He is a veteran Parliamentarian who opens all the debates from the Treasury bench side. So, it was surprising to see this senior BJP leader, a four-time MP Nishikant Dubey stir a controversy by calling Biju Patnaik, a CIA agent. Dubey is not a loose cannon and this is why clued-in political analysts say it could be BJP’s strategy to assess Odia’s icon Biju Patnaik popularity today.  It did backfire with people from within BJP taking strong exceptions to Dubey’s loose remarks. Some BJD leaders walked out of the Parliament to register their protest. Seeing the backlash, Dubey apologised on X saying  “My thoughts on Nehruji were misconstrued as being about Biju Babu,” It is learnt that PM Modi has intervened to douse the fire. He wrote to Odisha chief minister Mohan Charan Majhi praising Biju babu as a symbol of Odisha’s strength and pride having commitment to nation building. Interpreting Modi’s recent praise for Biju babu,  Odia’s are asking will Modi ever confer Bharat Ratna status to the late Biju Patnaik or is this just lip service praise to bring the temperature down?

It was 2019 when a Karnataka cadre cop waded into the murky waters of Tamil Nadu politics with a dream…to bring the BJP beacon to TN, to get its rightful recognition in this Dravidian stronghold, K Annamalai came in with a vision of Camelot…but today his political survival and special status in the BJP is under a big question mark. The very BJP which nurtured and applauded his strength, is ignoring him. What happened to all that mercurial charisma that made Annamalai, Modi’s favourite (remember he was perhaps the only BJP member who got a one-hour car ride with the PM when Modi drove to the Coimbatore airport). But recently, as the PM was on his way to Kerala, he stopped at Coimbatore airport where a 11-member team was waiting to receive him…BJP’s Women’s Wing leader, Vanathi Srinivasan sounded surprised that Annamalai was not there…did they know that the official list did not have his name! What a profile he had etched in TN… Annamalai was here, there and everywhere …he led padayatras, nursed his Coimbatore constituency and was the inevitable face of the BJP…but in his meteoric rise, he rose in strident speech too … making enemies of the established AIADMK and its chief Edappadi K Palaniswami. The internal warfare and jockeying were in full throttle. So when Annamalai lost the election in 2021, the AIADMK broke the BJP ties. Anticipating the need to keep the alliance going, Nainar Nagendran was made TN Chief. The BJP’s compulsion was to have a respectable presence in TN at any cost. Annamalai had to be downsized to please Edappadi. Now it is learnt BJP is making amends, TN in-charge Piyush Goyal has summoned Annamalai to party office to request him to enter the fray from a constituency of his choice. Will he?  Annamalai is fired by the RSS ideology …this Knight is sure to find his place at the Round Table like Lancelot.

Trouble for the BJP-led Odisha government headed by Mohan Charan Majhi, in power for close to 21 months, never seems to be ending. The latest is the Opposition’s vociferous demand for the resignation of the state health minister over the death toll in the fire at SCB Medical College Hospital in Cuttack which rose to 13.  Ten Opposition parties – Congress, BJD, CPI (M), All India Forward Block, NCP, RJD — and other regional outfits have come together in a rare display of unity against ruling BJP. Massive protest has been organised demanding resignation of Health Minister Nukesh Mahaling. The Majhi government has rejected the resignation demand of the health minister, even as it suspended four of its officials. Naveen Patnaik’s party, the BJD in alliance with the Congress, has made it clear that the protest and agitation are not being withdrawn until the health minister resigns on moral ground. Supporting its argument, BJD sighted the case of its Health Minister Atanu S Nayak who resigned over a similar tragedy in 2016 when BJD was in power.  The BJP has turned the tables on BJD saying that because of lapses during their rule, of not making fire safety arrangements during their 24 years rule, the current accident took place.

This Assembly elections, the BJP has launched a focused outreach to women voters, crafting a candidate list featuring women activists and public figures to challenge West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s strong hold over the women vote bank. Over 15 years in power, Didi has built a strong rapport with women through welfare schemes such as Lakshmir Bhandar and Kanyashree. Notably, ahead of the elections, the TMC government increased monthly assistance under Lakshmir Bhandar. In a strategic shift, the BJP has fielded candidates directly associated with protests against alleged violence or injustice, particularly in cases linked to individuals associated with the ruling TMC. Ratna Debnath, mother of the RG Kar Hospital rape victim, has been fielded from Panihati. Rekha Patra, a key figure in the 2024 Sandeshkhali protests will contest from Hingalganj. Tumpa Kayal, known for leading protests after the 2013 Kamduni rape and murder case in North 24 Parganas, has joined the BJP. Together, Ratna, Rekha and Tumpa represent the BJP’s effort to foreground real-life experiences of violence against women and are expected to campaign across the state, including Bhabanipur, where Opposition leader Suvendu Adhikari is contesting against Mamata. The BJP has also fielded women candidates such as actors Roopa Ganguly, Sarbori Mukherjee, Papiya Adhikary, and advocate Priyanka Tibrewal, who contested against Didi in the 2021 Bhabanipur bypoll after her defeat in Nandigram. Meanwhile, TMC has raised concerns over a reported drop of nearly 57 lakh women voters after the SIR. It claims numbers rose from 3.59 crore (2021) to 3.73 crore (2024), before falling to 3.16 crore (2026), alleging many women were marked “under adjudication” due to marriage, address, or surname changes, effectively excluding them and weakening participation.

Nandigram has once again become a key political battleground. Unlike 2021, the focus this time is on Opposition leader Suvendu Adhikari. Former close aide of Suvendu, Pabitra Kar, switched to Trinamool Congress (TMC) and was given ticket to contest from Nandigram. The defection — timing, messaging and disruption — is a masterstroke by West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee and her nephew Abhishek Banerjee. TMC leaders interpret Pabitra’s candidature as an indication that political equations in Nandigram are changing. The move raises questions about Suvendu’s organisational strength and internal stability. Kar poses a serious threat as he knows the local terrain and Suvendu’s political network from within. BJP leaders acknowledge the challenge admitting that the contest in Nandigram has become more uncertain due to this development, but maintain that Suvendu retains a strong voter base. Kar has grassroots connections, family political presence, and links with local religious organisations. Local BJP unit has admitted that the timing of the defection has hurt perception, though its real impact will depend on ground-level translation. Defections like this can influence booth management, cadre morale, and voter perception. A section of the party believes that local workers may face confusion due to Kar’s shift, affecting campaign coordination. Nandigram has a history of tight elections—Didi lost by just 1,956 votes against Suvendu in 2021.  Nandigram remains politically symbolic and emotionally significant in Bengal politics. Political observers believe that elections here are decided by booth management, local equations, and last-mile outreach—not rallies. Kar’s insider knowledge could influence these micro-level dynamics. For Suvendu, 2026 elections is a different test as he must not only defend Nandigram but also Bhabanipur where he challenges Mamata Banerjee.

In a strategic shift ahead of the upcoming Assembly elections in West Bengal, the BJP has decided to release a comprehensive “chargesheet” alleging decline in various sectors in the state during the 15-year rule of Chief minister Mamata Banerjee. Party sources said that before unveiling its election manifesto, this document will be released on March 28 by Union Home Minister Amit Shah and is expected to outline a series of allegations against the state government in 14 key areas. The chargesheet will not only target Mamata but will also hold her nephew and second-in-command of the party, Abhishek Banerjee accountable. The move signals a recalibration of the BJP’s campaign approach, placing emphasis on alleged governance failures before presenting its Bengal Manifesto in early April. The broader outline of these allegations includes corruption and scandals such as the ration scam, irregularities in School Service Commission recruitment leading to 26,000 job losses, misappropriation in the mid-day meal scheme and also cattle smuggling syndicate. Besides these, the BJP has also levelled allegations on administrative breakdown and political mis-governance, Incidentally, the TMC has already published its manifesto charting out “Didi’s Dash Protigya” (Didi’s 10 Promise). Following the chargesheet, the BJP’s manifesto is likely to outline a range of promises, including increased funding for existing welfare schemes such as Lakshmir Bhandar and Yuva Sathi, development of Singur as an industrial hub, and improved road connectivity between North and South Bengal. Besides, the central leadership is also expected to include the promise to implement the 7th Pay Commission within 45 days of coming to power and payment of pending Dearness Allowance dues.

Food culture has emerged as a parallel campaign theme in the current West Bengal assembly election. The phrase “Mache Bhaate Bangali”, signifying the deep-rooted connection between Bengalis and fish-rice cuisine, has gained prominence in the political discourse. Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee had earlier foregrounded “Bengali asmita” in her campaign. Food habits are now being projected as an extension of that identity. The ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC) has sought to frame dietary practices as part of the state’s cultural fabric, raising concerns that these may come under threat with the BJP’s possible rise in influence. TMC leaders have repeatedly portrayed the BJP as an “outsider” force and flagged issues around “vegetarianism” and restrictions on meat consumption in BJP-ruled states. They have suggested that similar policies could affect Bengal’s established culinary traditions. Mamata Banerjee has alleged “food control politics”, warning that dietary freedoms, including the consumption of fish and meat, may be at risk. The BJP in West Bengal has responded by rejecting allegations of imposing dietary restrictions. State BJP president Samik Bhattacharya said fish and meat would remain part of daily life, while indicating that certain regulatory positions on beef would continue. BJP candidates have also sought to emphasise their connection with local food culture. Campaign activities have included public displays of consuming fish and carrying staple varieties such as katla and rohu during outreach programmes. Leaders including Swapan Dasgupta and Rudranil Ghosh have highlighted their preference for traditional Bengali meals. Bidhannagar candidate Sharadwat Mukhopadhyay drew attention by carrying a raw katla fish during campaigning. With campaigning intensifying, the TMC is expected to sharpen its “outsider versus insider” narrative, focusing on cultural identity. The BJP, meanwhile, is attempting to recalibrate its messaging to counter perceptions of cultural disconnect...

After the Congress roped in Karnataka deputy chief minister DK Shivakumar (DKS) as a central observer for Assam polls, the BJP initially felt the compulsion to rush in Tejasvi Surya, the young MP from Bangalore South to counter the narratives for the ruling party in Assam. However, DKS who initially felt there was “a strong wind in favour of a change,” in the North Eastern State, going to polls on April 9, changed his opinion after a first-hand assessment. One visit to Guwahati made the senior Karnataka leader change his mind. He felt there was no need to spend precious “resources” on campaigns and candidates. He shared his views with top party bosses including Priyanka Gandhi who is handling the poll-bound state. With steady erosion of Congress leaders who were seen making a beeline to join the BJP, DKS found the Congress organisation itself in a precarious position. Exit of a Lok Sabha MP Pradyut Bordoloi just ahead of elections to 126 assembly seats was a clear indication that the rot had set in. The BJP has set the target to form the government for the third term with CM Himanta Sarma at the helm. By making DKS an important part of the Congress battle in Assam, the party had sought to highlight the commitment of a Congressman. Despite differences with Karnataka CM Siddaramaiah, DKS had not betrayed Congress. The Congress wanted to contrast DKS’s commitment to Congress with Himanta Sharma who had quit the Congress to join the BJP in 2015 and became Assam CM in 2021. It also wanted to highlight the success story of Karnataka under Congress. However, with non-fulfilment of guarantees in Karnataka, the Congress will find it difficult to hard sell the Karnataka model in Assam. With or without DKS.

Senior Congress leader P Chidambaram has reportedly emerged as a trouble shooter of sorts for the Congress both in Tamil Nadu and Puducherry, considering the way he managed to salvage and seal Congress-DMK deal for the Puducherry Assembly elections on the last day of filing nominations on March 23. While the Congress will contest in 16 constituencies, the DMK will fight on 14 seats. The understanding comes after days of hard bargaining by the two parties. Both had even filed nominations for all seats triggering a new level of tension. In the 2021 assembly polls, Congress fought 14 seats but had won only six while its ally, the DMK fought 13 and won 2. The All India N R Congress-BJP alliance had captured power. The fallout of the Puducherry settlement is that there are huge queues of ticket seekers at Chidambaram’s residence in Nungambakkam residence, TN. It is all because he is seen as someone who has the ear of Tamil Nadu CM and DMK chief M K Stalin. This notwithstanding the fact that Rahul Gandhi has never cared much for the senior leader. Party sources said it is another matter TNCC chief Selvaperunthugai is also a Chidambaram pick.  However, a section of TN leaders are apparently livid that the Congress sealed an electoral alliance with the DMK. These are pro TVK leaders and have lashed out against Chidambaram for sealing a pact with the DMK. Initially the DMK offered less than Congress’s 2021 tally of 25 seats. The Congress was persistent and often loud in criticism and demanding share in power, leveraging on the possibility of aligning with actor Vijay’s TVK. Ultimately the DMK offered 28 seats, and a Rajya Sabha ticket to the Congress.

The AIADMK finalised its seat-sharing arrangement with allies –the NDA — for the April 23 Assembly elections, by allotting 27 seats to the BJP. Under the pact, the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK) will contest 18 seats, while the Amma Makkal Munnetra Kazhagam (AMMK) 11 seats. The agreement was signed at the AIADMK headquarters in Chennai in the presence of Union Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal and AIADMK chief Edappadi K Palaniswami (EPS). With merely a week to go for the filing of nominations Tamil Nadu BJP in-charge Goyal arrived in Chennai on March 23 to expedite the process of talks among the constituents of the NDA, headed by the AIADMK in the state. Goyal not only reached Chennai, he also made it a point to visit AIADMK party headquarters where the NDA alliance under EPS’s leadership was announced. The visit of a senior BJP leader to AIADMK headquarters not only sent the “right kind” of message about the NDA alliance, it also busted a few myths. A section of the media was critical about the NDA alliance being worked out in Delhi; it panned EPS’s visit to Delhi to meet and discuss with Union Home Minister Amit Shah to draw a roadmap for the NDA alliance. In his interaction with the media, EPS made it clear that he had no inhibition about interacting with anyone in Delhi. Political analysts in Chennai found EPS being very confident about the way he handled his alliance. In fact, by including every shade of opinion and community like AMMK leader T T V Dhinakaran and PMK leader Dr Anbumani Ramadoss, EPS could be holding the key to a rainbow coalition of OBC castes. As for the DMK led secular alliance, one hears its talks with the CPI (M) have hit a roadblock over one seat.

With barely a few days left for nominations to close for Puducherry assembly elections (Mar 23), Congress leaders were hoping for a miracle. They were hoping that there would be some electoral arrangement with actor Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) in the Union Territory. This seemed possible as the party in power — All India N R Congress — sent a message to its partner BJP that it could go alone in the polls. The CM’s Congress colleagues were keen that he break away from the NDA and return to the Congress fold. Jose Charles Martin, the son of lottery tycoon Santiago Martin, had launched his own political party — Latchiya Jananayaga Katchi. But the CM was not keen to include anyone with a lottery background. The CM raised everyone’s hopes in the Congress in TN as he played truant. He had avoided meeting Union Minister Mansukh Mandviya in Puducherry. However, Home Minister Amit Shah ensured all outstanding issues were sorted out and the alliance for 30 seats was finally sealed on March 20. Meanwhile, it is being said Rahul Gandhi has not publicly endorsed the DMK-Congress alliance in TN; it is quite likely that he may not campaign for the alliance. With his close aide Praveen Chakravarty renewing contacts with Vijay, there is a possibility that there could be an informal understanding between the Congress and the TVK in select constituencies in the state. However, more than TN it is the contest in Kerala that is posing a challenge for the Congress. Party sources say return of the Left Front for a record third term is now inevitable with the Congress trailing a good 2% behind. With group clashes coming to the fore, party men feel Kerala can be reclaimed only if the Congress projects a different CM — say a Shashi Tharoor!

It’s a high stakes battle in Bhabanipur between West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee and Leader of Opposition Suvendu Adhikari. Didi will do everything to defend her urban stronghold, while Adhikari — former TMC heavyweight turned BJP leader defeated her in the 2021 Nandigram contest — has entered the fray to challenge her once again. Interestingly, Adhikari will also contest from Nandigram as well. Observers say this could be BJP’s strategy to pin down Mamata to a gruelling local fight in Bhabanipur so as to limit her ability to lead a state-wide campaign. Her presence remains vital for TMC candidates across West Bengal’s closely contested districts. The constituency itself, often called “mini Bharat,” features a diverse demographic where nearly 40% of voters are from non-Bengali communities—including Gujaratis, Marwaris, Punjabis, and Odias—alongside a 20% Muslim electorate. While the seat has leaned toward the TMC since 2011, the BJP is aggressively courting the business community to bridge the gap. The build-up to the April 23 and April 29 two-phase elections has been marked by a fierce dispute over the electoral rolls. Reports indicate over 47,000 names were removed during a special intensive review, with another 14,000 under scrutiny. While the BJP justifies the deletions as a clean-up of duplicate entries, the TMC alleges a conspiracy involving the Election Commission to disenfranchise genuine voters. Despite these tensions, Didi enters the race with a formidable record, having won her 2021 by-election by over 58,000 votes. Her party’s broader list reflects a push for representation, featuring 52 women, 95 SC/ST candidates, and 47 minority representatives.

West Bengal’s upcoming Assembly election will be held in two phases, dividing the state into contrasting political zones, with data from the 2021 Assembly polls and 2024 Lok Sabha segment mapping indicating the battle for power will unfold differently across the two regions. The first phase, scheduled for April 23, covers 152 constituencies across 16 districts, including North Bengal, the western belts, and coastal Purba Medinipur. A retrospective mapping of the 2021 results suggests a competitive landscape where the TMC held 92 seats against the BJP’s 59. While the BJP previously capitalised on anti-incumbency here, 2024 Parliamentary data shows a tighter race; the TMC secured a 52.6% vote share, the BJP 39.5%, and the Congress-Left alliance 7.9%. With an average victory margin of just 9.89%, this zone remains highly volatile. Social demographics add further complexity. Of the 39 constituencies with minority populations exceeding 40%, the TMC’s 2021 clean sweep faced fragmentation in 2024, with the TMC leading in 21 segments, the Congress-Left in 11, and the BJP in seven. Furthermore, voter list adjudication poses a mathematical threat: in 48% of these seats, voters under adjudication outnumber the 2024 victory margins. On April 29, the battle shifts to 142 seats in the South Bengal heartland, encompassing Kolkata and the 24 Parganas. This remains a formidable TMC stronghold; the party won 123 seats here in 2021 and maintained an 80.3% lead in 2024 segments with a wide 15.05% average margin. Interestingly, this region shows high voter deletion rates, averaging 12.7% in TMC-won seats. As the BJP’s strongest areas vote first, the TMC may benefit from a schedule that allows it to consolidate momentum toward its core base in the final.

Ahead of the March 16 Rajya Sabha poll, a complex tug-of-war situation is now brewing in Odisha between BJD-Congress and BJP. Parties are now guarding against possible poaching scenario ahead of Rajya Sabha polls. Already, Congress has shifted nine of its 14 MLAs to Bengaluru and BJD’s Naveen Patnaik has lined up daily meetings with his legislators to guard against possible horse trading. There are five competing candidates spread between BJD-Congress and BJP who are now competing for four Rajya Sabha seats. What seems clear is the growing prospect of cross voting, absenteeism or intentional rejection of votes scenario. This essentially means smooth sailing for Manmohon Samal (BJP), Sujeet Kumar (BJP), the outgoing MP who is now opting for another term and Dr Santrupt Misra (BJD). However, Congress-BJD supported candidate Dr Datteswar Hota seems to be in a tricky situation. He could be facing possible cross-voting and absenteeism scenario. This scenario could make Dilip Ray(Independent) ex-Union Minister win the Rajya sabha seat backed  by BJP’s 79 MLA’s including three independents. Most agree that BJP will have 23 surplus first preference votes for Dilip Ray ensuring he sails in smoothly amidst fluid political situation.

In a strategic move to turf out West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee in the upcoming Assembly poll, the BJP is focussing on her stronghold – women voters. Didi’s Lakshmir Bhandar scheme has proved to be very popular. As a counter to that the BJP has launched Labharthi Sampark Abhiyan scheme which promises to top Didi’s scheme which is currently paying Rs 1,500– Rs 1,700 per month to Rs 3,000 if voted to power. Complementing this, Union Home Minister Amit Shah announced a separate Rs 5,700-crore special fund dedicated to women’s safety, education, skill development, and self-help groups. BJP manifesto committee members emphasize that this fund is an additional empowerment initiative distinct from the monthly cash transfers. To popularise its Labharthi Sampark Abhiyan, BJP has embarked on a massive door-to-door campaign targeting approximately 64 lakh families, or nearly 2 crore voters. Under this strategy, a dedicated committee and district-level teams have appointed a Labharthi Sampark Pramukh at 1,060 booths. Workers are instructed to show that while Lakshmir Bhandar provides roughly Rs 60,000 over five years, central schemes like the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana, Ujjwala LPG connections, and PM-Kisan provide benefits worth up to Rs 4 lakh per family over the same period. The BJP’s internal data highlights a significant reach, noting that 82 lakh families in Bengal have received central benefits, including 18 lakh minority and 64 lakh Hindu households. Within the Hindu demographic, 42 lakh families have accessed at least three schemes, while 35 lakh families have benefited from five. By focusing on direct individual benefits—such as housing, toilets, and piped water—and excluding general infrastructure like roads, the party aims to prove its efficacy. BJP leaders are betting that this “beneficiary-first” model will finally yield a breakthrough in West Bengal.

As the BJP revs up its engine with the high-decibel “Parivartan Yatra”, its ideological backbone, the RSS, is quietly weaving a different tapestry on the ground. Through a strategic public awareness campaign, RSS volunteers are navigating the state’s neighbourhoods in small, discreet groups. Their mission is a classic ground-game manoeuvre: speaking directly to residents about the perceived excesses of West Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee’s administration and the urgent need for Hindu voter mobilisation. This quiet storm aims to challenge the Didi’s long-standing dominance by ensuring a maximum turnout among the Hindu electorate. The narrative being pushed by right-wing leadership, including the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, centres on a dual grievance of economic stagnation and a controversial “appeasement” policy. Sangh members argue that this shift stems from a growing perception that the TMC has favoured a small circle of influential leaders over the broader Muslim community, leaving many to feel like a neglected vote bank. This discontent is reportedly spreading across the socio-economic spectrum, from tribal communities to the traditional Bhadralok class. To capitalise on this, right-wing organisations are eyeing the upcoming Ram Navami celebrations as a pivotal moment for further mobilization. However, a strategic shadow hangs over the saffron camp’s momentum: the lack of a projected Chief Ministerial face. While the BJP central leadership often favours a “faceless” campaign to avoid internal factionalism—a tactic seen in Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh—many within the RSS believe this could be a tactical error in Bengal. They argue that entering the fray without a leader of sufficient public stature leaves the party at a disadvantage against a formidable opponent like Didi.

Ever since the DMK and the Congress firmed up their alliance for upcoming the Tamil Nadu assembly elections, the BJP leadership in Delhi is keen that superstar Vijay and his party – the Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) — should be part of  the NDA in Tamil Nadu. Reportedly, over the weekend, Andhra Pradesh deputy CM Pawan Kalyan, who is also an actor, did share his own experience of ploughing the lonely furrow. Kalyan had gone alone to the polls with Janasena Party in 2019. He impressed upon TVK chief Vijay…what the prospect of the TVK would be if he were to join the NDA alliance. What it could mean for TN politics in this round of assembly elections — Vijay’s dream of routing the DMK would now become achievable. He could become deputy CM like him or achieve the status of what the late DMDK chief Vijaykanth had achieved in 2011. “As of now the AIADMK led BJP already has an edge in the polls. However, if Vijay’s TVK joins the NDA, the alliance will sweep the polls. Maybe it will win 200 out of 234 seats”, said an analyst. Meanwhile, the DMK has got so desperate about a comeback that it has even begun to widely publicise the community — Dalit fisherman — of a Rajya Sabha MP candidate it is going to elect on March 16. While joining NDA may help Vijay to sort out Karur tangle straight away, it is being said there are elements in TVK like his close aide John Arokiyasami who may not like him to team up with the NDA. John is an ex-associate of Prashant Kishor from his I-PAC days.

An unprecedented political confrontation between the President Droupadi Murmu and West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has become an election campaign issue with both BJP and TMC framing the debate around tribal identity ahead of the Assembly elections. The BJP has attacked the ruling TMC over what it calls an “insult” to President Murmu, India’s first tribal woman President while Mamata has accused the BJP of exploiting the President politically for electoral gains.  The focus has shifted from the SIR issue to tribal representation. The BJP is targeting tribal-dominated constituencies, where it had made gains in the 2019 Lok Sabha poll in Jangalmahal but lost ground to TMC in the 2021 Assembly elections. In the 2024 Lok Sabha election, TMC recovered three seats in western West Bengal — Bankura, Jhargram, and Medinipur. While only 16 of West Bengal’s 294 Assembly constituencies are reserved for Scheduled Tribes, at least 52 constituencies across Birbhum, Hooghly, Purba Bardhaman and Paschim Bardhaman have significant tribal populations, making the issue electorally relevant beyond reserved seats. Some TMC leaders feel Didi’s strong reaction against President Murmu, might have been better measured, as it risks alienating some tribal voters at a time when BJP is actively capitalising on every opportunity. Political analysts predict the confrontation will continue. Other issues, including the SIR debate and rising cooking gas prices, may fade as the President-CM dispute will dominate West Bengal’s political narrative.

Odisha politics is now witnessing a rare twist with BJD joining hands with Congress, CPI(M) to block BJP in forthcoming Rajya Sabha polls. Political observers say the chess board for the forthcoming Odisha Rajya Sabha election battle is almost getting ready. Sources say, this week’s joint appearance of BJD supremo Naveen Patnaik with Congress and CPI(M) leaders, signals a potential shift in BJD and Odisha’s political alignment beyond forthcoming Rajya Sabha polls. The speculation so far is BJP’s Odisha state President Manmohon Samal will make it to Rajya Sabha and so too BJP’s sitting Rajya Sabha MP Surjeet Kumar. Similarly, BJD’s Santrupt Misra who has declared Rs 595 crore assets is also expected to have a smooth sailing. The fight between BJD-Congress candidate Dr Datteswar Hota against Dilip Ray a hotelier turned politician is getting intense. Ray had earlier worked under three Prime Ministers including handling the portfolio of Union Minister of Steel, Coal & Parliamentary Affairs. Expressing confidence, Dilip Ray said he expects to win the contest despite not having the required magic number of 30 first-preference votes in his favour. The election is on March 16 and the results will be declared the same day.

When Nitish Kumar, JDU president and Bihar Chief Minister, filed the nomination papers for the March 16 Rajya Sabha election on March 5 making a big shift from the Assembly to the Parliament after two decades of leading the Bihar Govt there was a sense of unease. On X, Nitish gave a very odd reason to quit the state political scene. He said wanted to become a Rajya Sabha MP after having been a MLA, MLC and Lok Sabha MP. It is being said that the JDU chief who has been elected as Bihar CM for 10 terms, had begun to feel the pressure to move on soon after the November 2025 Bihar assembly polls. JDU sources concede that Nitish’s fate was written into the script of Bihar results. Collapse of the RJD at the hustings, where it won a humble 25 seats, left Nitish with very little option to do a flip-flop or do a paltu ram. It was also said during the polls, the JDU strongholds had not backed the BJP adequately. Notwithstanding this, the BJP finished first with 89 seats and JDU bagged 85. To resist BJP pressure, Nitish began exploring an alternative in January itself. He tried to persuade Upendra Khushwaha to merge his party RLSP with 4 MLAs with JDU. Khushwaha didn’t respond as he may merge his party with the BJP. “To get a majority in Bihar Assembly, a ruling combine must have the support of 122 MLAs. Nitish realised he was getting nowhere near the magic figure. That is when he threw in his towel,” pointed out an old colleague. The BJP, had its own reason to effect change. The most important being Nitish was increasingly moving away from governance. Blame it on his failing health, power and decision-making was apparently being left to the state Chief Secretary.

Congress leader Rahul Gandhi may be a die-hard critic of PM Modi but also seems to be his closet admirer. At least, he has admired the way Modi along with Home Minister Amit Shah — the top BJP duo — have been running BJP affairs. It is in keeping with this Modi-Shah playbook that Rahul Gandhi has attempted to pick Congress nominees for six Rajya Sabha seats across states. Rahul’s choices have surprised partymen. Except in Telangana where Rahul has opted to go along with CM Revanth Reddy’ choice — nominating   Abhishek Manu Singhvi and Vem Narender Reddy — and in Himachal too he has relied on CM  Sukhwinder Singh Sukhu’s choice of district level party office bearer Anurag Sharma. What has surprised Congress leaders is the way Rahul has played Dalit card in both Haryana and Tamil Nadu. In Haryana he has fielded a former state Govt employee Karamvir Singh Boudh. It is being interpreted as a message to feuding Congress leaders. That is Boudh is probably the one person who may be able to bring together former CM Bhupinder Hooda and senior leader Kumari Selja. What happened in TN takes the cake. After P Chidambaram managed to improve the seat offer from 25 to 28 and get one Rajya Sabha seat, expectation was that the party would field a high-profile candidate like Rahul’s close aide Meenakshi Natrajan. However, choice of Christopher Tilak, AICC Secretary, handling North East, has come as shock. It is being said Tilak had made phenomenal rise in the party. Party circles are stunned that Tilak moved from being office assistant to a AICC functionary to Rahul’s core group. The moot point is why has Rahul chosen to play  Dalit  Christian card in TN? That too after playing footsie with TVK’s Vijay?  Is Congress trying to checkmate TVK? ” At this rate 2029 is out of bound for us,” rued a Congress leader.

The BJP’s much-publicised Parivartan Yatra in West Bengal will be flagged off on March 1 by the Union Home Minister Amit Shah from Raidighi in South Bengal, a stronghold of the ruling TMC. The two-day mobilisation –March 1—2 — will span nine of the BJP’s 10 organisational divisions in the state. The Kolkata Metropolitan division has been excluded, as it is tasked with organising the party’s concluding Brigade rally. The decision to have Shah launch the yatra from Raidighi is politically significant. The area falls within South 24 Parganas, a district that has stood firmly behind TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee since 2008 — even before she came to power in 2011. In the 2008 panchayat polls, the TMC wrested the South 24 Parganas Zilla Parishad from the Left Front. In the last Assembly elections, the party won 30 of the district’s 31 seats; only Bhangar went to the ISF. Raidighi is under the Mathurapur Lok Sabha constituency, while TMC national general secretary Abhishek Banerjee represents neighbouring Diamond Harbour in Parliament. Joining this yatra will be eight central leaders and nationally prominent BJP faces marking an unprecedented concentration of the party’s top leadership in West Bengal. The two-day event will be attended by Union ministers like Rajnath Singh, Shivraj Singh Chauhan, Jagat Prakash Nadda, Dharmendra Pradhan, Annapurna Devi including Maharashtra CM Devendra Fadnavis. Newly elected BJP national president Nitin Nabin will be present on both days. Five years after its high-profile “joining fairs” ahead of the 2021 polls, the BJP is avoiding mass inductions. Instead, it is banking on a concentrated show of organisational strength to signal its intent to breach what the ruling party calls its most impregnable fortress.

The Election Commission announced biennial elections for 37 seats of the Rajya Sabha in 10 states. In West Bengal there will be a contest for five seats on March 16. The Bengal BJP unit is hopeful of increasing its tally to the Upper House to three from the present two. Currently, two Rajya Sabha members are: Ananta Maharaj and Samik Bhattacharya. Sources indicate that the Bengal BJP is keen to nominate a prominent woman leader. However, consensus remains elusive, with two factions backing rival candidates. The camp led by senior leader Dilip Ghosh, along with Bhattacharya, is understood to be supporting Locket Chatterjee, former MP from Hooghly. While Leader of the Opposition Suvendu Adhikari is rooting for Agnimitra Paul, the MLA from Asansol Dakshin. Party insiders say the choice will not only determine representation in the Upper House but also signal which faction holds greater sway within the State unit. Paul’s candidature, however, has drawn scrutiny. During recent outreach initiatives in parts of Raniganj’s Egara area and Damra, she reportedly faced “go back” slogans from sections of residents. Local grievances have centred on alleged gaps in development in Asansol Dakshin, including drinking water supply and drainage infrastructure. Questions have also been raised in some quarters over the utilisation of MLA funds. Both contenders have faced electoral setbacks.  Paul suffered a heavy defeat to TMC’s Shatrughan Sinha in the Asansol Lok Sabha by-election, while Chatterjee lost the Hooghly seat to Rachana Banerjee in the 2024 Lok Sabha polls. With the March 16 election approaching, the final decision is expected from the party’s central leadership soon.

Bhiwandi near Mumbai is a communally sensitive town. It has been in the news after the recent civic election in Bhiwandi had dispensed a mixed mandate and political permutations and combinations were cooking for the past few days. Ultimately, the BJP has turned out to be the loser in the mayoral election, which it lost miserably. Interestingly, there is no communal angle to this contest but the loss is due to the power play between the BJP and the Shiv Sena (Shinde), the two main partners of the ruling Mahayuti in the state. As neither party was ready to relent, BJP’s Narayan Choudhary deserted it and teamed up with Bhiwandi Secular Front, which is opposing the saffron forces. The cause of this decision was that he was refused mayoral candidate by the BJP, which fielded Sneha Patil. An angry Chaudhary was supported by six BJP rebels, 30 Congress members and 12 of the NCP(SP). His tally of 48 against Patil’s 16 has shown the BJP in poor light since it failed to woo former mayor Vilas Patil, whose Konark Front won 25 votes, a dozen from the Shiv Sena led by deputy CM Eknath Shinde. Thus, failure to forge a strategic alliance has cost Mahayuti an important municipal corporation in Maharashtra. Moreover, the Congress is in a celebratory mood for humbling the BJP, which has threatened to take stern action against the rebels. Congress corporator Tariq Momin has been elected deputy mayor with a comfortable majority.

With four Odisha Rajya Sabha seats falling vacant, political buzz in Odisha has intensified. BJD and BJP are now locked in a tough fight ahead with heavy lobbying for the four Rajya Sabha seats. The main issue is which party will win how many seats and which candidates will be Naveen Patnaik’s final choice as nominations are slated to be closing on March 5,2026 and March 16 being the deadline for Rajya Sabha voting results.  BJD leadership is expected to make a decision on their official nominee for the 2026 election. According to a political analyst, BJP is likely to win two seats and BJD one seat, while none of the parties have the numbers to secure the fourth seat as yet. For the fourth Rajya Sabha seat, speculation is rife that both BJD and BJP may go in for consensus candidate — an eminent Odia personality. Sources say that former corporate honcho turned BJD politician Santrupt Mishra believed to be close to Naveen babu could be one of the dark horses. His suave corporate personality, excellent communication skill and being a team player could inspire confidence with BJD supremo to give him a ticket. The only problem he faces is that some BJD leaders are now pushing for time tested experienced BJD leaders for Naveen’s consideration, putting a road block for inexperienced newcomers. The other name doing the rounds is that of Sujata R Karthikeyan, ex-IAS, former Mission Shakti Chief of BJD’s powerful women wing and wife of Patnaik’s man Friday VK Pandian. This is because Patnaik trusts the Pandians totally. All in all, the political situation is fluid today. For the fourth seat both BJP and BJD will need to come to an understanding as Congress has only 14 MLAs.

The AIADMK-BJP alliance that is planning to expand ahead of the polls has managed to rope in the DMDK. Aware that even the smallest percentage of votes may prove significant in what is expected to be a close-run race, the BJP was keen on getting Vijayakanth’s party on board. The necessary arrangement to offer them six seats plus a promise to give a Rajya Sabha MP seat, which is expected to be concrete this time, has been made and the announcement of the tie-up is expected any time soon. The BJP, driven by Amit Shah taking a personal interest in the Tamil Nadu polls thanks to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s determination to make an impact in the state, is extra keen to make every bit of alliance arithmetic to work. The other side is also planning to swing small vote percentages away from the AIADMK combine by encouraging Sasikala to form a new party and contest at least 40 crucial seats where her Mukkulathor (Thevars) connections can swing some votes of the community away from the AIADMK. The high stakes, no-holds barred campaign for power is so primed up now as to bring about this do-or-die fight. In fact, the AIADMK-BJP led alliance is also quietly watching the Vijay campaign as the odds are that the cinema star will take away more votes from the traditional DMK voter base. All parties have made Vijay and his TVK the villains in the poll drama, but some are enjoying his vote cutting presence.

With the West Bengal Assembly elections just months away, political battle has acquired a sharper digital edge. The principal rivals — TMC and BJP — are not only trading barbs at rallies but are also locked in a parallel battle across social media platforms, where videos, satire and personal controversies are swiftly reframed as political statements. What distinguishes this election cycle is the central role of content creators. YouTubers, podcasters and self-styled influencers are increasingly shaping narratives, with their content amplified by party ecosystems, blurring the line between independent commentary and partisan mobilisation. Two recent, unrelated controversies involving Bengal-based creators illustrate how combustible the intersection of identity politics, personal disputes and electoral timing has become. The first involved actor and YouTuber Sayak Chakraborty, who alleged in a viral video that a Muslim waiter at Olypub deliberately served him beef instead of mutton, calling it an affront to his Hindu Brahmin identity. Though the video was later deleted, it spread widely and triggered protests by fringe Hindutva groups in Kolkata. The waiter was initially arrested, while a counter FIR was filed against Chakraborty for allegedly instigating communal disharmony. Following social media protests by sections of civil society, the waiter was granted bail. BJP leaders amplified the clip, turning a restaurant dispute into a communally charged controversy. Soon after, 25-year-old content creator Shamik Adhikary, known online as ‘Nonsane’, was arrested days after releasing a sharply worded Bengali political satire titled Button. His girlfriend accused him of sexual violence and wrongful confinement. The BJP characterised the arrest as political retribution by the TMC government, with senior leader Amit Malviya sharing the satire and alleging suppression of dissent. In both cases, viral content triggered outrage, partisan amplification followed, and original facts...

PM Modi is apparently very happy that the 16th Finance Commission’s recommendations will put a full stop to Opposition-ruled States attacking him for not giving adequate Central funds. When Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman presented the Union Budget 2026, one sentence tucked in the fine print drew the attention of every CM in the country. It was that the Centre had accepted the 16th Finance Commission’s recommendation to keep states’ share in the divisible tax pool at 41%. At first glance, that looked like continuity. But beneath that headline figure lies a quiet revolution. The commission’s new horizontal formula keeps the overall share fixed but changes how it is sliced. For the first time, a state’s contribution to the national GDP carries formal weight—10% of the total formula. This single tweak tilts the balance towards the country’s south and west, where economic output per capita is high, compared to the populous but poorer Hindi-heartland states that had benefited from the old population-heavy criteria. Preliminary calculations suggest that Karnataka, Kerala, Gujarat, Haryana, Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra are the top six gainers. Karnataka alone may receive around Rs 7,300 crore more each year. In contrast, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Bihar, Odisha and Jharkhand will see smaller shares; MP could lose nearly Rs 7,600 crore. Most losing states are either BJP or NDA-ruled, while the gainers are largely Opposition-governed.  Since the first Finance Commission in 1951, the horizontal formula has revolved around the distances between population, area, and income. The 16th Finance Commission marks a clear break. Echoing Modi’s ideas, Panagariya’s logic: States must show improvement in fiscal discipline, transparency and service delivery to qualify for discretionary grants.

West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s in-person appearance at the Supreme Court in the SIR matter has put her party Trinamool Congress on a strong footing. Her party leaders and workers see Didi’s Supreme Court intervention as scoring brownie points. It reinforces her as the principal face against the BJP in Bengal while squeezing CPM and Congress, rebuilding minority trust where resentment had emerged over Waqf amendments and new political formations, protecting base amid BJP polarisation. Since the Election Commission’s SIR drive to update West Bengal’s 7.62 crore elector rolls began, 58 lakh entries were removed due to relocation, duplication or death. Also, 1.26 crore individuals received notices for verification hearings over “logical inconsistencies” or missing 2002 SIR linkages, with nearly 60 lakh awaiting proceedings. Initially BJP stayed silent, adopting a wait-and-watch line and avoiding social media sarcasm, but later circulated clips of the court proceedings showing judges suggesting her senior lawyer argue and rejecting her claim. Bengal BJP leaders mocked Mamata’s courtroom conduct as political drama. Political analysts say appearance may hold no legal value but produces two effects. By cultivating a solitary fighter image, Didi strengthens core support. Repeated confrontations with central institutions sharpen her political identity. As a woman leader, she contrasts with the Centre’s pro-Hindutva posture, projecting a less aggressive image than a regional party like the TMC, hence Mamata brand is difficult to counter. By aligning her legal battles with voters dealing with discrepancy notices, Didi positions the 2026 election to focus less on governance outcomes and more on instinctive politics of protection.

Several major cities in Maharashtra have donned the saffron by electing BJP-led Mahayuti candidates as their mayor. Chief minister Devendra Fadnavis and the Shiv Sena-led by deputy CM Eknath Shinde have arrived at an understanding to install their candidates as mayor and deputy mayors. On February 6, the prestigious Nagpur municipal corporation came under the BJP rule once again. In Nasik, the pilgrimage town, the BJP had nominated Himgauri Adke after a lot of heat was generated between it and Shinde Sena. Finally, senior minister Girish Mahajan succeeded in forging an alliance, which ensured that the mayoral crown will remain with the Mahayuti. Other major cities where BJP mayors are in place are Jalgaon and Dhule in north Maharashtra and at Sambhaji Nagar, the capital of Marathwada. Till yesterday, fireworks were taking place regularly among the Mahayuti constituents. The most watched election will take in place in Mumbai where the BJP is all set to elect its mayor. In exchange, it has left Thane and Kalyan-Dombivali municipal corporations for Shinde Sena, given the clout of Shinde and his son Shrikant, MP. The proliferation of BJP-ruled civic bodies is described as a triple-engine formula success. Buoyed up by the success, Mahayuti leaders are hopeful that their parties will fare similarly well in the election for the Zilla Parishad and Panchayat Samiti bodies, to take place after a few days.

Arijit Singh’s sudden decision to step away from playback singing swiftly followed by an even more unexpected development of entering active politics (joining BJP) has shocked his fans and well-wishers. With Assembly elections drawing closer, the induction of celebrities into political parties has become an increasingly common phenomenon in West Bengal. The speculation has not remained confined to social media and public discourse. Political circles, particularly within the BJP such as senior BJP leader Dilip Ghosh, Murshidabad BJP MLA Gaurishankar Ghosh and actor-politician Rudranil Ghosh acknowledged awareness of the rumours but confirmed that no communication regarding Singh’s possible induction had been received from the party’s central leadership. Observers analyse how Singh’s name was linked with politics. Gaurishankar Ghosh pointed to the singer’s longstanding humanitarian activities in Murshidabad. According to him, Singh has quietly supported several voluntary organisations and maintains a close understanding of his home district’s social and economic challenges. This sustained engagement with grassroots issues, he suggested, may have contributed to the political speculation surrounding the singer. The MLA further noted that Singh’s stature, influence, and compassionate public image could significantly benefit a backward district if he were ever to enter public life. Rudranil Ghosh, meanwhile, highlighted Singh’s past expressions on social media during moments of political and social unrest in Bengal. He referred to the singer’s involvement during the RG Kar movement, including the composition of a song, as well as political views occasionally reflected on his X account.  At present there is no confirmation from either side. But as they say there is no smoke without fire.

The battle lines have all but been drawn for the Tamil Nadu Assembly polls 2026. It is advantage DMK as the polls head for a 3- or 4-cornered contest with actor Vijay the significant new player in the fray. The DMK-Congress alliance is yet to be formalised after seat-sharing talks hit speed bumps, but given the long-term relationship between chief minister MK Stalin and Rahul Gandhi, the Congress is only likely to keep its ties with the DMK going. Poll arithmetic in a contest in which the opposition to the regime is divided among the AIADMK-led NDA alliance, Vijay’s TVK which will be on a solo run and Seeman’s NTK, a fringe player who can however play spoilsport by taking away a proportion of the votes, will favour the ruling DMK despite the anti-incumbency factor. With a lack of data and history, no one can gauge Vijay’s advent into politics. But the way the BJP has played the cards against him is certain to bring him such sympathy for the treatment meted out to him and his last movie Jana Nayagan. Repeated questioning by the CBI with regard to the Karur stampede is another good reason why more people will gravitate towards the TVK. Also, people are yearning for change from the tired Dravidian politics. Even so, it will be DMK, with its committed cadre vote, that will come away with less of its vote share diminished even as AIADMK, which got a near equal vote share in 2021, suffers from its association with the northern upper class party BJP. Stalin seems set to emulate Jayalalithaa’s 2016 performance when her AIADMK was re-elected. The alliances are all but set now no matter what conspiracy theories may be floated from here and what pulls and pressures may come up in the last mile to the polls.

Gujarat governor Acharya Devvrat is likely to serve another term. It is reported that he is looking to take over as governor of Maharashtra, which is his additional charge at present. Devvrat was appointed governor of Gujarat in July 2019 while he took the additional charge of Maharashtra on 15 September 2025. Devvrat’s gubernatorial career began in Himachal Pradesh, where he served from 2015 till 2019. Currently, this is his second term in Gujarat. Thus, Devvrat has already served for over 10 years, making him one of the longest-serving governors under the Modi administration. Although Maharashtra is his additional charge, it is noticed that Devvrat is quite active in the state, generating murmurs that he may be a top contender for a full-time appointment here. The issue assumes significance since previous Maharashtra governor Bhagat Singh Koshyari is at the receiving end after the Padma Bhushan honour was bestowed upon him by the Centre. Under Article 156 of the Constitution, a state governor normally enjoys a tenure of five years. However, there is no bar on her or his continuation till the successor is named. Due to certain actions and statements of Koshyari, a lot of bad blood was created between him and then chief minister Uddhav Thackeray. Given the prime position of Maharashtra in the country, the Centre will choose its next governor by taking all precautions to ensure that no friction occurs, it is certain.

The general impression is that Odisha Chief Minister Mohan Charan Majhi is skating on thin ice these days. This impression is gaining currency because Majhi’s overall performance has not been stellar. Failing law and order situation, atrocities on women, rampant corruption and flight of industries to other states continues to grab headlines. Critics say Majhi’s leadership has been lacklustre with slow implementation of election promises and major reforms not taking shape, causing his popularity to drop. Political analysts say Majhi’s style of working as figurehead has to change giving way to being a decisive leader focussing on performance. This explains why political leaders and analysts are now urging the Odisha CM to assert his authority and provide results on the ground, so that his leadership remains intact. Otherwise, he could be overshadowed by competitors like the Union Minister Dharmendra Pradhan who has never hidden his ambition to rule Odisha one day. In fact political analysts say Pradhan is the de-facto master strategist holding the sceptre, while CM Majhi holds the temporary crown.

Two days ahead of PM Modi’s public meeting at Madurantakam, Chengalpattu district on January 23, the BJP stepped up its campaign to expand the NDA ahead of the assembly elections. On January 21, AMMK general secretary TTV Dhinakaran, rejoined the NDA alliance in the presence of Union Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal in Chennai. He had moved out of the NDA in September 2025. This was six months after Union Home Minister Amit Shah announced that AIADMK chief Eddapadi K Palaniswami would be the CM face and lead the AIADMK- BJP alliance in Tamil Nadu in April 2025. In a reversal of events early this year, Dhinakaran flew into Delhi, met Amit Shah to pave the way for his return into the NDA fold. It is being said the AMMK commands considerable influence among the Mukkulathor community or Thevars in southern TN. Dhinakaran rejoining the NDA could spell trouble for the ruling DMK. So too the joining of Anbumani Ramadoss-led PMK. It is being said Amit Shah was very keen that all anti-DMK votes in the South, particularly the Thevar community votes should not be fragmented. Dhinakaran described the past differences as merely a “family feud”. On his part, AIADMK chief Palaniswami also welcomed Dhinakaran.  The only person acting pricey is DMDK leader Premalatha, widow of late actor Vijayakanth. She is bargaining for two Rajya Sabha seats, a ministerial berth for her son in Modi Govt and some 20 assembly seats. It is her demand to accommodate her son in the Central Govt that has spooked Delhi. Meanwhile, it is learnt that DMK has asked Congress to scale down its demand for seats to 28 and has offered instead to bankroll poll expenses of Assam assembly elections. This simply shows how desperately DMK needs Congress — that is why it is trying to keep it away from actor Vijay’s TVK.

Nitin Nabin was formally declared as the BJP national president, succeeding JP Nadda, in a brief ceremony at party headquarters in Delhi on January 20. All party stalwarts including PM Modi were present. Even as he received a certificate of election from K Laxman, returning officer for BJP organisational polls, Nabin at 45, became the youngest ever to occupy the top party post. The BJP was founded in Mumbai — then Bombay — in 1980 — the year Nabin was born. Emphasising his youthful background, PM Modi went all out emphasising his “millennial background” and “Gen Z connect”.  “Nitin Nabin is a millennial. He is from a generation who has witnessed the country’s economic transformation”, the PM said introducing the new party chief. Outlining Nabin’s task, Modi felt his “youthful energy and long experience of working in organisation,” would help in expanding the party’s footprint across the country. Emphasising that he would always be a worker of the BJP, Modi said “And when it comes to party matters, I am a worker, and Nitin Nabin ji is my boss.” He also added that Nabin would have responsibility to coordinate with NDA allies. Meanwhile, Nabin’s sensitive millennial side was revealed in a video that was shared of Modi’s meeting with Nabin’s family at party headquarters…it showed Nabin as a caring father even as he was with PM Modi. Interestingly, PM Modi also shared why BJP is not into celebrating its wins whether in Mumbai’s BMC or even in Gujarat 2022 assembly polls when everyone had expected him to lose. “We are always into analysing our results/ mistakes. Or preparing for the next polls.”

Nearly two decades after the Singur agitation reshaped West Bengal politics, the fertile stretch in Hooghly district has re-emerged as a key electoral flashpoint. With the 2026 Assembly elections nearing, the BJP has revived the Singur narrative, promising the return of Tata Motors and large-scale industrialisation if voted to power. The Trinamool Congress (TMC), however, continues to project Singur as a landmark victory for farmers against forcible land acquisition. BJP leaders argue that Tata Motors’ exit in 2008 marked the onset of de-industrialisation and that only a change in government can restore investor confidence. The BJP has also contrasted West Bengal’s industrial trajectory with Gujarat’s rapid expansion, presenting the latter as a development model. The party sees Singur as a way to reach Left-leaning voters by emphasising employment and economic growth rather than identity politics alone. The TMC has countered by reiterating that the Singur movement centred on protecting cultivable land and farmers’ rights. It cites the Supreme Court verdict declaring the 2006 land acquisition illegal and ordering land to be returned to unwilling farmers, calling it both legal and moral vindication. The conflict began in 2006 when the Left Front government acquired nearly 1,000 acres for Tata’s Nano project. The decision sparked sustained protests led by Mamata Banerjee, including police action and a 21-day hunger strike. Amid escalating unrest, Tata Motors withdrew in 2008 and shifted the project to Sanand, Gujarat. The Singur and Nandigram agitations later became central to the TMC’s rise, ending 34 years of Left rule in 2011. At present, about 300 acres have been restored to cultivation. Farmers’ groups have demanded that another 300 acres be made arable, suggesting the rest could be considered for industry. As elections approach, Singur’s abandoned fields have again become a battleground of competing visions of development and memory.

Veteran leader Sharad Pawar and Shiv Sena boss Uddhav Thackeray have been totally decimated in the election to 29 municipal corporations across Maharashtra, raising a question mark about the next turn in their political journey. Just half a dozen of the civic bodies marked any presence of the parties led by the two prominent leaders, leaving the field open to the saffron outfit, led by chief minister Devendra Fadnavis. The other casualty is Pawar’s nephew Ajit, who took on the BJP for no obvious reason and has been mauled badly in his own stronghold, Pune city and district. A few select bodies like Kolhapur, Vasai-Virar, Malegaon, Chandrapur, Parbhani and Amaravati have shown electoral wins of the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) candidates, though most have been elected on their own steam. The MVA is now rudderless in the state and the voters, too, have expressed their displeasure on its negative campaigning, which was replete with abuse and curses. On the other hand, Fadnavis and deputy CM Eknath Shinde continuously harped on the theme of development. The results have conclusively shown that Uddhav’s clout is now confined only to Mumbai, of course lesser than earlier. As far as Sharad Pawar is concerned, he neither campaigned nor addressed any rally. His inaction is blamed for the pitiable condition of his party. Thus, both leaders will have to explain to their cadres what plan of action is in their mind.

Ill-famed Shrikant Pangarkar will henceforth be seen in the civic hall of Jalna Municipal Corporation despite being named as an accused in the 2017 killing of journalist Gauri Lankesh. The Jalna results were declared on Friday and Pangarkar emerged as the winner in Ward 13. He defeated his opponents of the BJP and other parties in a multi-corner contest. The Shiv Sena led by deputy CM Eknath Shinde had chosen not to field any candidate in the ward, a decision that foretold the electoral outcome. Soon after the results, he began celebrating with his supporters. The images went viral, causing an outrage. The criminal case related to Lankesh’s murder is sub-judice, thus enabling Pangarkar to contest. Facing the media after this, Pangarkar asserted that he had not been convicted; hence, the legal process was still underway.” His defence nonplussed the reporters. The assassination of Gauri Lankesh took place in Bengaluru on 5 September 2017. The killing triggered a widespread debate across the country. In August 2018, the Maharashtra Anti-Terrorism Squad arrested Pangarkar as an accused though was granted bail by the Karnataka high court on 4 September 2024. Earlier, Pangarkar had served as a corporator in Jalna between 2001 and 2006 as a member of the undivided Shiv Sena. However, as he was not given a ticket in 2011, he moved to the Hindu Janjagruti Samiti, a right-wing organisation. Only a year before, while the November 2024 Maharashtra Assembly elections were to happen, Pangarkar joined the Shinde Sena. The move backfired and Shinde had to keep in abeyance Pangarkar’s entry. Despite that interlude, Pangarkar is back in the news.

A section of the Tamil Nadu BJP leadership is completely disappointed with the line-up of people arranged by Union Minister L Murugan for Pongal festivities organised at his residence and presided over by PM Modi. While it might all be very well for Murugan, who is Minister of State for I&B, to flaunt the presence of makers and cast and crew of the DMK-backed film Parasakthi, some BJP leaders were not comfortable with the presence of producer Akash Baskaran. He is related to late DMK patriarch M Karunanidhi and his late first son MK Muthu. His wife Dharini is MK Muthu’s granddaughter. Her dad is CK Ranganthan who owns Cavinkare. Her mother is Thenmozhi, Kalignar Karunanidhi’s granddaughter. The issue with Akash Bhaskaran’s presence at PM Modi’s event was that he had briefly figured in the TASMAC scam probe. Of course, the ED had to apologise to Bhaskaran as directed by the Madras High Court. Some TN BJP leaders feel a section of party leaders are always hell bent on bringing “not very desirable characters” into the party and thereby putting off genuine voters. Incidentally, neither PM Modi nor Murugan shared any pics of their interaction with Parasakthi actors on their timeline. It was done by the National Award-winning composer GV Prakash to share a photograph of his interaction with PM Modi as well as reveal the presence of Sivakarthikeyan and Ravi Mohan. Prakash also performed a track from his Tamil pride album Thiruvasagam for the first time at the event. Meanwhile, it is being said the real problem with TVK leader Vijay’s film Jana Nayagan, one hears, is that the protagonist is seen making a direct pitch against “political leadership” that it is communalising politics. Two, he is also seen speaking against “atma nirbhar bharat”. If the Congress has issues with Parasakthi because it is critical of Indira Gandhi, Jana Nayagan has clearly irked powers that be in Delhi.

Former Tamil Nadu BJP chief K Annamalai may be bristling at MNS chief Raj Thackeray’s “rasmalai” jibe at him and may have even dared the MNS leader to break his legs when he visits Mumbai next. While it may be all very well for the cop-turned-politician not to be afraid of Thackeray’s empty boasts, not many in Maharashtra BJP leadership are happy with Annamalai’s foot-in-the-mouth utterances. In fact questions are being asked about the need to even call Annamalai for canvassing  for BMC polls. That too at a time when the civic polls seemed nicely tied in ruling Mahayuti’s favour. “What was the need to ask Annamalai to campaign? This is a needless controversy. Annamalai has turned the media attention on himself. In any case we have very small pockets of influence of Tamil voters, whom we have been regularly reaching out to. Annamalai’s utterances on Mumbai have only been twisted to give an issue to the Opposition,” says a senior BJP leader. The only saving grace is that ahead of the civic polls the local media did not play up Annamalai’s comment. Mumbai as Maharashtra’s capital is an emotive issue and anyone familiar with its socio-politics will not even not go anywhere near this topic. He had said Mumbai, apart from being Maharashtra capital, is also an international city. In an interview to a Marathi TV channel, chief minister Devendra Fadnavis clarified that there was no need to take the Tamil leader seriously. He suggested that Annamalai was making an effort to communicate in his limited knowledge of Hindi. “It wasn’t as if the PM had spoken. Mumbai is an international city.” As for Raj Thackeray calling Annamalai a “rasmalai”, Fadnavis was dismissive of the MNS leader and felt he couldn’t be taken seriously.

Is the Censor delay for Vijay’s film all aimed to strengthen the TVK chief’s support base and ensure its a superhit? Is the BJP-led Centre actually helping the superstar? As Vijay is facing an uphill task to get his last film Jana Nayagan released on Jan 9 and the Tamil Nadu Congress leaders are already blaming the Home Minister Amit Shah for it. A perception is growing in TN that the BJP is not obstructing the screening of the film but perhaps doing it all to increase his popularity among youth and women. It is being said the whole idea is to ensure that sizable votes of youth and women could now consolidate behind Vijay — that is to move away from the DMK. A strong TVK is bound to weaken the DMK. It is believed a three-way fight in TN will benefit the challenger AIADMK-BJP. Jana Nayagan was postponed two days before release due to a censor certificate delay.  While a Madras HC hearing is expected to pave way for its release next week, there is a growing view that Jana Nayagan’s Censor problems were clearly linked to Vijay’s political dalliances with the Congress — Rahul Gandhi had spoken to him post Karur incident. It is in this backdrop that top Congress leaders from AICC in charge Girish Chodankar to Tamil Nadu MPs — Manickam Tagore and Jothimani attacked the Centre for withholding Censor certificate for Vijay’s film. TN Congress sources however feel Vijay may not eventually take up Congress offer of an alliance. “Vijay may finally end up with the AIADMK-BJP.  Everyone in TN is heading that way. The DMK will also not take us on board,” pointed out a TN Congress leader.

Priyanka Gandhi Vadra’s decision to be on the screening committee to pick candidates for Assam assembly elections is being viewed in party circles as a stepping stone to her larger role in Congress affairs eventually. It may seem odd that a Gandhi family member has deemed it fit to chair a state’s candidate screening committee. That too when another family confidante and a close Rahul Gandhi aide Jitendra Singh, is in charge of the state. Well, if Priyanka thinks she has stepped into Assam to pose a challenge to incumbent CM Himanta Biswa Sarma and oust the decade old BJP regime, it is surely not going to be an easy task. Himanta has already declared that the ruling BJP and its allies in the NDA are likely to win 103 of the 126 assembly seats. He attributed the higher winning rate of the NDA to delimitation. In these circumstances, what would be Priyanka’s role? Is she coming to mobilise votes of Muslims in Assam? Last month CM Sarma had flagged the rise of phenomenal growth of Muslim population and had blamed the Congress for it. The Muslims are largely loyal to the All India United Democratic Front led by Badruddin Ajmal. In the last elections, AIUDF won 16 seats. It is possible Priyanka has come to strengthen the hands of youthful Assam Congress chief Gaurav Gogoi who is not a much-liked figure. Maybe Priyanka thinks Assam is a low-hanging fruit since in the last elections the difference in the votes in Assam between the NDA and the Opposition alliance was only 1.6% — though the NDA won 75 seats and the Opposition 50. Meanwhile, Rahul Gandhi one hears has taken off to Vietnam. Of course, BJP’s Amit Malviya insists Rahul has set up Priyanka for “failure”.

While the Maha Vikas Aghadi which is in shambles is finding it difficult to find sufficient candidates to field for the coming municipal corporation elections in Maharashtra, the ruling Mahayuti has already opened its account in some cities. The most striking score, so far, is in Panvel, a satellite town of Mumbai. At least eight BJP candidates have been considered elected since there are no opposition nominees. Similarly, major corporations like Kalyan-Dombivali, Thane, Bhiwandi, Ahilya Nagar, Jalgaon and Pune are following suit. Incidentally, most victorious candidates are proved lucky since in several places, their opponents were eliminated as their nomination documents were found lacking in scrutiny. While chief minister Devendra Fadnavis has expressed confidence that the Mahayuti will sweep all the 29 municipal corporations on 16 January, deputy CM Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena, too, has half a dozen winners to its credit. Although there was large scale defection and rebellion till the other day, leaders of all major parties have become successful in quelling the revolts. Munira Shaikh Fakir Mohamed of Islam Party has been elected unopposed from a ward in Malegaon, considered a sensitive town communally. The Congress and the Nationalist Congress Party led by veteran Sharad Pawar appear to be the most vulnerable in the power play. The final picture will be clear by Saturday (Jan3) when the names of those who have withdrawn from the contest will become known. Nonetheless, the saffron outfit is already on cloud nine.

Ahead of the 2026 West Bengal Assembly elections, a sharp political divide is emerging. Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee is foregrounding Bengali language, asmita, and secularism, projecting her government as pro-people through social welfare schemes and friendly governance. Conversely, the BJP is centring its campaign on illegal infiltration, corruption, misgovernance and a “climate of fear,” as outlined by Union Home Minister Amit Shah. During a three-day Kolkata tour, Shah intensified attacks on the Trinamool Congress, alleging that 15 years of rule have been paralysed by “syndicate-driven practices” and corruption, hindering development and central scheme implementation. Shah accused Mamata of nepotism, claiming power concentrated around her nephew, Abhishek Banerjee. He further criticised the appointment of senior police officials, alleging deviations from norms via the use of retired officers as proxy heads. On national security, Shah labelled illegal immigration a critical concern. He alleged the state failed to provide land for border fencing, claiming while infiltration dropped in Assam and Tripura, it persists in Bengal due to “vote-bank considerations.” He cited the BJP’s growth from 17 % vote share and two Lok Sabha seats in 2014 to 39 % vote share and 12 seats in 2024 as evidence of momentum. Banerjee launched a counterattack by questioning why the Centre focuses on Bengal while ignoring security issues in regions like Jammu and Kashmir. Finally, she questioned the timing of BJP’s deportation promises, noting that Bengal and Punjab bore the historical brunt of 1947’s Partition displacement.

Apparently, there isn’t the usual rush of visitors at the BJP headquarters in New Delhi these days. No, it has nothing to do with the winter blues. It has got more to do with the appointment of new BJP working president Nitin Nabin. It is being said the usual throng is missing. Perhaps, people are waiting for Nabin to be formally installed as party president which will happen very soon. Along with him, a new set of office-bearers will also take charge. It is being said that only people who are now being spotted at headquarters are people from Nabin’s hometurf — that is Bihar — probably taking a lot of pride in the big office he will soon occupy.  Of course, Nabin himself has been busy traveling to Puducherry in the South and Patna. An interesting fallout of Nabin’s elevation is that the other serious BJP president hopeful — Union Environment Minister Bhupendra Yadav — has finally begun attending to his ministerial responsibility. Yadav could be heard speaking about Delhi’s toxic AQI only after Nabin’s elevation. Meanwhile, there are also misgivings about Nabin’s rise within the BJP. It is felt he would always be remote controlled. He would remain the best bet for whoever picked him for the top job. Perhaps that was why he was chosen!

Elections to the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) – the most prestigious and cash richest civic body housed within the financial capital of India — will be held on January 15. Seat number 227 (identical to the total tally of seats in BMC) sees the Congress party faced with a Hobson’s choice, where two Christian women are vying for the party candidature. One resourceful hospitality sector entrepreneur – Laura D’Souza  and the other – Vaishali Gawde – grass-roots worker of the party who will need the party’s financial investment into her candidature if selected as the party candidate. The seat is housed in the most prestigious Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha parliamentary and assembly constituencies of Mumbai that used to be the HQ of the Jan Sangh now BJP. Back then the undivided Shiv Sena under Uddhav Thackeray had wrested the seat despite protestations from the BJP. After all, former Union Power Minister Jaywantiben Mehta held the seat for over a decade. Shiv Sena candidate Arvind Sawant still won convincingly with 50K votes more than his nearest opponent and has enjoyed voter confidence ever since. BJP’s state assembly winner and Speaker in Maharashtra’s state legislature Rahul Narvekar is credited with being the real political powerhouse in the belt alongside the developmental skill sets of neighboring Malabar Hill MLA Mangal Prabhat Lodha. Narvekar’s younger brother has been the corporator elected from the seat and is likely to field his wife this time round. Coming back to the Congress candidate chosen for seat 227 – she will have to be a real giant killer. UBT Sena has tied up with MNS while Congress, Sharad Pawar’s NCP are seeking Prakash Ambedkar’s Dalit vote bank separately.

Congress MLC Pradnya Satav’s decision to resign her post and join the BJP has wider ramifications than was initially understood. It is now clear that the most affected individual by her abrupt change of loyalty is none other than Rahul Gandhi. Although the state Congress failed to persuade her to stay over in the party, Pradnya decided to join the ruling party since she felt that no developmental work will be possible in her Hingoli area unless there is a strong political support. Unfortunately for the Congress party, its last leader from Marathwada, former CM Ashok Chavan, is now a BJP MP while his daughter is elected to the legislative assembly on that party’s ticket. Pradnya’s husband Rajiv Satav was a close confidant of Rahul Gandhi, who had entrusted him to handle the last assembly election in Gujarat. In that election, the Congress had won 77 seats, a record in recent times, against the BJP’s 99. After Rajiv’s untimely demise in 2021 in the Covid pandemic, the Congress party sent Pradnya to the state legislative council, a gesture to pay homage to her husband. However, over the past three years, Pradnya realised the importance of political backing and has decided to join the saffron outfit. With her decision, Rahul Gandhi’s leadership limitations have once again been exposed. Nonetheless, on her part, Pradnya has praised Rahul and Sonia Gandhi. But that will be her swan song for the Congress, it is now clear.

The BJP leadership had to recently redeploy Union Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal once again for handling Tamil Nadu assembly polls. This was apparently being done on request from the Tamil Nadu BJP unit. Even NDA ally — AIADMK chief Edappadi Palaniswami – had conveyed to top BJP leader and Home Minister Amit Shah that Goyal should be in charge of the state. Initially, the party had assigned senior leader Baijayant Panda and Union Minister Murlidhar Mohol to handle the southern state. Party sources felt Goyal had been a good election manager during the Lok Sabha polls and was quite hands on. TN BJP leaders also found MoS  Mohol was too distracted and not taking interest in Chennai affairs. So TN BJP chief Nainar Nagendran rushed to Delhi and lobbied with central leadership to deploy Goyal once again so that BJP can give good results in the state. Nainar had cited the experience of state BJP during Lok Sabha polls. Yielding to local demand, the central BJP leadership tweaked its assignments for the poll-bound states. Goyal was given Tamil Nadu charge and Panda was given Assam. The responsibility of winning back Assam assembly elections will anyway largely lie with incumbent CM Himanta Biswas Sarma. 

With the Election Commission releasing West Bengal’s draft electoral rolls following the SIR exercise, which saw over 58 lakh voters removed across the state on grounds including death and migration, and voter profiles redrawn across districts and border belts ahead of the 2026 assembly elections, there is a disquiet in the ruling Trinamool Congress. What has particularly upset West Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee is voter deletion in her Bhabanipur constituency – nearly 44,787 voters have been deleted. The CM is also surprised that no complaints are forthcoming since the draft rolls were published. That is why the TMC leadership decided to deploy its booth-level agents for a fresh, door-to-door verification of deleted voters’ names in her constituency. Bhabanipur had 206,295 voters as of January 2025. The newly published draft rolls list has 161,509 names. TMC leaders are particularly upset over a large number of voters being marked “dead”, “shifted” or “absent”. “The party leadership made it clear that no valid voter’s name should be deleted under any circumstances. Every deleted name must be physically verified,” a TMC source said. Bhabanipur is a dense urban seat with many residents originally from Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Odisha. Mamata is also surprised that maximum deletion of voters, 74,533 has happened in Chowringhee constituency of her close friend Naina Bandhopadhya. In contrast, voter deletion from Nandigram — from where she lost – is just 10,550. The seat is now represented by her BJP rival Suvendu Adhikari. Reacting to names deleted in the SIR exercise, BJP leader Amit Malviya says the process has revealed that TMC chief Mamata Banerjee has stayed in power due to votes cast in the names of illegal Bangladeshis and Rohingyas.

Has sibling rivalry caught up with the Gandhis? According to Union Minister Ravneet Singh Bittu, a former Congress leader now in the BJP, insists that the Lok Sabha LoP Rahul Gandhi set off for a visit to Germany in midst of Parliament’s Winter Session only after his Parliament speech on electoral reforms went bust and was compared with his sister Priyanka’s speech on Vande Mataram. Sources say the minister spoke about the sibling rift to give context to negative statements being made by the LoP about India — such as “Manufacturing is declining in India” in Germany. It is being said Rahul is apparently upset that his speech made no impact while Priyanaka’s created a buzz. Yet, there are few takers for stories of rifts between the Gandhi siblings. Younger sibling Priyanka regularly defends Rahul against the BJP’s political attacks. She had also fiercely defended Rahul’s trip to Germany. While it is true that both Rahul and mother Sonia have ensured that Priyanka does not have any role in the Congress, party sources say Priyanka has been micromanaging floor protests in her brother’s absence in the last few days. On the penultimate day of the Session, Priyanka used Question Hour to meet Transport Minister Nitin Gadkari to sort out issues about her Wayanad constituency. However, too many disruptions cost Priyanka an opportunity to speak about air pollution in Delhi/NCR. The Lok Sabha was adjourned as soon as the house passed modified MNREGA or the new Viksit Bharat Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) (VB-G RAM G) Bill, 2025.  The House had sat till wee hours — till about 1.30 am — discussing the bill. Speaker Om Birla rejected Opposition pleas to send the Bill to a Standing Committee; After all, 99 speakers participated in the discussion.