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Rise of the BJP in West Bengal in 2026 was fulfilment of a long-cherished wish of the national party. Consolidation of Hindu votes in favour of the BJP to oust Trinamool Congress (TMC) for 15 years of its misrule was something that was waiting to happen. Though it is not clear what is the immediate trigger to push Mamata Banerjee government out, everyone agreed that cut money was getting a bit too much to bear. It was affecting even the common man. Little wonder that Mamata got defeated even in her own Bhabanipur constituency to arch rival Suvendu Adhikari of BJP. A senior Congress leader says, “Everyone had become so sick and tired of the corrupt TMC set-up that they wanted to get rid of its misrule. They wanted to give the BJP a chance.” It was also felt only PM Modi was capable of overcoming the minority veto power as he had managed to do so in UP, Bihar and Assam — three states that have sizable Muslim populations. “Since 2014, Modi had managed to unite Hindus and make Muslim vote not determine election outcome. He seemed to have a way of uniting Hindus for a common cause. That is what he had achieved in Bengal. It is in this context that BJP victory in Bengal is important,” pointed out a Sangh ideologue. He referred to provocation of a Bangladeshi lawmaker Akhtar Hossain warning of a potential refugee crisis if the BJP came to power in West Bengal. He had aired his concerns in the Bangladesh Parliament about repatriation of illegal Bangladeshis residing in India if BJP came to power in Bengal. But then why did women in Bengal choose to trust PM Modi, even if he had not fulfilled all the promises made to the Matuas in the CAA? Is it because BJP still seemed a decent bet? Possibly.
Sun Pharmaceutical’s ambitious $11.75 billion acquisition of U.S.-based Organon & Co has effectively reset the benchmarks for the Indian pharma sector. As the largest outbound acquisition in the industry’s history, the Dilip Shanghvi-founded company has solidified its global footprint across Europe, China, Canada, Brazil, and the U.S. through the newly formed Sun Pharma America Inc. Beyond doubling revenue and enhancing EBITDA margins, the deal is a strategic play to position Sun Pharma as a top-three global leader in women’s health and a top-ten player in biosimilars. This shift significantly diversifies Sun’s revenue stream, reducing its dependence on the domestic Indian market, with U.S. revenues projected to rise by $1.4 billion. Industry insiders note that the “easy win” era of small molecules and standard generics has ended. To remain competitive, the sector is pivoting toward heavy investment in complex generics, specialty medicines, and branded products. Analysts predict Sun’s move will trigger a wave of reactionary M&A activity as other Indian giants eye their own global acquisitions.
There’s a fear of post-poll violence in West Bengal! That is why around 50,000 central forces will remain in the state till counting day on May 4. Yet home ministry mandarins acknowledge that their deployment will remain a constitutional challenge without the state government requisition as law and order are state subjects. The CAPF’s operational powers will be legally limited, creating federal tension. Under Article 324, the ECI requisitions central forces to ensure free and fair polling. But once the ballot boxes are unsealed and votes counted that authority begins to fade. The BJP is confident of winning Bengal but fears post-verdict violence, which Amit Shah wants to prevent. A party source said the Union Home Minister who is likely to arrive in Bengal after the election results are announced on May 4, would monitor the situation to avoid a replay of 2021. Shah has already announced that the central forces would remain in Bengal for two months after the election results to prevent post-poll violence. He has sent his deputy and Union minister of state, Nityananda Rai to Bengal even before the exit poll results were announced. BJP Bengal poll manager and Union minister Bhupender Yadav will reach Kolkata by May 2. Apart from administrative vigilance, Shah asked party workers and leaders to refrain from violence during victory celebrations. State BJP president Samik Bhattacharya said, “We want to ensure that what happened to our workers and supporters in 2021 does not happen to anyone this time. We are afraid that TMC workers will attack their own party workers once the BJP wins.,” Both the BJP and Trinamool have issued warnings to each other’s alleged goons over what might happen after the results are declared on May 4. Shah has warned that Trinamool goons will be “hung upside down and straightened out”.
The Congress party in Maharashtra has become a laughing stock since it is facing the ignominy of withdrawing from an electoral contest for the third consecutive time in a span of just a couple of months. Senior Congress leaders are feeling embarrassed since the party has been forced to eat its own words without extracting any concrete promise from the Nationalist Congress party (NCP) or the Shiv Sena (UBT) about the forthcoming elections in 2028. The focus of the ridicule is state Congress president Harshwardhan Sapkal, who has fallen flat on his face after showing bravado every time. So much so that many of his party workers openly ask if he is making such important announcements on his own or without getting the high command’s clearance. Sapkal had to announce withdrawal of his party candidate from the Rajya Sabha fray earlier this year, to make way for unopposed election of NCP boss Sharad Pawar. Soon thereafter, he was compelled to declare that the Congress party will not contest against deputy CM Sunetra Pawar for the Baramati assembly byelection. He was made to change his stand immediately after warning the ruling Mahayuti that no walkover will be given to Sunetra. The latest insult Sapkal has suffered has happened in the biannual Vidhan Parishad election in which Sena leader Uddhav Thackeray unilaterally announced the candidature of his party Ambadas Danve. This caught Sapkal totally unprepared as even his own party leaders distanced themselves from his hasty behaviour. Thus, the Congress that ruled Maharashtra for decades till just a dozen years ago is considered a fringe party now, with Sapkal facing the blame for its decline.
One question that is haunting chattering classes in Delhi is whether Kerala polls will sound the death knell of the Left Parties in India? Will the Left Democratic Front be voted out of its last safe haven from India? After being voted out of Tripura, Bengal, will the Left lose its bastion in Kerala after a successful two-term run under CPI(M) stalwart Pinaryi Vijayan? Or maybe survive to last a third term on a slender margin. Many Communist leaders are worried! In spite of many scandals, Left leaders are hoping that LDF is voted back. As far as the Lok Sabha is concerned, the Left Parties had their best showing in the 2004 election winning over 60 seats. Today, their strength lies less in widespread electoral success and more in isolated strongholds, alliances, and cadre-based networks. If there is one state where the Left still governs with authority, it is Kerala. The state has a long history of communist politics, dating back to 1957 when the world’s first democratically elected Communist government was formed under EMS Namboodiripad. Five exit polls’ results show the United Democratic Front (UDF), a coalition led by the Congress in Kerala, dethroning the LDF government led by Vijayan, who ruled the state for the last 10 years. In fact, Vijayan’s victory in 2021 was an aberration of sorts. Kerala has had the long-standing practice of alternating between voting for the LDF and the UDF. Kerala’s Left has sustained itself through welfare governance, strong public health and education systems, and disciplined party organisation. Even if it loses ground in the assembly election, the CPI(M) still has a chance of returning to power, given the state’s electoral history.
Despite frequent news stories suggesting that Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Uddhav Thackeray is inching closer to chief minister Devendra Fadnavis, the possibility has been discounted outright by the latter, once again. The CM said in an interview that the Mahayuti led by him already has 235 MLAs in the 288-member state assembly. “Hence, there is no scope to accommodate anymore,” Fadanvis said. As the Maharashtra Vidhan Parishad election concluded on April 29 by electing all nine candidates unopposed, the talk got traction once again that a post-midnight meeting between the two leaders had led to this momentous development. However, Fadnavis said no such meeting had taken place. On the other hand, Uddhav appears to have softened his criticism of Fadnavis in particular and the Mahayuti in general. This is linked with the conflicting policies adopted by the other two Maha Vikas Aghadi parties – the NCP led by Sharad Pawar and the Congress. Over the past several months, no convergence is seen within MVA. Even within the Sena (UBT), discontent is noticed over the candidature of former council LoP Ambadas Danve for another term of the upper house. In fact, Uddhav himself was urged by MVA leaders to contest but he did not. Deputy CM Eknath Shinde was making preparations to field a candidate against him in case Uddhav chose to face the election. After Uddhav declared that Danve will be the candidate, Shinde taunted him by saying, “Some people make others fight.” After the lacklustre performance in the assembly and local body elections in Maharashtra, the Sena (UBT) has witnessed a steady outgoing from its ranks. Uddhav and son Aaditya Thackeray are thus facing the prospect of rebuilding the party organisation, considered an uphill task in the given political frame.
In the 2026 assembly elections CPI (M) in West Bengal is banking on the youth brigade to win a few seats and re-enter the Assembly. It is trying to woo the youth with a development plank, deviating from the TMC, BJP and Congress focus on freebies and doles. It has fielded young leaders across key constituencies, signalling a generational shift. Candidates include Minakshi Mukherjee from Uttarpara, Kalatan Dasgupta in Panihati, Dipsita Dhar in Dum Dum Uttar, Mayukh Biswas in Dum Dum, and Afreen Begum in Ballygunge. Many emerged from student and youth movements with strong organisational work. The party is shifting discourse from identity and welfare politics to issues like inflation, unemployment, education, healthcare and civic amenities. Leaders say the campaign engages youth through direct outreach. Postcard campaign urges voters to reject religion-based appeals and economic and civic issues. Candidates target BJP for polarisation and TMC for corruption and governance failures. The Left Front contests with the Indian Secular Front and CPI(ML) Liberation, with CPI(M) in 195 of 294 seats. Yet Bengal remains seen as a TMC-BJP bipolar contest. CPI(M) says its development focus is on real issues. It notes both rivals attack the Left, signalling relevance. However, it faces an uphill task. After 34 years in power, it lost in 2011, with seats falling from 40 in 2011 to 26 in 2016 and zero in 2021. Vote share dipped, despite minor local recoveries. The defection of Pratikur Rahman to TMC adds pressure. Senior leaders like Biman Bose join padayatras, backing grassroots mobilisation and youth strategy to regain ground. Whether this yields gains is uncertain, but the final push shows CPI(M)’s bid to reinsert itself in Bengal’s contest.
In Tamil Nadu, the voter’s turnout was massive…a roaring phenomenon never seen before, defying psephologists, political analysts and journalists of every hue, even defiant astrologists. Whichever party is stacked and predicted as the winner, one personality is evading categorisation and classification. The Johnny-come-lately superstar Vijay who managed to cover his Christian calling artfully. Even as vote counting day nears like the apocalypse for many candidates and parties, TVK’s Vijay is the subject of reams of analyses and paralysis of who he really is. One article in a well-known Tamil digital site by Rajan Kurai Krishnan (a PhD in anthropology from Columbia University, NY) is an eye-opener. Enigma or canny pretence to political sagacity? Will the huge crowd pulling translate into a messiah has arrived? Is he fooling the people all the time or is he fooling himself about his draw? Is our politics and governance so simple that any Tom, Dick or Ramaswamy can blow a conch and anoint himself as Lord Krishna. Vijay has cleverly managed to keep off the nosey press and artsy analysts from getting him to talk seriously about his agendas. Does he think he is the second coming of MGR? The DMK and AIADMK powered by the sagacity and wisdom of leaders like Annadurai and Karunanidhi, parties that have amassed staying power are not to be easily unseated by a greenhorn. But who knows…may be TN is that litmus test to prove all logic wrong, to usher in a showman ….let the show go on, the audience is impatient.
April 20 raised the summer heat some notches higher when the teaser of Ayushmann Khurrana’s Pati Patni Aur Woh Doh was unveiled. The expectation and salivation promised to stay charged with a teaser focused on a zany comic and clandestine cat escapade. Whatever changes in the world, men straying in marital bonds and coveting parayadhan is not going to change. Khurana not only juggles one temptation, but teaches how to juggle a third one too…reminding us of the Hollywood 1967 Tony Curtis, Claudia Cardinale comedy Don’t Make Waves …“one in the air, one landing and a third, pending”. Prajapathi Pandey is the lucky hero who gets to romance three ladies …Sara Ali Khan, Wamika Gabbi and the delightful Rakul Preet Singh who fight like cats on a hot tin roof over him, yet want to tear him to pieces for this talent. Vijay Raaz, playing the police officer, is bound to bring the roof down with his tongue in cheek interrogation of Pandey ..“You got caught with one, the other rushed in to extricate you..the third bird, is she a friend too?” Tigmanshu Dhulia and Vishal Vashishtha play interesting characters as foils. A Mudassar Aziz directed comedy of errors, T Series and PR Studios have collaborated to bring this Zany Zappy complicated three-cornered love triangle. You will have to wait till May 15 to get lessons on how to stray even as you remain married.
It is understood that Ashok Kumar Lahiri—the distinguished economist and BJP MLA from Balurghat, West Bengal—informed the party high command of his wish not to contest the 2026 Assembly polls. Instead, he expressed a desire to move to Delhi, where his core strengths, talent, and skills could be put to better use. Prime Minister Narendra Modi appears to agree. Lahiri has been appointed as the Vice Chairman of NITI Aayog, replacing Suman Bery. As the Prime Minister serves as the Chairperson of NITI Aayog, this move places the “right man in the right job.” PM Modi reportedly feels that a proven performer like Lahiri can contribute more effectively from Delhi than by nursing his Balurghat constituency. In a recent tweet the PM noted: “His rich experience in economics and public policy will further strengthen the path of reforms in India and the journey towards becoming a ‘Viksit Bharat’.” Seems like PM Modi has gone for a major overhaul of the think tank since 2015. Along with Lahiri, the government has already added four new members: M Srinivas, Abhay Karandkar, Gobardhan Das and KV Raju. Lahiri boasts an impressive track record, including tenures at the World Bank, the IMF, and the ADB, as well as serving as India’s Chief Economic Advisor. Despite these high-profile roles, colleagues describe him as remarkably grounded. Endorsing the selection, Rajat Nag, the former ADB Managing Director, stated: “Ashok Lahiri is a very competent economist with vast experience and international recognition.” Lahiri has shifted to Delhi, met with the Prime Minister, and immediately reported for duty. He has already indicated that his primary focus will be on meaningful policy changes in the healthcare and education sectors—areas he views as essential to achieving the vision of a Viksit Bharat.
In this election season, has Rahul Gandhi’s utterances during the UK tour become a liability for the Congress? Well, the speeches delivered by him at a number of events in London have been a flashpoint between the BJP and the Congress and have led to the stalling of the Parliament for the 7th day in a row during the Budget Session. Rahul may have asserted that criticizing PM Modi or his government is not an “attack on India”, but party sources admit that his Cambridge speech where he spoke about “democracy in India” is under attack has not been liked by people at large. In fact, Congress leaders say at a time when the party is in a good position to win the Karnataka assembly elections, Rahul should not be “visible” during the election campaign. “The more Rahul Gandhi campaigns, Congress will stand to lose,” points out a party strategist. There was poor public response to his first rally in Belagavi on March 20 where he announced a series of sops such as Rs 3,000 to every unemployed graduate every month for two years as is done in Chhattisgarh. In contrast to the kind of reception PM Modi recently received in Belagavi, the crowds were simply not enthusiastic about Rahul. Besides, many in the Congress felt the Chhattisgarh model of unemployment dole cannot hold well in a progressive state like Karnataka where more educated jobless youths will be found.
For the second consecutive day both Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha were adjourned soon after they met as the heated exchange between the BJP and Congress over Rahul Gandhi’s remarks. It was quite clear that the Parliament was following the agenda set by PM Narendra Modi who took on Rahul for his remarks on India. Speaking in Karnataka, Modi had warned people to be wary of those “who raise questions about Indian democracy”. At a London event Rahul said India’s institutions are under attack and a large chunk of Indian democracy has “come undone” and are not likely to end any time soon. The BJP has demanded an apology from Rahul Gandhi. The Congress has trashed the ruling party’s allegations and said “those crushing democracy are talking of saving it”. The party also dubbed it as an attempt to divert attention from its demand of a JPC into the Hindenburg report on Adani. “A member of the House goes to foreign country and talks against the democracy of India. I am shocked that some parties are also backing him. I appeal to all parties to criticise how a senior MP tried to defame Parliament on foreign land,” said Rajya Sabha Leader Piyush Goyal. Congress leader Shaktisinh Gohil has filed a breach of privilege notice against Goyal for criticising a Lok Sabha member “without truth and was intentionally going on with derogatory remarks”.
Congress spokesperson Pawan Khera who attempted a word-play on PM Narendra Modi’s middle name was arrested on his way to Raipur at Delhi Airport. The Delhi Police asked him to de-board and detained him upon receiving complaints from Assam Police. He was released on interim bail by Chief Justice of India DY Chandrachud. “We have protected you but there has to be some level of discourse,” said Justice Chandrachud hearing the Congress petition against cases registered in Uttar Pradesh and Assam. The main nub of the Congress plea was that many FIRs had been registered against Khera in Assam and UP for insulting the PM in his Press Conference on February 17 in Mumbai. A complaint was lodged in Lucknow which was converted into an FIR. Another FIR was registered at Varanasi. While his lawyer wanted clubbing of the FIRs across states and did not plead for its quashing at this stage, the government counsel submitted that the expression used by Khera was not “unintentional and was deliberate”. She submitted that the “derogatory remark was made to incite disaffection against the PM. After all he is the duly elected Prime Minister of the country.” In a mischievous word-play on PM Modi’s name while demanding a JPC probe into the Adani-Hindenburg row, Khera said, “If Atal Bihari Vajpayee could form a JPC, then what problem does Narendra Gautam Das…sorry Damodardas…Modi have?” appearing to confirm the middle name with a colleague. He had apologised shortly thereafter.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Sunday visit to Nagpur is eagerly awaited as he is expected to becalm the tension between Maharashtra and Karnataka over their six-decade-old border dispute. As if impervious to the problems suffered by people from both sides, Karnataka chief minister Basavaraj Bommai has again tweeted that the matter is with the Supreme Court. “A meeting between Amit Shah and some Maharashtra MPs would not make any difference,” he has taunted. This stand has been condemned by opposition parties in Maharashtra. Maharashtra being the second largest state after Uttar Pradesh electorally, it occupies a crucial place for the 2024 Lok Sabha elections for the BJP. Despite this, Bommai has been adding fuel to the fire by his various statements. Hence, BJP leaders in Maharashtra are caught in a delicate situation. Chief minister Eknath Shinde and deputy CM Devendra Fadnavis have already appealed to the PM to intervene. Union home minister Amit Shah’s initiative to invite both chief ministers next week for talks to find a solution will take a specific direction after Modi’s Nagpur visit tomorrow to inaugurate the ambitious Nagpur-Mumbai Expressway’s first leg and other projects. But Bommai’s latest outburst has again created uncertainty. Modi is expected to advise both sides to exercise restraint till a solution satisfactory to will is formulated.
Rishi Sunak’s rise as UK PM has prompted sharp responses in India. Sunak, the 42-year-old Indian-origin UK leader, is the first-ever UK PM of South Asian heritage, and is the youngest premier the country has seen in about two centuries. For the UK to have a PM of colour is being hailed as a key moment. In India, PM Narendra Modi defined Sunak — the son-in-law of Infosys co-founder Narayana Murthy — as a “living bridge” and looked forward to working with him. Meanwhile, the Opposition were gloating how a minority member has been accepted. “First Kamala Harris, now Rishi Sunak. The people of the US and the UK have embraced the non-majority citizens of their countries and elected them to high office in government,” tweeted Congress’s P Chidambaram. “I think there is a lesson to be learned by India and the parties that practise majoritarianism,” he stressed. Coming from the Congress, it is a bit rich. The party could have got Sonia Gandhi elected as PM in 2004 itself. But then if one were to go by the account of K Natwar Singh in his book it was Rahul Gandhi’s threat that had made Sonia give up the crown. As for Shashi Tharoor wondering if India could have a minority PM in India, he forgets between 2004 and 2014, Dr Manmohan Singh belonging to Sikh minority was the PM.
In an emotional reunion, a young Army officer in Kargil presented PM Narendra Modi with a 2001 picture of him when Modi had visited Sainik School in Balachadi, Gujarat as CM and presented him with a shield. When they met again on October 24 this year in Kargil it was a nostalgic meeting. Interacting with soldiers, Modi pointed out, “There has not been a single war with Pakistan when Kargil has not flown the victory flag”. Emphasising on the importance of 1999 Kargil armed conflict for India, he recalled how he was a witness to the war and had watched it closely as he had come to spend time with the jawans when they were giving a befitting reply to the enemies. Modi had gone to Kargil as an ordinary citizen to drop off the supplies put together by countrymen and said that it was a moment of worship for him. What is of interest is the manner in which the PM was seen freely interacting with the soldiers, enjoying music with them — like when a soldier crooned AR Rahman’s number Maa Tujhe Salam. The high-altitude conflict zone reflected mini India with Tamil soldiers enthralling the PM with a Tamil song and even a Gujarati song boomed from Kargil —“Gandhiji Gujarati, Modiji Gujarati, Gujarati na bol bala amme lehri lala, amme lala“. Modi tweeted about the videos in Gujarati & Tamil.
Aware that political VIP culture doesn’t go down well with citizens, Prime Minister Narendra Modi avoids travelling during peak hours in Delhi. When he has to, he takes the metro to avoid discomfiting commuters. To attend NIA meetings or events in South Delhi, Modi opts for the metro. His standing instructions: wherever possible, traffic may not be halted. Taking cue from Modi, Karnataka CM Basavaraj Bommai and his ministers also decided to eschew this ” zero traffic rule” when commuting in Bengaluru. CM Bommai issued an order stating he does not want the zero traffic rule applied for him. The Bengaluru Traffic Police also issued an order to keep traffic signals free even when ministers travel and ambulance fare also allowed to travel. Meanwhile, reports indicate that Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M K Stalin, whose autobiography titled One Amongst You was released recently, is irked by news media persons. A reporter from a leading English daily was not allowed to cover the function presided over by Stalin since he was sporting a black shirt. This colour code is peculiar in a state that celebrates the colour black in Tamil films. From superstar Rajnikant to popular film numbers celebrating the colour black– Karuppu tan enukku pidicha colouru.
Politics of protests, confrontation has peaked in Tamil Nadu. Chief Minister M K Stalin skipped the ‘at home reception’ – a tea party — hosted by Governor RN Ravi at Raj Bhawan on April 14 to mark the occasion of the Tamil New Year. The DMK and allies boycotted the event as a mark of protest against the Governor who did not forward the anti-NEET Bill to the President for approval. If the ruling DMK is still sulking over NEET, the opposition BJP grabbed headlines after countering attempts to disrespect PM Narendra Modi made by the DMK, which removed his portrait from panchayat offices. In two separate incidents in Thanjavur and Coimbatore districts, the PM’s photo was put back at the Veppathur town panchayat office (VTPO) after a huge uproar. The VTPO chairman Anjammal had removed Modi’s photo that adorned the civic body office. In Coimbatore, BJP state president K Annamalai also placed a portrait of PM Modi in a ration shop to raise awareness about the Union government’s welfare schemes. Meanwhile, the race for Rajya Sabha vacancies in Tamil Nadu has picked up. While Congress is pushing for two seats, CPI (M) wants DMK to nominate prominent editor N Ram. Senior Congress leader Kapil Sibal whose RS term from UP is ending in July will visit Chennai on April 16 to attend a function and meet CM Stalin.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi will inaugurate on April 14 the “Pradhanmantri Sanghralaya (museum)”, which acknowledges the contributions of all previous Prime Ministers of the country while a redeveloped Block I will also exhibit a number of gifts received by first PM Jawaharlal Nehru, which have so far not yet been part of Nehru Memorial Museum. The inauguration of the museum will coincide with the birth anniversary of the architect of the Indian Constitution Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar. The government says the museum will sensitize the younger generation about the leadership, vision and achievements of all the 17 former Prime Ministers: Jawaharlal Nehru, Morarji Desai,Indira Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi, P V Narasimha Rao, HD Devegowda, I K Gujral and Dr Manmohan Singh. The “Pradhanmantri Sanghralaya” is an endeavour by PM Modi to acknowledge the contributions of all his predecessors irrespective of ideology or tenure in office. The design incorporates sustainable and energy conservation practices. No tree has been felled or transplanted. The total area of the building is 10,491 square meters .Families were contacted for information about the former Prime Ministers. Holograms, virtual reality, augmented reality, multi-touch, multi-media, interactive kiosks, computerized kinetic sculptures, experiential installations have been leveraged to make the exhibition content highly interactive. At a recent BJP Parliamentary party meeting, PM Modi asked his party MPs to visit the museum and spread the word among youths in the country.
NCP chief Sharad Pawar’s brief meeting with Prime Minister Narendra Modi in the Parliament House on March 6 is in many ways a throwback to his interaction with Modi way back in November 2019. Only circumstances were vastly different then. There was a stalemate in government formation in Maharashtra — the state was under President’s Rule after Shiv Sena had walked out on its pre-poll partner BJP and was exploring a new coalition. At that time Pawar was holding the trump card. The buzz then was that the NCP would join Team Modi in Delhi. Three years on, when Pawar met Modi, he was a humble self-vouching not to head UPA or aspire to provide a national alternative. It was possibly because the situation for Maha VIkas Aghadi (MVA) has gotten a lot tougher. Those linked to MVA are facing actions and being probed by central agencies. It has actually been a matter of niggling worry for Pawar. He even mentioned as much while emerging from his interaction with Modi. ED attaching properties of Samna editor Sanjay Raut; he flayed it as Raut was a “journalist”. Pawar is also upset that another of his aides Nawab Malik was arrested. This news came just when Pawar was recovering from action on Anil Deshmukh. Pawar’s worry is that these ED actions could create legal hurdles for the NCP.
Tamil Maanila Congress (TMC) President G K Vasan has stayed unaligned and non-toxic despite breaking away from the GOP. His father G K Moopanar, aristocratic agriculturalist from the Delta rice granary was a highly respected Congress member. He played a mediator’s role for many vexing issues when Indira Gandhi was Prime Minister. He quit Congress and founded the TMC in 1996. After his death, in 2001 Vasan presided over the TMC and was made Minister for Shipping in UPA 1. In 2014 he broke away from the alliance despite protests from within his own party and joined the AIADMK-BJP front. Once again, rumours are doing the rounds that he is being wooed by the BJP. This news needs to be seen against the backdrop of an incident that occurred when Chinese Premier Xi Jinping visited Mamallapuram (Tamil Nadu) along with Prime Minister Narendra Modi. During the course of that visit Modi asked Vasan, “You are not seen in Delhi. You visit it only when I call you”. Cutting to the chase, Vasan met Modi in March and was offered a berth in the Union Cabinet. When this news reached Sonia Gandhi, she asked AK Anthony to net Vasan with TN Congress Chief K S Alagiri also in agreement. But, Rahul Baba is not sehmat with mama mia wooing Vasan. And therein lies the rub.
In a significant move, Nepal’s Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba arrived in New Delhi on April 1, 2022, and among his first engagements was a visit to the BJP headquarters where he met BJP president J P Nadda. It was Deuba’s first visit to India after becoming PM in July 2021. What is of particular interest is that Deuba, as a Nepali Congress leader heading a five-party left-wing coalition, would choose to visit the BJP office. It seems like a throwback to the times when a visit to the Communist Party of China headquarters in Beijing was considered a de rigueur. However, party sources said, PM Narendra Modi has always been keen that the party headquarters should be able to receive global leaders. The significance of the Nepali leader visiting the BJP office is also that increasingly, India’s neighbours have begun to see the value of building bridges with New Delhi rather than going anywhere near Beijing, after the recent economic collapse of Sri Lanka that has sent alarm bells ringing in South East Asia. To Deuba’s credit it must be said he withstood the pressure of signing up any pact with China on its Belt and Road Initiative. He also made clear to China that he does not want any projects with strings attached.
Vasundhara Raje has fortified her continued reign over Rajasthan, as the BJP’s CM face, thanks in no small measure to her face-to-face with Prime Minister Narendra Modi over the last fortnight. Raje was on the radar of the BJP high command for quite some time when the party leadership was actively looking at alternatives to replace her, with Union Jal Shakti Minister Gajendra Singh Shekhawat first and then Lok Sabha speaker Om Birla being seriously considered for the job. Things have settled down now for the Rani, who celebrated her birthday bash in Boondi, Rajasthan on March 8, 2022, through a show of strength, even as 42 BJP MLAs and a few MPs were in attendance. According to a BJP leader, however, “The Rani made strong statements against the Congress party announcing her serious political intentions. More importantly, Vasundhara Raje has visibly shed her arrogance and even reached out to PM Modi who met her recently in New Delhi where she promised better coordination with the high command going ahead.” With elections to the Rajasthan state assemblies scheduled in December 2023, the BJP high command for its part, after failingly prospecting for an alternative to the Rani, has finally buried the hatchet in the larger interest of the party. With Modi’s sanction Vasundhara is here to stay in Rajasthan.
Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin, in Delhi on a three-day visit, has a jam-packed schedule. Details of his engagements released by the CMO revealed back-to-back meetings lined up with several Union ministers on day one itself. He first met Prime Minister Narendra Modi in Parliament House at 1 pm. Thereafter, Stalin had a meeting lined up with Transport Minister Nitin Gadkari at his residence at 2.30 pm. An hour later, it was back to Parliament House for tete-e-tete with Home Minister Amit Shah with the TN CM concluding his day by calling upon Defence Minister Rajnath Singh at his Akbar Road residence. In between these meetings Stalin also dropped in at the Central Hall of Parliament to catch up with his DMK MPs. Interestingly, while Stalin was at the DMK office, senior DMK leader TR Baalu brought along Congress President Sonia Gandhi for a brief interaction. On day two of his sojourn, he will call upon Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman and end the work day meeting with Commerce & Industry minister Piyush Goyal at Udyog Bhawan. Stalin will also meet Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal in the afternoon with the duo going to inspect government schools and Mohalla clinics. On the third day, Stalin is expected to meet up with Opposition leaders including Sonia Gandhi.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi was caught completely off guard recently when Punjab Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann paid him a courtesy visit. What took the PM by surprise during the one-on-one meeting was the manner in which the AAP CM, who is a Lok Sabha MP, made a personal pitch to Modi for a bail out for Punjab out of its financial mess, while seeking Rs 50,000 crore annually for two years to maintain Punjab’s fiscal health. Mann made a fervent plea for a Central Government financial package of Rs 1 lakh crore in stark contrast to the arrogance displayed by AAP Chief Arvind Kejriwal since winning the state assemblies. A more down to earth, Mann is aware of the impending trouble ahead so, the simple man CM displayed touching humility while seemingly anxious to fulfil poll promises. Clearly, the AAP which got a humongous mandate sees no way it can keep the promises made, including Rs 1,000 for every woman per household or, even free power without hand holding from Modi. Mann blamed previous governments for leaving a whopping burden of Rs 3 lakh crore. It is not just AAP that finds it difficult to fulfil election promises as even the DMK, which rode into power using Prashant Kishor’s freebie lollipops, has since not implemented anything tangible after one year in office.
Much has been written about Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s immense interest in his own state of Gujarat that goes to polls later this year. Of course, Gujaratis do not need him to do a 9 km road show from Ahmedabad airport to the BJP party office in Gandhinagar to vote back a party that has been in power in the state since 1995. It is enough for them that Modi is PM; it makes every Gujarati feel he is presiding over India’s fate from South Block. But then, when it comes to elections and people’s choices Modi is not one to take any chances. The Gujarat state has already seen three CMs — Anandiben Patel, Vijay Rupani and Bhupendra Patel – after he left it in 2014 and became PM. Rupani’s five years in office ended in September 2021 after becoming an area of concern for Modi. It has been his effort to ensure that the fall out of the Rupani years did not dovetail incumbent CM Bhupendra Patel’s tenure. That is why in the two days that he spent in Ahmedabad and Gandhinagar, Modi consciously avoided sending out grim reminders from the Rupani era. He even avoided sharing a platform with Home Minister Amit Shah, who was in Gandhinagar on one of his official programmes. Reason: Rupani was seen as being close to Shah.
In an interesting development, Pushkar Singh Dhami was elected leader of BJP’s Uttarakhand Legislature Party, ending a fortnight-long suspense over his swearing-in as Chief Minister since he lost the election from the Khatima assembly seat. Forty-six-year-old Dhami was chosen by PM Narendra Modi, who backed the young leader, being impressed by the former’s working style. In the last eight months, Dhami restored the BJP’s credibility and helped the party win 47 seats. Soon after news of Dhami’s defeat, Modi called him up over his work to boost the party’s fortunes. The PM was aware Dhami’s defeat was a result of political intrigue hatched by BJP leaders like Ramesh Pokhriyal and decided to support him. Even some Congress MLAs (besides BJP MLAs) have now offered their own seats to get him elected to the state assembly. The one person happy with Dhami’s elevation as CM is Uttar Pradesh’s former deputy CM Keshav Prasad Maurya, who similarly lost polls from Phulpur. As an MLC, he too feels he can comeback just like Dhami and was quick to greet the new CM. In Goa, Modi ensured that his choice Pramod Sawant got re-elected as CM and put paid to the ambitious Vishwajit Rane who delayed government formation over his candidature. Modi is repeating all four CMs in the states just won by BJP.
The March 10 results of state assemblies held in five states of India has most political formations now analyzing the fallout on future polls except the BJP. Rather than sitting pretty on its laurels (read having bagged four out of the five states) Prime Minister Narendra Modi launched into election mode, reaching Gujarat while his second-in-command, Union Home Minister Amit Shah similarly, left for Tripura. While the Congress Working Committee met on Sunday (March 13, 2022) to draw poll inferences and un-wrangle intra-party differences, the same day Modi and Shah had already completed the first phase of their respective Gujarat and Tripura sojourns. Gujarat, where the BJP returned to power in the last assembly, although its tally dipped below 100 elected MLAs, due to the Patel (majority) conundrum, is high on Modi’s agenda prompting his yatra across the urban centers of the state. Similarly, West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee had sought to make her national presence felt and, deployed former Indira Gandhi era cabinet minister Santosh Mohan Dev’s daughter, Sushmita (TMC Rajya Sabha MP) in Manipur to no avail. While the BJP comfortably won the elections, 32 MLAs elected, Shah has launched into the Tripura political battlefield where another former Congress man Hemanta Biswas Sarma (now BJP CM of Assam) will place the key role for the BJP, yet again.
The historic re-election of an incumbent government in Uttar Pradesh after a gap of 37 years made Prime Minister Narendra Modi issue an appeal to intellectuals to stop analyzing it from the prism of caste or class. Please do not look for motives of castes/class in the way people vote, he urged. Things have changed in Uttar Pradesh, in his Varanasi — in his Lok Sabha constituency for two terms that he has represented. People are voting on deliverables. The spectacular re-election of Yogi with 255 BJP MLAs has an interesting backstory — some of its key ministers, in fact as many 11 of them had to bite dust. Yes, Deputy Chief Minister Keshav Prasad Maurya narrowly lost to Pallavi Patel of Samajwadi Party, sister of Apna Dal leader Anupriya Patel from Sirathu. Apna Dal is an NDA ally. So did sugarcane minister Suresh Rana to Rashtriya Lok Dal in Shamli. As for Akhilesh Yadav, he finally came to terms with poll results and accepted he may not have won but improved his tally from 47 in 2017 to 111. He could not bail out defectors. Two BJP ministers who joined him like Swami Prasad Maurya and Dharam Singh Saini were humbled. Only Dara Singh Chauhan managed to win.
BJP’s stunning 4-1 series sweep with Yogi Adityanath’s triumphant return to power in Uttar Pradesh should cheer up party rank and file left clueless after the Maharashtra hara-kiri and, deeply traumatized over West Bengal’s post-poll bloodlust. PM Narendra Modi’s path to 2024 will pass through terrains now evenly levelled by “Bulldozer Baba,” who promises to keep his bulldozer in fine tune, continuing to dismantle mafia dens and stolen scrapyards. BJP positions itself as a party opposed to minority appeasement. Still Yogi had no hesitation in informing the state assembly that 35% of all welfare benefits were allocated to Muslims, who account for 18% of the population. This season, the appeasement awareness campaign focused on the Opposition’s cozy nexus with gangsters and how no trick was left untried by the Akhilesh Yadav government to let Islamist terrorists off the hook. The wide coverage to AIMIM chief Asaduddin Owaisi’s threat to UP Police – “When Yogi will go back to his mutt, Modi to the mountains, then who will come to save you?”– and don Mukhtar Ansari’s son Abbas’ attack on bureaucrats, “No transfer posting for six months, pehle hisab kitab hoga,” rattled many. The spectre of the dreaded dons presiding over the state seems to have weighed heavily in the minds of the voters rather than inflation, unemployment, farm unrest, Covid or even Jinnah.
Looks like there will be no let-up in the probe against the “mystery Yogi” who gave divine instructions to former MD & CEO of the National Stock Exchange, Chitra Ramkrishna. At an official weekend meeting, PM Narendra Modi made clear that investigations must be conducted thoroughly to delve into the depths (gehariyan) of the scam. This means Ramakrishna will not get away with pleading innocence for having taken instructions from a godman who resided in the Himalayas. The official keenness to get to the bottom of the story is also because Ramkrishna, a qualified CA, was connected with an influential political family, a father-son duo, from Tamil Nadu since 2012. It was this connection that helped her secure the coveted job in 2013. Sources close to Ramkrishna, keen to protect her, are peddling multiple theories including one, about the yogi being a finance ministry bureaucrat besides speculative assertions about him. He was probably a Karnataka cadre officer, once a close aide to the senior Tamil Nadu leader. Interestingly, the political class seems very keen to see a bureaucrat is made the fall guy in the Chitra Ramkrishna episode so it fails to impact their political space.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi recently praised Odisha Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik, citing him as the best example of cooperative federalism which raised hackles of BJP leaders in Odisha. Why did Modi praise Patnaik even as Panchayat elections are just round the corner? The PM knows BJP won’t make a dent in Odisha where Patnaik has delivered on all fronts. Moreover, he is a dependable ally who stood by Modi on issues like NRC, CAA, the GST bill, Triple Talaq, even walked out of Parliament when a no trust vote was moved against Modi and refused to be a part of the Mahagatbandhan alliance. His sole interest is to take Odisha towards progress by focusing on populist programmes, industrialisation and infrastructure development. Patnaik knows crossing swords with the Centre would stop the free flow of funds needed for his multiple programmes. Patnaik’s relationship with Modi is based on the “live and let live premise” without kow-towing and maintaining his independence respectfully. By doing so, Naveen also avoided the potential Damocles’ sword of the CBI inquiry pertaining to the mining scam following Shah Commission report which has remained frozen over the last eight years. Naveen is invincible today but does not challenge Modi’s leadership as he nurses no national ambitions apart from Odisha’s socio-economic development, which suits Modi quite well.
When Prime Minister Narendra Modi landed in Hyderabad, on February 5, to inaugurate the ‘Statue of Equality’ commemorating 11th-century Vaishnavaite Saint Sri Ramanujacharya, Telangana Chief Minister K Chandrasekhar Rao skipped his airport reception, deputing his Minister Srinivas Yadav to stand-in for him. KCR only emulated West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, who started the trend a few months back and was copied by Punjab CM Charanjit Singh Channi, more recently. Political analysts say KCR lost out in terms of sheer optics the historic event could generate. So why? Regional parties say Modi single-mindedly seeks to expand the BJP footprint across India. And for this, he goes all out especially, during election campaigning; even name calling political opponents and ridiculing them. Modi’s style was evident even during the West Bengal polls and, during the Delhi assemblies. Few can forget his “Didi O Didi” jibe at Mamta. Additionally, Governors in non-BJP ruled States are prone to political interference and both Didi and Stalin found out the hard way after their legislative bills were kept pending by their respective heads of state. Non BJP CMs in India desperately hold on to the federal structure refusing to be bulldozed by the Centre. The proposal to repatriate IAS and IPS officers from States to the Centre at will that is currently the flashpoint between states and the Centre.
Legendary singer Lata Mangeshkar and Prime Minister Narendra Modi shared a very special bond. In 2013 when Modi was Gujarat’s Chief Minister, Lata Didi invited him to inaugurate a super-speciality hospital built in memory of her father Deenanath Mangeshkar in Pune. During the event, Lata Didi had said: “I pray to God that we see Narendra bhai as PM (someday).” She repeated her wish even before the 2014 Lok Sabha elections. In fact, on every Raksha Bandhan day Lata Didi unfailingly sent a Rakhi and her wishes to PM Modi and was anguished when unable to send her sisterly tie of Rakhi due to the Covid-19 pandemic restrictions in 2020. In June 2019, shortly after Modi’s thumping win in the general elections and second consecutive term as Prime Minister, Lata Didi wrote a letter in Gujarati to Heeraben, Modi’s mother, congratulating her son and and “my brother” for becoming Prime Minister for the second time in a row. The Gujarat Government has now shared this letter. Two years back a recording of Modi’s Maan ki Baat, also featured his conversation with Lata, wishing her on her birthday. In that conversation, Lata praised Modi, saying, “Modiji, you do not know what you are. You are doing so much for India.” Modi recalled that she also told him that her late mother Shevanti too was a Gujarati.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s deep involvement with the Kashi Vishwanath Dham is quite well known. He keeps track of all related issues and developments in the pilgrim town and, recently found most people working at the Vishwanath Dham had to perform their duties bare-feet due to the bar on leather footwear, even made of rubber, within the temple premises. The bar covers priests, people performing Seva, security guards, sanitation workers, and other temple staffers. He immediately procured 100 pairs of jute footwear and sent them across to the Vishwanath Dham so that those performing their duties don’t have to remain bare feet in the chill winter months. Needless to say, people working at the Vishwanath Dham were elated. Not that this is the first time that the PM has shown concern for workers at the Kashi Vishwanath Dham. After all, it was their efforts that helped complete the corridor work in a record time of two years. That’s why at the time of the inauguration in December 2021, Modi had showered flower petals on construction workers and honored them for their role in bringing the Kashi Vishwanath Corridor project to life and even had lunch with them. At the time of inauguration, Modi had acknowledged their contribution despite the difficult period imposed by the Covid pandemic when they did not allow the work to stop here.
Even as an entire nation was outraged over the breach of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s security, with non-BJP CMs like Naveen Patnaik condemning it, a day later it made for quite a spectacle watching Punjab Chief Minister Charanjit Singh Channi across TV channels. Channi downplayed the “inconvenience that may have been caused to Modi” whose entourage was stuck on the Ferozepur flyover for 15-20 minutes as a “small matter”. What compelled the Congress CM to conduct himself in such a bizarre fashion? Did Channi go overboard in order to score brownie points with PCC chief Navjot Singh Sidhu? Or, was he under pressure to compete against Sidhu to demonstrably prove his higher loyalty standards towards the Gandhi family? After all, Sidhu has been pressurizing the Congress high command to declare a CM face ahead of the assembly elections. Also, why else would a sensible Channi skip receiving Modi at Bathinda airport on the pretext that one of his staffers had tested positive for Covid and then follow it up, the very next day with a public interaction with people and the media, without any qualms whatsoever? Meanwhile, Punjab Congress campaign committee chief Sunil Jhakhar who flayed the way Channi handled the Modi visit has gone off to Sweden to attend to his ailing wife. As for the assembly tickets, sources say the screening panel had already finalized 82 of the 117 seats before Jakhar left. The remaining 35 seats will be finalized on January 8.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi reached out to Ludhiana after last week’s bomb blast in a court’s premises. He rushed Law Minister Kiren Rijiju to ground zero to convey empathy and support of the Centre for victims of the explosion and people of Punjab. Rijiju, a young BJP leader from Arunachal, provided some sanity even as Congress leaders in the state, Chief Minister Charanjit Singh Channi and PCC chief Navjot Singh Sidhu, were seen making contradictory statements, post blast that claimed the life of one person. The idea of rushing Rijiju to Ludhiana was to underscore that safety and security of judicial complexes and judiciary was top priority of the Centre. As the minister himself pointed out, many review committees were already in place and it was only a matter of discussing it with the Chief Justice of India. Rijiju stuck to his brief in the Punjab, refusing to wade into politics and muddying waters. He simply emphasized how the “Centre and the state” would work together to take strong action against elements trying to spoil the peace and harmony of the state and, in the country. The minister also interacted with district and session courts judges and lawyers and had a word of praise for their resilience in the aftermath of the blast.
Is the Congress really becoming a closet admirer of Prime Minister Narendra Modi? Or else why should the main opposition party get into an ugly credit war on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of Bangladesh Liberation War just because the PM made no reference to Indira Gandhi by name in any official function? If Modi wasn’t important, why should the Congress make so much fuss about whether he mentioned Indira’s role in liberating East Pakistan. For a party that celebrated the 50th anniversary of Bangladesh Liberation War a day earlier than the official date — December 16 — it was quite odd for the Congress to complain about not being invited as part of the official celebrations. This after the manner in which the party has been boycotting every function hosted by the Modi Government beginning with the Republic Day parade this year. Rahul Gandhi made matters worse by choosing to be in Uttarakhand — which is the home turf of jawans. Instead of speaking about jawans who shed blood for the country he kept talking about sacrifices made by his family. In a shocking disservice to his memory, the Congress continued to drag late CDS Gen Bipin Rawat into a political slug-fest. They first used his cut-outs in a rally; later raised questions about his untimely death.
Odisha Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik, who enjoys very good relations with Prime Minister Narendra Modi, is also known to speak his mind freely on issues of national importance even if it means opposing Modi’s government. Patnaik, who is on mission mode to transform Odisha has been nudging the Centre through NITI Aayog, for enhanced central grants for the development of the state’s aspirational districts and the real-time filling up of much-needed infrastructure gaps in the wake of incessant natural calamities. For its part, NITI Aayog vice chairman Dr Rajiv Kumar, who visited the state, was quick to respond after being suitably impressed with Patnaik for the state’s incremental per capita income, major improvements in the agrarian situation and maintenance of the fiscal deficit below the 5% margin. On his part, Dr Kumar has also advised the government to double its mining production, find ways to attract investment and FDI to support the state’s mineral development boards. Besides these, he also proposed that the state government set up a Sustainable Development Goal monitoring unit and advocated the use of chemical free farming. He promised that NITI Aayog will help bring out a development blueprint for the state. Besides the government, Dr Kumar also interacted with industry associations to get their feedback for boosting industrialization.
The question uppermost in everybody’s mind is: who will be the next Chief of Defence Staff following the untimely demise of CDS Gen Bipin Rawat. PM Narendra Modi had picked Gen Rawat for CDS post on January 1, 2020 — because he was blunt, outspoken and a man of integrity. Rawat was liked as he was not afraid of speaking his mind when it came to military reforms and the defence of the country. He was a fighter and a nationalist to the core. Modi noticed his qualities after he, as Dimapur Corps Commander, supervised a strike against NSCN (K) insurgents across the Indo-Myanmar border by Special Forces in June 2015. Prior to that he performed exceptionally as the 19 Division commander in the Uri sector against the Pakistanis. On December 17, 2016, Modi appointed Rawat as India’s 27th Chief of Army Staff after superseding the then Eastern and Southern Army Commanders on grounds of merit, track record and vision. Modi saw Rawat’s role as a military commander when he took on the Chinese PLA at Doklam Plateau on the Sikkim-Bhutan-Tibet tri-junction in June 2017. He stopped the PLA from building a road to the Jhampheri Ridge, which would have made India vulnerable in the Siliguri corridor. So Modi wants the next CDS to be someone like Rawat! Who can it be?
With Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the Opposition just does not know when it is going to lose the narrative. While the Opposition was planning to box in Modi, the PM caught the Opposition by surprise. First, he announced a roll-back of the three “contentious” farm laws on November 19. And 10 days later, on the first day of Winter Session of Parliament, 12 MPs in the Rajya Sabha from Opposition benches were suspended. Congress leaders privately admit that they were completely caught unaware that the Rajya Sabha Chair would penalise members for their unruly behaviour on the last day of Monsoon Session. “By reducing our bench strength, Modi has effectively shifted our goal post, Instead of discussing farmer issues, we are now discussing our issues,” rues Nasir Hussain, a suspended Congress MP from Karnataka. Rajya Sabha Chairman Naidu made it clear that there was no question of ignoring what happened on the last day of the Monsoon Session and the House was a continuous one. As for suspension of MPs, he said it could not be ignored that they were from the list of 33 people who had been named for their misconduct on August 11. Members were given an opportunity to explain their conduct and apologise. Instead of apology the Opposition has opted for confrontation with the Chair. No one wins here, only the Chair in Rajya Sabha does.
It is on the occasion of Gurpurab – the birth anniversary of Sri Guru Nanak Dev – that Prime Minister Narendra Modi decided to break the impasse by repealing three farm laws. Modi’s surprising climbdown on farm reforms acknowledges that the farm protests were not only hurting BJP’s prospects in poll-bound states but were also causing unintentional, deep divide in the society. During his earlier outreach to Sikhs (February 2021), Modi offered the nation’s gratitude: “What have they not done for this country? Whatever respect we give them will always be less.” At Rajya Sabha came his call to stand with the Sikhs: “We must not forget what happened with Punjab. It suffered the most during the Partition 1947. It cried the most during the 1984 riots.” The new farm laws – despite being transformative – had stirred passions with the most vocal resistance coming from Punjab and adjoining geographies that gave Green Revolution. The PM’s fresh outreach must be welcomed: The Sikh families not only contribute disproportionately to the farming sector but also send the bravest of warriors to the defence forces. It may be recalled that it was the failure of the then government to manage the Punjab agrarian alienation which eventually led to a violent separatist movement, followed by a series of tragic consequences: Operation Bluestar, assassination of PM Indira Gandhi, and anti-Sikh riots in 1984.
Though it was not spelt out in as many words, a major cause for concern for Prime Minister Narendra Modi during his interactions with his Council of Ministers through the chintan shivir last week was that his ministers must focus on the job at hand rather than on speaking to the media. Modi, who inducted several new faces during Cabinet reshuffle in July, is apparently quite a worried man. Not for his own sake but what may actually befall some of his ministerial colleagues. He is worried that some of them may be tricked into speaking with the media. He could not but help reminding the new ministers that what befell former BJP president late Bangaru Laxman in 2001 should not happen to them. He reminded them that how a trap was set for the first ever Dalit president of the BJP by a Congress-backed magazine in a sting operation. Modi’s real worry may not be surreal since now the Congress is more frustrated after setbacks in Rafale and Pegasus and may be inclined to go all out to ensnare NDA ministers. Though such incidents may not personally affect Modi, his ministers were warned that individually their careers could get ruined.
Nothing more upset supporters of Trinamool Congress chief Mamata Banerjee than the warm meeting between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Pope Francis on October 30 at the Vatican. Modi pulled off a surprise by not only calling on the Pope but also extending an invitation to visit India. It would be the first such visit after a gap of 22 years. RSS general secretary Dattatreya Hosabale welcomed PM’s meeting as well as invitation. Modi presented the Pope with a book on a topic close to his heart — The Challenges Of Climate Change: Children On The Front Line. The invite for papal visit had a positive impact with Kerala Catholic Bishop Council looking forward to it. Only TMC backers looked distraught and began to question Modi’s timing of the invite. Was it timed with Goa polls? Mamata had spent three days in Goa. A third term CM of a large state such as West Bengal, she was scouting fish markets of Mapusa to fraternise with locals. Journalists from Kolkata were brought to chronicle the beginning of her journey from “Goa to Delhi.” Did Mamata zero in on Goa thinking that since Modi became PM only because it was at Goa BJP National Executive in 2013 that he had been declared PM candidate for 2014 Lok Sabha elections, she too must start from Panaji!
Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who had stayed overnight in a cave near Kedarnath Temple in the run up to 2019 Lok Sabha elections, will be visiting the temple again on November 5 but for a different purpose. It was Modi’s stay in the cave that had led it to becoming a big tourist draw. This time Modi is going there to inaugurate Adi Shankaracharya Samadhi that was reconstructed after the destruction in 2013 floods. The entire reconstruction work has been undertaken under his guidance. His guidance is visible not only in major governance reforms but also in forging high performance ministerial teams. Not only in the way files –that too e-files will move within the government departments but also in the way ministers themselves will move. As regards to movement of e-files, it has been decided that they will not move beyond four hands or four levels before a decision is taken on them by ministers. As for ministers themselves, Modi suggested that the ministers could have a carpooling system to come for meetings like the Council of Ministers — such as the one he had held recently. Carpooling, he felt, would not only save energy but also give them an opportunity to share information about their ministries with each other. The idea is to get one Cabinet minister and two junior ministers in the same car
While in Delhi, the newly appointed Tamil Nadu Governor RN Ravi prefers to stay in his MS Flats at RK Puram than in the Governor’s suite in Tamil Nadu Bhavan in Chanakyapuri — which is part of the diplomatic enclave in the national capital. He had been staying in this flat during his long service in IB and retained it when he was the Governor of Nagaland till he was sent to Chennai. His visit to Delhi a month after taking charge has the ruling DMK worried. This is because he held a lengthy meeting with Home Minister Amit Shah and then called on PM Narendra Modi. DMK leaders wonder what may be cooking. Apparently, Chief Minister MK Stalin doesn’t want any confrontation with the Governor nor with PM Modi. Finance Minister Dr P Thiaga Rajan (PTR) too has piped down his confrontation with the Centre. It may be noted that Governor Ravi’s daughter Prof Shamika Ravi was a member of PM’s Economic Advisory Council.
Amit Khare’s appointment as adviser in the PMO (upon his retirement as Secretary to Government of India) for a two-year period indicates he is probably set for much longer innings. The Jharkhand cadre 1985 batch IAS officer, who officially retired on September 30, may not have superannuated as Cabinet Secretary but he can still hope to have higher career goals. Valued as an upright, efficient officer who helmed two crucial policy decisions for the Modi Government — the National Educational Policy 2020 and the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rule 2021 or the IT Rules — Khare has always enjoyed the confidence of his bosses. In the UPA years, he served ministers such as Kapil Sibal and Pallam Raju. So, what made PM Narendra Modi pick Khare for his team? It is said that credit for zeroing in on Khare should actually go to incumbent Cabinet Secretary Rajiv Gauba. It is said Gauba was approached by Jharkhand Chief Minister Raghubar Das to take over as state Chief Secretary. At that time Gauba was posted in the IT ministry. It was Gauba who picked Amit Khare as Additional Chief Secretary (Finance & Planning) in Jharkhand. Given his administrative track record, Khare could eventually hope to become principal secretary to the PM.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi is known for delivering shock therapy. It was visible sometimes back when BJP replaced the veteran Lingayat leader BS Yeddyurappa as the chief minister of Karnataka by appointing Basavraj Bomai. Likewise, Modi took the call to replace Uttarkhand’s then chief minister Trivendra Singh Rawat with Lok Sabha member Tirath Singh Rawat. In July, four months after being made chief minister, Tirath Singh Rawat was replaced by two-time MLA Pushkar Singh Dhami. In Gujarat, ahead of assembly elections slated for 2022, Modi surprised the party legislators by appointing a first time MLA Bhupendra Patel, who hails from the politically influential Patidar community, thereby replacing Home Minister Amit Shah’s confidant Vijay Rupani who comes from the Jain community. Rupani was the fourth CM to be replaced by BJP in the last six months. Now, within the BJP circle, there is a strong buzz about replacing Haryana Chief Minister Manohar Lal Khattar who does not belong to the Jat community, by appointing a Jat community leader especially in the wake of ongoing farmers’ agitation. Khattar, who was handpicked by Modi, has been under the latter’s radar for his style of functioning during his second term. Also, Khattar’s controversial statement of “jaise ko taisa,” asking BJP’s farmers’ arm to form groups against Opposition-led farmers’ blockades seems to have angered the top leaders of BJP.
Despite the opposition charges of polarization, Maha panchayat activism and call by agitating farmers to oust the party from Uttar Pradesh, the BJP with full support from the RSS Parivar has geared up for the upcoming assembly elections. It has held marathon meetings with RSS bigwigs, including Mohan Bhagwat, BL Santosh and Krishna Prakash, to further strengthen coordination between the party organization and RSS Parivar. Besides the agenda of Hindutva and grand Ram temple in Ayodhya, BJP is also strongly taking up the development agenda with the voters in UP while exposing “non-trustworthy opposition.” Apart from the media blitzkrieg with joint photos of PM Narendra Modi and CM Yogi Adityanath, the party will project its strong leadership during the campaigning. Bhagwat’s recent statement that Hindus and Muslims share same ancestry came quite handy for the BJP to reach out to Muslim voters with an assurance that they will be given due share in development and efforts will be made for proximity between the two communities. “The Muslim population in UP is 17-19%, but their share in the benefits of welfare schemes is 30-35%,” Yogi pointed out earlier in the state assembly. For now the ball is in Yogi’s court to do everything possible to retain power. Of course, the role of RSS Parivar will be crucial in BJP’S victory which is badly needed for the party to hit a hat trick in 2024 general elections.
It is not just BJP leadership which is united to counter Opposition parties on the controversy over the alleged snooping by Israeli cyberarms firm NSO Group by using Pegasus spyware but also the RSS functionaries and the members of Parivar who are solidly behind Prime Minister PM Narendra Modi and the government at the Centre. Pegasus is a spyware that can be covertly installed on mobile phones. The common thread: It is a conspiracy by the Opposition parties to defame and discredit not just the BJP-led government but also India at a time when the country is weathering the coronavirus pandemic. Days after the expose by news agency and the Opposition’s attempt to disrupt parliament, RSS leaders including BL Santosh, Krishna Gopal and Suresh Soni internally met and later communicated with Home Minister Amit Shah and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Pralhad Joshi extending their support to the government. They assured to talk to Modi for a possible tie-up in a serious bid to argue government’s case among the people. After the scrapping of Article 370 and the NRC and CAA, it is RSS’ turn to be with the government to foil the Opposition and Left wing organisation’s attempt to target BJP, especially Modi.
‘Can We Do Another 1991’ – This is the latest from Business India (July 12-25, 2021). The cover story compares former prime minister Dr Manmohan Singh with the current prime minister Narendra Modi. The magazine says, “Given the abnormal times, comparisons about economic performance of successive prime ministers are odious. Like Singh, Modi is having his share of troubles not entirely of his own making. If Singh had to battle the domino effect of the global financial meltdown, Modi has to cope with the pandemic’s dark shadow since last year.” Still, let’s see in brief how the comparison works. On the face of it, there is little doubt that Modi as a PM has been running a tighter ship than what Singh did in terms of governance. This is mostly because of his centralised form of governance and lack of any extra-constitutional power interfering in his work. Yet, Singh stands tall over Modi as a reformer. The BJP-led dispensation has been no match for Singh as finance minister in the Narasimha Rao government in anchoring far-reaching structural reforms that invigorated the economy. Modi’s reforms like demonetisation and a hastily stitched GST have caused major disruptions in the informal sector. He has been forced to keep the farm reform laws in abeyance because of farmers’ protests and the Insolvency & Bankruptcy Code because of the pandemic.
At the boardroom or playground, the captain’s writ runs large. So, it is no different in the political arena. Nobody respects or admires an indecisive leader. A case in point is the former Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh. Prime Minister Narendra Modi is different. He seems to have taken a leaf out of the U.S. President Harry S Truman’s frequently used phrase “the buck stops here.” To ensure that he is always on the top of the situation, everything is routed through the Prime Minister’s Office. So what’s wrong? But, this prime ministerial centric government seems to be getting everybody’s goat. Why? During UPA I and II everything was routed via Sonia Gandhi’s office. Then everything was centralised with one family; the so called ‘concerned citizens’ did not have any objections. In the corporate world, the shareholders hold Mark Zuckerberg, Mukesh Ambani or Warren Buffett accountable. The buck stops with the CEO. Accountability and responsibility are two sides of the same coin. Are opposition or some of the BJP leaders unhappy with the centralisation of power because they are not able to game the system? Modi seems unperturbed with this surround sound and his latest cabinet reshuffle clearly points out that he means business. For now, this powerful well-oiled coterie, basically Modi haters, have to twiddle their thumbs because their social media efforts to denigrate him has come to nought.
The New York Times’ call for an enterprising journalist would have been a non-event, a non-issue but for the backlash its grand 627-words job description evoked. “India’s future now stands at a crossroads. Mr Modi is advocating a self-sufficient, muscular nationalism centered on the country’s Hindu majority. That vision puts him at odds with the interfaith, multicultural goals of modern India’s founders.” The message was soon picked up. Tweeted one @SamairaRehan: “These two factually incorrect sentences are part of the job description for the position of @nytimes ‘South Asia Business Correspondent’ based in New Delhi. Journalism is in danger, indeed. But from within.” Apparently, anybody arguing against these twisted premises knows they haven’t got a hope in hell of getting an NYT offer. Senior I&B Ministry adviser Kanchan Gupta fumed: “@nytimes has dropped all pretences of impartiality with this job ad. They are clearly looking to hire an anti-Modi activist who can also stoke anti-India sentiments in our neighbourhood. With this, the paper qualifies as a foreign-funded NGO.” Such hiring practices by dominant Big Media – with naked political and ideological tilt – point to a scary future of journalism. And this practice is unlikely to stop anytime now – given American billionaire George Soros’ $1-billion fund to fight nationalists; China’s ads in Big Media; and Pakistan, Turkey and Malaysia floating a media joint venture.
Undeterred by a big setback in West Bengal, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has started preparations for assembly elections slated next year in Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Punjab, Manipur and Goa. After the recent marathon meeting attended by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Home Minister Amit Shah, party president JP Nadda and senior office-bearers, the party has set sights on increasing the assembly segment-wise presence of the senior leaders. The saffron party has decided to strengthen the booth level management in all five states — notwithstanding criticism over the handling of the pandemic and the covid-hit economy. BJP will set up a five-member committee for each page of the electoral roll with the objective of providing the much-needed support to the party, and reaching out to every voter in the individual constituency. UP is critical for the party’s quest to retain power and the party is leaving nothing to chance: it’s bringing together CM Yogi Adityanath, Dy CM KP Maurya and other factions. Modi’s blue-eyed boy AK Sharma, who has been appointed as the state unit vice president, is also likely to play a key role in the makeover after the Yogi government came under attack on numerous fronts. BJP insiders say that Modi has yet again taken the control of poll management in a serious bid to avoid a West Bengal-like setback.
UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson may have been heaving a sigh of relief after copping much criticism that he was pursuing a trade deal with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi that stopped him from ordering a ban on flights from India. Scientific evaluation of the India-dominant strain of the coronavirus has been declared to be less transmissible than it was first feared. Critics had Boris in their crosshairs ever since the India strain began to threaten UK’s road map out of a strict lockdown that has marked June 21 as the day of liberation after May 17 saw people being allowed to gather indoor at bars and restaurants and even hug each other. Strangely, hugging had been prohibited since the outbreak flared up in March 2020. Researchers say the India strain may have proved a problem because of what is called the “founder effect”, which is small numbers proving explosive in a tight community in which three generations of people may share living space. This comes after Boris was repeatedly slammed for postponing a ban on flights out of India as the UK and India negotiated on a possible trade deal and the Indian strain filtered through to Britain to threaten pronounced Asian neighbourhoods like Bolton in Northern England. The same criticism was made of Modi who had wooed Donald Trump in February 2020 and hence delayed a national lockdown.
The Indian Express annual list IE 100: The List Of Most Powerful Indians in 2021 is out. There are no surprises in terms of Top 10. Prime Minister Narendra Modi holds on to his #1 position, so does Home Minister Amit Shah at #2 followed by RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat at #3. Bhagwat was ranked #4 in 2019, and this slot has been occupied by the BJP President JP Nadda this year. Reliance CMD Mukesh Ambani holds on to his #5 rank while Adani Group Chairman Gautam has pole-vaulted from 28th position to #10. As always, every year there are new entrants. This year there are five names from the healthcare sector as this sector had to do fire-fighting to manage Covid-19. There are 59 politicians, 17 businessmen, 9 bureaucrats who find a place in the survey. Surprisingly, there are no film stars, spiritual guru or sports personalities save for Virat Kohli. So this brings to fore what was the methodology or criteria used to select these powerful Indians? The prefatory note is silent on that front.
The world’s largest cricketing stadium opened to a deluge of media headlines. And also, to one of the globe’s wealthiest: Lakshmi N Mittal, Chairman & CEO of the $53.3-billion ArcelorMittal, the world’s largest steel and mining company. Mittal was spotted at the Narendra Modi Cricket Stadium, Ahmedabad along with BCCI Secretary Jay Shah, and Congress Leader Rajiv Shukla, enjoying the fourth test match between India and England. According to the Gujarat government’s official version, Mittal visited the Statue Of Unity at Kevadia, less than 200 kms from Ahmedabad. But the corporate observers are attributing the timing of the visit to more than that. They are connecting dots. It may be mentioned that during the same time, Prime Minister Narendra Modi was in Kevadia to address the concluding session of the annual conference of top officers of India’s Armed Forces. It is speculated that Mittal met Modi and Chief Minister Vijay Rupani before the PM’s address and after that watched the cricket match.
One of the weakest points of the current NDA government at the Centre has been the lack of leaders who could communicate the economic policies and decisions of the government in the right perspective and that too effectively. The untimely demise of two BJP stalwarts Arun Jaitley and Sushma Swaraj depleted this capability further. While the other side of the story may be that you don’t need anybody else to do this when you have such a strong orator in Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Nevertheless, the need was felt to find ways to improve government communication, and the report of the Group of Ministers (GoM) on government communication, which is the talk of the town currently, has captured the wide gamut of issues. Several journalists, industry leaders and ideologues participated in the GoM’s deliberations. The Opposition parties have labelled the exercise as another effort to control media while the government obviously is portraying this as an exercise to help find the ways to deal with intentional negative narrative and make the policy messages reach people in the right way. An interesting point to ponder here is whether the industry leaders and journalists would do better by being critical of the government policies or by becoming a tool in the hands of the government in promoting the policies — a job that should primarily rest with the government spokespersons.
Former CBI Director RK Raghavan, who was the chairman of the Special Investigative Team constituted to probe the 2002 Gujarat Riots, revealed that Prime Minister Narendra Modi, then chief minister of Gujarat, kept his cool right through the marathon session of questioning and never parried questions. In his autobiography A Road Well Travelled, Raghavan said: “The SIT’s unequivocal stand on the chief minister’s role was unpalatable to his adversaries in the State and in Delhi. They engineered petitions against me, accusing me of favouring the chief minister. The grapevine had it that they misused central agencies to monitor my telephonic conversations. They were, however, disappointed not to find anything incriminating.” Raghavan’s book sheds light on the gruelling interrogation that Modi was subjected to. “At one point of time, SIT had to question Modi on the various allegations made against the state administration. We had it conveyed to his staff that he had to come in person to the SIT office for this purpose, and that meeting him elsewhere would be misconstrued as a favour. He readily agreed to come to the SIT office within the government complex in Gandhinagar. Modi’s questioning lasted nine hours and he kept his cool right through the marathon session which ended late at night. He never parried questions. Nor did he give the impression of padding up his responses,” the book points out.
Arguably, nobody conjures up national slogans as profoundly – or coins acronyms as tellingly — as PM Narendra Modi. The Government’s pantheon of programmes – from Swachh Bharat to Make in India to Startup India and Stand Up India – all bear the signature of the master wordsmith. Many of the acronyms – from SCAM to JAM he popularised continue to endure. Some acronyms are being masterly resurrected – FDI is now ‘Foreign Destructive Ideology.’ And the patriots must now stay away from this FDI, the PM informed while replying to the motion of thanks to the President’s address in the Rajya Sabha. In 2015, the FDI meant ‘First Develop India’, a mission to support the Make in India programme. 2021 onwards, this will mean Transnational or foreign ‘tukde-tukde gang’ that promotes Rihanna tweet-busters, Meena Harris ‘book of Intimidation Monsters, or Greta Thunberg’s Tool-Kit for Dummies that transforms tractor rallies into raging rampage. Another breed of creatures that patriots must guard against are: Andolan-Jeevi (one who feasts on protests), who is actually a par-jeevi, (a parasite) for the nation. His creative masterstroke was in full, sublime display at a time the Opposition sensed they had Modi on the mat over the farmers’ agitation.
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Editor’s Note: Short Post Is Here To Stay…
Time, they say, flies—and how true that is. Here we are celebrating our 5th Anniversary. Five years ago, when Covid-19 was wreaking havoc across the globe, I took a leap of faith and launched Short Post, India’s first website for Authentic Gossip. That was on January 31, 2021. I was convinced there was a clear gap in the market for gossip that was credible, sharp, and impactful—especially if told in just 250 words.
In this, I was fortunate. Scores of senior editors across diverse verticals bought into the idea and, in the process, gave wings to my dream. Quite honestly, Short Post could not have crossed these milestones without the unflinching support of its contributing editors. Like all start-ups, we have seen our share of ups and downs, but these editors have stood by us like a rock. I take this opportunity to doff my hat to them.
Thanks to their commitment, we have published close to 5,000 stories spanning politics, business, entertainment, and sports. I say this with pride: we made our mark as people who matter read us. “Small packs, big impact” truly captures the essence of Short Post.
We all know that Covid-19 has reset businesses worldwide, and the media sector is no exception. In the post-Covid era, investors have become more cautious and selective—and advertisers too. To compound matters, the entry of AI has disrupted the media landscape in equal measure. So far, we have managed to hold our ground, hopeful that some angel investors will take a shine to us.
What gives me confidence is this: AI cannot smell news—especially the gossipy kind. In other words, AI cannot churn out Short Post-type stories, no matter the prompt. That puts us in a safe zone. As someone rightly said, “AI is a co-pilot, not a pilot.”