high voter deletion rates, averaging 12.7% in TMC-won seats. As the BJP’s strongest areas vote first, the TMC may benefit from a schedule that allows it to consolidate momentum toward its core base in the final.

Ahead of the March 16 Rajya Sabha poll, a complex tug-of-war situation is now brewing in Odisha between BJD-Congress and BJP. Parties are now guarding against possible poaching scenario ahead of Rajya Sabha polls. Already, Congress has shifted nine of its 14 MLAs to Bengaluru and BJD’s Naveen Patnaik has lined up daily meetings with his legislators to guard against possible horse trading. There are five competing candidates spread between BJD-Congress and BJP who are now competing for four Rajya Sabha seats. What seems clear is the growing prospect of cross voting, absenteeism or intentional rejection of votes scenario. This essentially means smooth sailing for Manmohon Samal (BJP), Sujeet Kumar (BJP), the outgoing MP who is now opting for another term and Dr Santrupt Misra (BJD). However, Congress-BJD supported candidate Dr Datteswar Hota seems to be in a tricky situation. He could be facing possible cross-voting and absenteeism scenario. This scenario could make Dilip Ray(Independent) ex-Union Minister win the Rajya sabha seat backed  by BJP’s 79 MLA’s including three independents. Most agree that BJP will have 23 surplus first preference votes for Dilip Ray ensuring he sails in smoothly amidst fluid political situation.

In a strategic move to turf out West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee in the upcoming Assembly poll, the BJP is focussing on her stronghold – women voters. Didi’s Lakshmir Bhandar scheme has proved to be very popular. As a counter to that the BJP has launched Labharthi Sampark Abhiyan scheme which promises to top Didi’s scheme which is currently paying Rs 1,500– Rs 1,700 per month to Rs 3,000 if voted to power. Complementing this, Union Home Minister Amit Shah announced a separate Rs 5,700-crore special fund dedicated to women’s safety, education, skill development, and self-help groups. BJP manifesto committee members emphasize that this fund is an additional empowerment initiative distinct from the monthly cash transfers. To popularise its Labharthi Sampark Abhiyan, BJP has embarked on a massive door-to-door campaign targeting approximately 64 lakh families, or nearly 2 crore voters. Under this strategy, a dedicated committee and district-level teams have appointed a Labharthi Sampark Pramukh at 1,060 booths. Workers are instructed to show that while Lakshmir Bhandar provides roughly Rs 60,000 over five years, central schemes like the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana, Ujjwala LPG connections, and PM-Kisan provide benefits worth up to Rs 4 lakh per family over the same period. The BJP’s internal data highlights a significant reach, noting that 82 lakh families in Bengal have received central benefits, including 18 lakh minority and 64 lakh Hindu households. Within the Hindu demographic, 42 lakh families have accessed at least three schemes, while 35 lakh families have benefited from five. By focusing on direct individual benefits—such as housing, toilets, and piped water—and excluding general infrastructure like roads, the party aims to prove its efficacy. BJP leaders are betting that this “beneficiary-first” model will finally yield a breakthrough in West Bengal.

As the BJP revs up its engine with the high-decibel “Parivartan Yatra”, its ideological backbone, the RSS, is quietly weaving a different tapestry on the ground. Through a strategic public awareness campaign, RSS volunteers are navigating the state’s neighbourhoods in small, discreet groups. Their mission is a classic ground-game manoeuvre: speaking directly to residents about the perceived excesses of West Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee’s administration and the urgent need for Hindu voter mobilisation. This quiet storm aims to challenge the Didi’s long-standing dominance by ensuring a maximum turnout among the Hindu electorate. The narrative being pushed by right-wing leadership, including the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, centres on a dual grievance of economic stagnation and a controversial “appeasement” policy. Sangh members argue that this shift stems from a growing perception that the TMC has favoured a small circle of influential leaders over the broader Muslim community, leaving many to feel like a neglected vote bank. This discontent is reportedly spreading across the socio-economic spectrum, from tribal communities to the traditional Bhadralok class. To capitalise on this, right-wing organisations are eyeing the upcoming Ram Navami celebrations as a pivotal moment for further mobilization. However, a strategic shadow hangs over the saffron camp’s momentum: the lack of a projected Chief Ministerial face. While the BJP central leadership often favours a “faceless” campaign to avoid internal factionalism—a tactic seen in Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh—many within the RSS believe this could be a tactical error in Bengal. They argue that entering the fray without a leader of sufficient public stature leaves the party at a disadvantage against a formidable opponent like Didi.

Ever since the DMK and the Congress firmed up their alliance for upcoming the Tamil Nadu assembly elections, the BJP leadership in Delhi is keen that superstar Vijay and his party – the Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) — should be part of  the NDA in Tamil Nadu. Reportedly, over the weekend, Andhra Pradesh deputy CM Pawan Kalyan, who is also an actor, did share his own experience of ploughing the lonely furrow. Kalyan had gone alone to the polls with Janasena Party in 2019. He impressed upon TVK chief Vijay…what the prospect of the TVK would be if he were to join the NDA alliance. What it could mean for TN politics in this round of assembly elections — Vijay’s dream of routing the DMK would now become achievable. He could become deputy CM like him or achieve the status of what the late DMDK chief Vijaykanth had achieved in 2011. “As of now the AIADMK led BJP already has an edge in the polls. However, if Vijay’s TVK joins the NDA, the alliance will sweep the polls. Maybe it will win 200 out of 234 seats”, said an analyst. Meanwhile, the DMK has got so desperate about a comeback that it has even begun to widely publicise the community — Dalit fisherman — of a Rajya Sabha MP candidate it is going to elect on March 16. While joining NDA may help Vijay to sort out Karur tangle straight away, it is being said there are elements in TVK like his close aide John Arokiyasami who may not like him to team up with the NDA. John is an ex-associate of Prashant Kishor from his I-PAC days.

An unprecedented political confrontation between the President Droupadi Murmu and West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has become an election campaign issue with both BJP and TMC framing the debate around tribal identity ahead of the Assembly elections. The BJP has attacked the ruling TMC over what it calls an “insult” to President Murmu, India’s first tribal woman President while Mamata has accused the BJP of exploiting the President politically for electoral gains.  The focus has shifted from the SIR issue to tribal representation. The BJP is targeting tribal-dominated constituencies, where it had made gains in the 2019 Lok Sabha poll in Jangalmahal but lost ground to TMC in the 2021 Assembly elections. In the 2024 Lok Sabha election, TMC recovered three seats in western West Bengal — Bankura, Jhargram, and Medinipur. While only 16 of West Bengal’s 294 Assembly constituencies are reserved for Scheduled Tribes, at least 52 constituencies across Birbhum, Hooghly, Purba Bardhaman and Paschim Bardhaman have significant tribal populations, making the issue electorally relevant beyond reserved seats. Some TMC leaders feel Didi’s strong reaction against President Murmu, might have been better measured, as it risks alienating some tribal voters at a time when BJP is actively capitalising on every opportunity. Political analysts predict the confrontation will continue. Other issues, including the SIR debate and rising cooking gas prices, may fade as the President-CM dispute will dominate West Bengal’s political narrative.

Odisha politics is now witnessing a rare twist with BJD joining hands with Congress, CPI(M) to block BJP in forthcoming Rajya Sabha polls. Political observers say the chess board for the forthcoming Odisha Rajya Sabha election battle is almost getting ready. Sources say, this week’s joint appearance of BJD supremo Naveen Patnaik with Congress and CPI(M) leaders, signals a potential shift in BJD and Odisha’s political alignment beyond forthcoming Rajya Sabha polls. The speculation so far is BJP’s Odisha state President Manmohon Samal will make it to Rajya Sabha and so too BJP’s sitting Rajya Sabha MP Surjeet Kumar. Similarly, BJD’s Santrupt Misra who has declared Rs 595 crore assets is also expected to have a smooth sailing. The fight between BJD-Congress candidate Dr Datteswar Hota against Dilip Ray a hotelier turned politician is getting intense. Ray had earlier worked under three Prime Ministers including handling the portfolio of Union Minister of Steel, Coal & Parliamentary Affairs. Expressing confidence, Dilip Ray said he expects to win the contest despite not having the required magic number of 30 first-preference votes in his favour. The election is on March 16 and the results will be declared the same day.

When Nitish Kumar, JDU president and Bihar Chief Minister, filed the nomination papers for the March 16 Rajya Sabha election on March 5 making a big shift from the Assembly to the Parliament after two decades of leading the Bihar Govt there was a sense of unease. On X, Nitish gave a very odd reason to quit the state political scene. He said wanted to become a Rajya Sabha MP after having been a MLA, MLC and Lok Sabha MP. It is being said that the JDU chief who has been elected as Bihar CM for 10 terms, had begun to feel the pressure to move on soon after the November 2025 Bihar assembly polls. JDU sources concede that Nitish’s fate was written into the script of Bihar results. Collapse of the RJD at the hustings, where it won a humble 25 seats, left Nitish with very little option to do a flip-flop or do a paltu ram. It was also said during the polls, the JDU strongholds had not backed the BJP adequately. Notwithstanding this, the BJP finished first with 89 seats and JDU bagged 85. To resist BJP pressure, Nitish began exploring an alternative in January itself. He tried to persuade Upendra Khushwaha to merge his party RLSP with 4 MLAs with JDU. Khushwaha didn’t respond as he may merge his party with the BJP. “To get a majority in Bihar Assembly, a ruling combine must have the support of 122 MLAs. Nitish realised he was getting nowhere near the magic figure. That is when he threw in his towel,” pointed out an old colleague. The BJP, had its own reason to effect change. The most important being Nitish was increasingly moving away from governance. Blame it on his failing health, power and decision-making was apparently being left to the state Chief Secretary.

Congress leader Rahul Gandhi may be a die-hard critic of PM Modi but also seems to be his closet admirer. At least, he has admired the way Modi along with Home Minister Amit Shah — the top BJP duo — have been running BJP affairs. It is in keeping with this Modi-Shah playbook that Rahul Gandhi has attempted to pick Congress nominees for six Rajya Sabha seats across states. Rahul’s choices have surprised partymen. Except in Telangana where Rahul has opted to go along with CM Revanth Reddy’ choice — nominating   Abhishek Manu Singhvi and Vem Narender Reddy — and in Himachal too he has relied on CM  Sukhwinder Singh Sukhu’s choice of district level party office bearer Anurag Sharma. What has surprised Congress leaders is the way Rahul has played Dalit card in both Haryana and Tamil Nadu. In Haryana he has fielded a former state Govt employee Karamvir Singh Boudh. It is being interpreted as a message to feuding Congress leaders. That is Boudh is probably the one person who may be able to bring together former CM Bhupinder Hooda and senior leader Kumari Selja. What happened in TN takes the cake. After P Chidambaram managed to improve the seat offer from 25 to 28 and get one Rajya Sabha seat, expectation was that the party would field a high-profile candidate like Rahul’s close aide Meenakshi Natrajan. However, choice of Christopher Tilak, AICC Secretary, handling North East, has come as shock. It is being said Tilak had made phenomenal rise in the party. Party circles are stunned that Tilak moved from being office assistant to a AICC functionary to Rahul’s core group. The moot point is why has Rahul chosen to play  Dalit  Christian card in TN? That too after playing footsie with TVK’s Vijay?  Is Congress trying to checkmate TVK? ” At this rate 2029 is out of bound for us,” rued a Congress leader.

The BJP’s much-publicised Parivartan Yatra in West Bengal will be flagged off on March 1 by the Union Home Minister Amit Shah from Raidighi in South Bengal, a stronghold of the ruling TMC. The two-day mobilisation –March 1—2 — will span nine of the BJP’s 10 organisational divisions in the state. The Kolkata Metropolitan division has been excluded, as it is tasked with organising the party’s concluding Brigade rally. The decision to have Shah launch the yatra from Raidighi is politically significant. The area falls within South 24 Parganas, a district that has stood firmly behind TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee since 2008 — even before she came to power in 2011. In the 2008 panchayat polls, the TMC wrested the South 24 Parganas Zilla Parishad from the Left Front. In the last Assembly elections, the party won 30 of the district’s 31 seats; only Bhangar went to the ISF. Raidighi is under the Mathurapur Lok Sabha constituency, while TMC national general secretary Abhishek Banerjee represents neighbouring Diamond Harbour in Parliament. Joining this yatra will be eight central leaders and nationally prominent BJP faces marking an unprecedented concentration of the party’s top leadership in West Bengal. The two-day event will be attended by Union ministers like Rajnath Singh, Shivraj Singh Chauhan, Jagat Prakash Nadda, Dharmendra Pradhan, Annapurna Devi including Maharashtra CM Devendra Fadnavis. Newly elected BJP national president Nitin Nabin will be present on both days. Five years after its high-profile “joining fairs” ahead of the 2021 polls, the BJP is avoiding mass inductions. Instead, it is banking on a concentrated show of organisational strength to signal its intent to breach what the ruling party calls its most impregnable fortress.

The Election Commission announced biennial elections for 37 seats of the Rajya Sabha in 10 states. In West Bengal there will be a contest for five seats on March 16. The Bengal BJP unit is hopeful of increasing its tally to the Upper House to three from the present two. Currently, two Rajya Sabha members are: Ananta Maharaj and Samik Bhattacharya. Sources indicate that the Bengal BJP is keen to nominate a prominent woman leader. However, consensus remains elusive, with two factions backing rival candidates. The camp led by senior leader Dilip Ghosh, along with Bhattacharya, is understood to be supporting Locket Chatterjee, former MP from Hooghly. While Leader of the Opposition Suvendu Adhikari is rooting for Agnimitra Paul, the MLA from Asansol Dakshin. Party insiders say the choice will not only determine representation in the Upper House but also signal which faction holds greater sway within the State unit. Paul’s candidature, however, has drawn scrutiny. During recent outreach initiatives in parts of Raniganj’s Egara area and Damra, she reportedly faced “go back” slogans from sections of residents. Local grievances have centred on alleged gaps in development in Asansol Dakshin, including drinking water supply and drainage infrastructure. Questions have also been raised in some quarters over the utilisation of MLA funds. Both contenders have faced electoral setbacks.  Paul suffered a heavy defeat to TMC’s Shatrughan Sinha in the Asansol Lok Sabha by-election, while Chatterjee lost the Hooghly seat to Rachana Banerjee in the 2024 Lok Sabha polls. With the March 16 election approaching, the final decision is expected from the party’s central leadership soon.

Bhiwandi near Mumbai is a communally sensitive town. It has been in the news after the recent civic election in Bhiwandi had dispensed a mixed mandate and political permutations and combinations were cooking for the past few days. Ultimately, the BJP has turned out to be the loser in the mayoral election, which it lost miserably. Interestingly, there is no communal angle to this contest but the loss is due to the power play between the BJP and the Shiv Sena (Shinde), the two main partners of the ruling Mahayuti in the state. As neither party was ready to relent, BJP’s Narayan Choudhary deserted it and teamed up with Bhiwandi Secular Front, which is opposing the saffron forces. The cause of this decision was that he was refused mayoral candidate by the BJP, which fielded Sneha Patil. An angry Chaudhary was supported by six BJP rebels, 30 Congress members and 12 of the NCP(SP). His tally of 48 against Patil’s 16 has shown the BJP in poor light since it failed to woo former mayor Vilas Patil, whose Konark Front won 25 votes, a dozen from the Shiv Sena led by deputy CM Eknath Shinde. Thus, failure to forge a strategic alliance has cost Mahayuti an important municipal corporation in Maharashtra. Moreover, the Congress is in a celebratory mood for humbling the BJP, which has threatened to take stern action against the rebels. Congress corporator Tariq Momin has been elected deputy mayor with a comfortable majority.

With four Odisha Rajya Sabha seats falling vacant, political buzz in Odisha has intensified. BJD and BJP are now locked in a tough fight ahead with heavy lobbying for the four Rajya Sabha seats. The main issue is which party will win how many seats and which candidates will be Naveen Patnaik’s final choice as nominations are slated to be closing on March 5,2026 and March 16 being the deadline for Rajya Sabha voting results.  BJD leadership is expected to make a decision on their official nominee for the 2026 election. According to a political analyst, BJP is likely to win two seats and BJD one seat, while none of the parties have the numbers to secure the fourth seat as yet. For the fourth Rajya Sabha seat, speculation is rife that both BJD and BJP may go in for consensus candidate — an eminent Odia personality. Sources say that former corporate honcho turned BJD politician Santrupt Mishra believed to be close to Naveen babu could be one of the dark horses. His suave corporate personality, excellent communication skill and being a team player could inspire confidence with BJD supremo to give him a ticket. The only problem he faces is that some BJD leaders are now pushing for time tested experienced BJD leaders for Naveen’s consideration, putting a road block for inexperienced newcomers. The other name doing the rounds is that of Sujata R Karthikeyan, ex-IAS, former Mission Shakti Chief of BJD’s powerful women wing and wife of Patnaik’s man Friday VK Pandian. This is because Patnaik trusts the Pandians totally. All in all, the political situation is fluid today. For the fourth seat both BJP and BJD will need to come to an understanding as Congress has only 14 MLAs.

The AIADMK-BJP alliance that is planning to expand ahead of the polls has managed to rope in the DMDK. Aware that even the smallest percentage of votes may prove significant in what is expected to be a close-run race, the BJP was keen on getting Vijayakanth’s party on board. The necessary arrangement to offer them six seats plus a promise to give a Rajya Sabha MP seat, which is expected to be concrete this time, has been made and the announcement of the tie-up is expected any time soon. The BJP, driven by Amit Shah taking a personal interest in the Tamil Nadu polls thanks to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s determination to make an impact in the state, is extra keen to make every bit of alliance arithmetic to work. The other side is also planning to swing small vote percentages away from the AIADMK combine by encouraging Sasikala to form a new party and contest at least 40 crucial seats where her Mukkulathor (Thevars) connections can swing some votes of the community away from the AIADMK. The high stakes, no-holds barred campaign for power is so primed up now as to bring about this do-or-die fight. In fact, the AIADMK-BJP led alliance is also quietly watching the Vijay campaign as the odds are that the cinema star will take away more votes from the traditional DMK voter base. All parties have made Vijay and his TVK the villains in the poll drama, but some are enjoying his vote cutting presence.

With the West Bengal Assembly elections just months away, political battle has acquired a sharper digital edge. The principal rivals — TMC and BJP — are not only trading barbs at rallies but are also locked in a parallel battle across social media platforms, where videos, satire and personal controversies are swiftly reframed as political statements. What distinguishes this election cycle is the central role of content creators. YouTubers, podcasters and self-styled influencers are increasingly shaping narratives, with their content amplified by party ecosystems, blurring the line between independent commentary and partisan mobilisation. Two recent, unrelated controversies involving Bengal-based creators illustrate how combustible the intersection of identity politics, personal disputes and electoral timing has become. The first involved actor and YouTuber Sayak Chakraborty, who alleged in a viral video that a Muslim waiter at Olypub deliberately served him beef instead of mutton, calling it an affront to his Hindu Brahmin identity. Though the video was later deleted, it spread widely and triggered protests by fringe Hindutva groups in Kolkata. The waiter was initially arrested, while a counter FIR was filed against Chakraborty for allegedly instigating communal disharmony. Following social media protests by sections of civil society, the waiter was granted bail. BJP leaders amplified the clip, turning a restaurant dispute into a communally charged controversy. Soon after, 25-year-old content creator Shamik Adhikary, known online as ‘Nonsane’, was arrested days after releasing a sharply worded Bengali political satire titled Button. His girlfriend accused him of sexual violence and wrongful confinement. The BJP characterised the arrest as political retribution by the TMC government, with senior leader Amit Malviya sharing the satire and alleging suppression of dissent. In both cases, viral content triggered outrage, partisan amplification followed, and original facts...