With the state headed for the 2026 Assembly elections, the Mamata Banerjee government is pushing aggressively to showcase industrial progress through the MSME sector. Seeking to counter anti-incumbency and reinforce its prospects for a fourth straight term—an outcome the Trinamool Congress believes is likely—the administration is leaving no stones unturned to project West Bengal as an industry-friendly state. The effort is widely seen as an attempt by the CM to shed her long-standing anti-industry image, with the Opposition frequently alleging that despite annual editions of the Bengal Global Business Summit and repeated announcements of investment proposals, the state continues to lag behind in credible, large-scale industrial growth. Ahead of the major state industrial summit scheduled for December 18, significant investment proposals have already come in across four districts, MSME Department officials have indicated. The flow of investments into the Junglemahal region—particularly Purulia and Bankura—is being seen as a major breakthrough. Despite years of road expansion, new industrial parks, logistics hubs, and policy incentives, attracting major industries to this region remained a challenge. With fresh commitments now in hand, the government believes the industrial landscape of Junglemahal is set for a notable shift. Bankura has received investment proposals worth Rs 4,590 crore, East Burdwan Rs 590 crore, West Burdwan Rs 350 crore and Purulia Rs 90 crore. All projects are expected to be implemented within the next 18 months and could generate 18,000 to 20,000 direct jobs. Indirect employment is also expected to rise across transport, food supply, hospitality, energy, services and ancillary sectors. According to Nabanna, an improved business environment, faster licensing, the single-window clearance system and recent Synergy and Business Enablement meetings have played critical roles in accelerating these investments.

The BJP’s plans of ruling Maharashtra single-handed at a future date are becoming gradually visible. Various tiny sections of population like Banjara, Laman, Valmiki and other fringe communities will be approached under a systematic strategy by the party’s rank and file. Chief minister Devendra Fadnavis has organised three mega events through the Medical Assistance Cell he has set up with a view to integrating them into the mainstream. Details in regard to the timing and location of the three gatherings will be announced soon. In the long run, the BJP will have to garner at least 40% of the votes if it wants to go it alone in the state. At present, its vote bank is nearly 27%. Since 2014, the BJP has faced three elections each, for the assembly and the parliament. While some were solo, it had found partners for others. Overall, its own vote tally has remained between 25% and 28%. The Shiv Sena (Eknath Shinde) has secured over 12% of the votes while the NCP (Ajit Pawar) managed to clock 9%. Union home minister Amit Shah’s statement last year that the BJP will not need ‘crutches’ (support of other parties) in 2029 is recalled in this connection. Already, the BJP is in a comfortable position in the state. Hence, the concern felt by its allies about its planning has been on the rise.

The much-awaited elections to municipal corporations and zilla parishads (ZPs) across Maharashtra are expected to take place between 15 and 20 January 2026. The people’s verdict for this trial of strength will determine the fate of several political leaders and parties. The indications about the timeline for the elections are based on the fact that the voter lists for the elections will be published by December 10, followed by the promulgation of the Model Code of Conduct between 15 and 20 December. The State Election Commission has held a meeting with all municipal corporations already, in preparation of the hustings. The Supreme Court has once again directed that all these elections must be over by January 31 next year. There are a slew of sanctions to various pending or lagging civic projects all over the state. Moreover, impossible promises are showered by the political parties, which have shed all inhibitions while forming local-level electoral alliances. Just as the three-party government led by chief minister Devendra Fadnavis is completing its first year in office, constant reports about the unrest between the BJP, the Shiv Sena led by deputy CM Eknath Shinde and the NCP led by deputy CM Ajit Pawar are surfacing every day. The bitterness among the major parties in the state is amplified by poaching of prominent workers from one party to another. The main victims of this are the Shiv Sena (UBT) and Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS). Hence, the coming elections will mark a watershed in the state politics.

Nothing may have rankled the Congress more than Defence Minister Rajnath Singh’s assertion that former PM Jawaharlal Nehru wanted to use government funds to build Babri Masjid. Remembering India’s first Home Minister at the ‘Sardar Sabha’ organised in Gujarat’s Vadodara, Singh explained how Patel did not look to appease communities, unlike Nehru, who questioned the reconstruction of Somnath Temple. “Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel was truly secular. He never believed in appeasement. When Jawaharlal Nehru spoke about spending government funds on the Babri Masjid issue, if anyone opposed it, it was one born in Gujarat, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel…” said Rajnath Singh. He said that earlier parallels were drawn between the reconstruction of the Gir Somnath temple, but Patel rejected similarities between the two cases, highlighting that the Somnath temple was rebuilt with donations instead of government money. The Defence Minister said, “The Ram Mandir in Ayodhya too has not been funded by government money. The people of this country have borne the entire cost.” Was Singh imagining this conflict of ideas between Nehru and Patel? Of course not. BJP MP Sudhanshu Trivedi said the differences between Nehru and Patel were drawn from the reminiscences and references made by Patel’s daughter Maniben Patel in her book, The Inside Story of Sardar Patel. It mentions all the correspondence between the two leaders from 1936 to 1950. Giving a context to dragging in Nehru and Babri, Sudhanshu Trivedi says how Nehru insisted that Raja Jam Saheb should stay away from the inauguration of Somnath Temple in April 1951, India’s first PM had publicly declared his disappointment in seeing the beautiful temples in south India. This Nehruvian aversion to temples best explains why the Gandhis have stayed away from Ram Temple in Ayodhya till now.

Last week, when PM Narendra Modi was at Ayodhya to hoist the flag of Ram Mandir — marking the completion of the construction of the Shri Ram Janmabhoomi temple — there was a lot of discussion in the social media over the way Modi’s prayerful hands quivered soon after the hoisting ceremony. No, it had nothing to do with the height or weight of the saffron flag, which is 22 feet long and 11 feet wide, raised on a 42-foot pole atop the 161-ft high shikhara of the Ram temple. In fact the flags were effortlessly hoisted through a click of a few gears. While some odd concerns were expressed about Modi’s health, such views didn’t gain currency as the PM has always defied age. After all, he had landed in Ayodhya on Nov 25 after keeping a hectic schedule at the G-20 summit in South Africa. So, what explains the quivering of PM Modi’s hands? His prayerful hands were raised towards the sun/shikhara. It is being explained as a yogic mudra; actually, an act of prayer. A devout Hindu, Modi had apparently performed Naga Hasta Kampana. when fingers quiver like a rising cobra. It stirs Kundalini energy, moves prana, dissolves tamas, balances the heart centre and draws one closer to divine union. Nāga-hasta-kampana is mentioned in Hindu scriptures, specifically in tantric and Purāṇic texts related to nāga-sādhana (serpent deity worship) and certain Śākta-Śaiva āgamas. As for the flag, it was crafted over 25 days by the Ahmedabad-based parachute manufacturing company using parachute-grade cloth for longevity. Its specifications were finalised after consultations with senior Army officials. As for symbols on the flag is the Kovidar tree which is a hybrid of the Mandar and Parijat trees, created by Rishi Kashyap, as per the Valmiki Ramayana. It also denotes purity, prosperity, and “Ram Rajya”.  

Prime Minister Narendra Modi will remain the Bengal BJP’s main campaign face for the 2026 West Bengal Assembly polls, but the party is consciously limiting his appearances to avoid “overuse” of its most popular leader. State unit insiders believe Modi’s speeches and announcements at select rallies will shape the state-wide narrative, with the party machinery ensuring these messages resonate across districts. Modi is expected to begin his Bengal campaign later in December. BJP sources said he may address his first rally on a Saturday or Sunday during Parliament’s winter session. From December until the end of the campaign, he is likely to hold 14–15 rallies across the state, according to a senior party source. With the election announcement still at least three months away and the polling process expected to stretch two to two-and-a-half months, the campaign period could run nearly five months. Sources further informed that under the current plan, Modi will not exceed 15 rallies. This marks a shift from 2021, when the BJP’s campaign was heavily Modi-centric. Despite the high-voltage campaign, the BJP could not breach Mamata Banerjee’s stronghold. Since then the party has adopted a restrained approach in other states. In Maharashtra, Modi addressed only nine rallies during the 2024 polls, compared to far more in 2014 and 2019. In Haryana, he reduced from 10 rallies in 2014 to four in 2024. State BJP president Shamik Bhattacharya said no formal decision had been taken on Modi’s rally count. He maintained that whether Modi holds 21 rallies or 12, the BJP is confident of the Trinamool Congress’s exit in 2026.

With the central BJP leadership ticking off former Tamil Nadu chief K Annamalai for running a campaign against incumbent president Nainar Nagendran and AIADMK chief Edappadi Palanisawami (EPS), Annamalai’s options are now running out within the BJP. He has been so severely censured for running a social media campaign against NDA ally — AIADMK chief EPS — using his personal troll army, that he has been advised to disband it forthwith. It is being said Annamalai may have felt a little encouraged after PM Modi patted his back at Coimbatore airport during his mid-November. But that did not help him get an appointment with the PM even after multiple requests. This hugely disappointed him. Party sources feel Annamalai’s lack of access to PM Modi may have a lot to do with declining clout of a key official — Hiren Joshi in the PMO (more about it later) — his pointsman for Delhi operations. So, what triggered the tough talk on Annamalai? It has a lot to do with TN BJP chief Nagendran’s recent visit to Delhi, where he met national general secretary (organisation) BL Santhosh, national secretary Arvind Menon, and election in-charge Baijayant Panda. It was Santhosh who read the riot act to Annamalai that he must stop using his troll army against EPS and Nagendran from BJP-linked handles. It is being said he had already begun to skip key party strategy meetings.  With Delhi leaders also being hostile to him, Annamalai is also expected to go out like the way rebel AIADMK leader Sengottaiyan did and join actor Vijay’s TVK. Only it is not clear if Annamalai exits the BJP will he first float his own party or directly land at Vijay’s office. Will he exit from BJP’s Kamalalayam to land in TVK’s Panaiyur office?

Although the use of laser beams is banned for public celebrations, the restriction is more observed in breach than compliance. The same is the case with installing Dolby speakers, which can damage the hearing owing to their high decibel intensity. However, a Pimpri resident will henceforth represent all those ignoring the rules after learning it the hard way himself. Pimpri is a suburb of Pune and its municipal corporation is among the richest in India, given the proliferation of industrial units in its environs. Expectedly, the flaunting of money is quite common. Gopi Pandharinath Lokhande, president of Bhairavnath Mitra Mandal in Pimpri, has been sentenced to simple imprisonment for two days and a fine of Rs 1000 for use of laser beam lights during the Ganesh festival procession taken out on 4 September 2024. He was found guilty of flouting Section 163 of Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Samhita. The police presented video recording of the procession and the preventive notice served on the Mandal regarding the ban on using laser beams. These proved conclusive. If the laser beams fall directly, they can seriously hurt eyes. Children, senior citizens and women are especially vulnerable. Similarly, they can distract airplane pilots if projected near airports or airways. The Pimpri court has underscored this restriction through the punishment it has awarded to Lokhande.

In his preliminary message PM Narendra Modi set the tone of the Winter Session of the Parliament on the opening day when he emphasised that the House “does not need drama but delivery.” He hoped the session should not become a battleground for frustration born out of defeat, or turn into an arena for arrogance after victory. With Opposition leaders speaking about the threat of SIR in poll-bound states, he felt that they had not come to terms with loss in Bihar and their statements showed the loss had unsettled them. Modi’s jibe naturally rattled the Opposition. The Congress which touched a new low in Bihar winning only 6 of the 60 seats it contested and wanted to blame it all on SIR, tried to rake up the sudden exit of former V-P Jagdeep Dhankar while welcoming newly elected Vice President CP Radhakrishnan in the Rajya Sabha. Leader of the Opposition Mallikarjun Kharge’s reference to Dhankar’s exit on health grounds in July drew a fiery response from Parliamentary Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju, who flagged the “unkind words” used by the Opposition on Dhankhar in the past. Rijiju said why did the LoP refer to a case that was not necessary to raise at this point? I want to remind the House of the language used to insult the former Vice President. The minister reminded the Opposition of the unkind words “used in the removal motion that you served on Dhankar” , “a copy of which we still have, we have not forgotten,”. Meanwhile, a senior Congress MP from Telangana Renuka Choudhry violated parliamentary rules by driving into the Parliament House with her pet dog — possibly what seemed like a chihuahua.

The opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA)has perhaps forgotten the adage – once bitten, twice shy. Despite its humiliating defeat in the Maharashtra assembly elections just a year ago, MVA partners have failed to team up to take on the saffron Mahayuti, led by the BJP. While voting for the local body elections is scheduled to take place on December 3, only three days are left for campaigning. However, the Congress has refused to include the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena led by Raj Thackeray into the MVA fold. The NCP-SP led by veteran Sharad Pawar is hardly visible except in certain pockets in Pune and Satara districts. Moreover, it has aligned with the NCP faction led by deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar, who split the parent party three years ago. Thereby, confusing signals about the Pawar clan in particular and about MVA in general are becoming viral, adding to the vexation of the voting public. Surprisingly, no prominent MVA leader has ventured out for campaigning against the Mahayuti. On the other hand, chief minister Devendra Fadnavis and both deputy CMs, Ajit Pawar and Eknath Shinde, are combing the countryside tirelessly. MVA leaders are visible only in front of TV cameras or through press notes, making impossible demands. Perhaps sensing the verdict, they have started shouting in chorus against EVMs and charging that the electoral rolls are suspicious. Re-enactment of Bihar is, thus, feared by the rank and file of MVA.

Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis has consciously made clear distinction (course correction) for BJP’s further growth in the state. With elections for over 29 municipal corporations, a higher number of municipal councils and even more local self-bodies due imminently, Maharashtra’s Chanakya has put his party first, over alliance considerations. During the 2024 Lok Sabha polls political alliance-Dharma exuberance saw BJP suffering sharp losses in Maharashtra, down to a single digit victory figure of nine MPs despite contesting 28 seats as against the tally of 23 enjoyed in 2019 after pitting 25 candidates back then. The Sena similarly won 18 of the 23 seats it contested in alliance with BJP in 2019. The bifurcated Shiv Sena faction under former Chief Minister Uddhav Thackeray (UBT) contested 21 seats in 2024, sending only nine MPs to parliament. Just before the subsequent state assembly elections Fadnavis was anointed ‘Maharashtra’s Sarvashri’ by Union Home Minister Amit Shah. Fadnavis micromanaged the whole process, putting up BJP candidates to include Nilesh Rane, Shaina NC to contest even as alliance partner Shiv Sena candidates (deputy CM Eknath Shinde led party). The result was an overwhelming victory for the Mahayuti alliance, with BJP bagging 132 by itself, the NDA alliance securing 235 out of 288 assembly seats in all. And yet, post facto analysis of the Lok Sabha debacle clearly revealed to Fadnavis that alliance partner NCP’s vote share (led by deputy CM Ajit Pawar) did not transfer to BJP candidates. Now, Fadnavis has made it clear that no micromanagement, political exuberance will be shown in an each-party-for-itself political showdown though alliance understanding will decide seats to be contested in the civic polls. Poaching of Eknath Shinde’s men in Thane by the BJP and Ajit Pawar’s recent political embarrassments only point in this direction.

The Trinamool Congress’ internal dynamics have once again brought its simmering generational rifts into sharp focus. A routine review of the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise has instead revived questions about the shifting balance of authority within the party. TMC’s National General Secretary Abhishek Banerjee’s pointed remarks have taken on significance beyond administrative evaluation, highlighting renewed tension with the so-called Didi faction — Kolkata’s influential old guard long viewed as chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s core circle. The party had earlier instructed booth-level agents (BLAs) to coordinate with the Election Commission–appointed booth-level officers (BLOs) and update daily enumeration progress on the ‘Didir Doot’ app. Abhishek’s sharp reprimand came during a massive virtual meeting with around 25,000 leaders, where he identified eight Assembly constituencies as the poorest performers in voter-list verification. Six of these are in Kolkata — traditionally the base of Mamata’s closest lieutenants. The numbers were strikingly low: BLA activity was only 22% in Kolkata Port (represented by Firhad Hakim), 24% in Kashipur–Belgachhia (Atin Ghosh), 34% in Ballygunge (Babul Supriyo), and similarly low in Beleghata, Entally, Madhyamgram and Chowringhee. His assertion that performance was “non-negotiable” — along with the mention that Mamata Banerjee reviews his reports every 15 days — signalled that his expanding organisational authority carries the Chief Minister’s sanction. His decision to explicitly name certain leaders, including ministers Malay Ghatak and Manoj Tiwary, separate conversations with Hakim and Biswas, and plans for a follow-up meeting with Kolkata MLAs and councillors have reinforced the perception that the National General Secretary is tightening oversight over a region historically dominated by Mamata’s earliest loyalists. As the party shifts toward a data-driven, app-based organisational culture under Abhishek, Kolkata...

In Odisha, the chief minister Mohan Charan Majhi is hitting headlines every other day by announcing various schemes, measures and policies to pitch-fork the state into the big league. His latest vision is to make Odisha a $500 bn economy in the next 10 years from the current $120 bn.  The five-fold growth seems over ambitious, feel experts. To achieve his vision, CM is pulling out all stops, ensuring seamless integration among various government departments. Party insiders say CM is busy with how his team will work cross-functionally holding one another accountable for delivering on commitments. To achieve this target, Odisha has to focus big time on infrastructure, industry and skill development. Meanwhile, the opposition – Biju Janata Dal and Congress – have been critical. They say Majhi government is selling lofty dreams through compelling narratives to cover up his government’s failures. These promises are designed just to appeal to the hopes and aspirations of the electorate. Sure, dreams sell but the true measure of Odisha BJP party’s success lies not in the promises it makes or the eloquence with which it presents its platform, but rather in the tangible impact it has on the lives of Odisha people.

While love and pride for Marathi is the basis of both Shiv Sena factions and the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS), the same factor can play a decisive role in determining the final seat sharing between cousins Uddhav and Raj Thackeray. Both have held repeated meetings to hammer out a solution, which still seems elusive as both are trying to claim certain civic constituencies in Mumbai having predominant Marathi-speaking population. This also covers nearly two dozen civic wards which were won by the Sena (UBT) in the last municipal election. Given the possibility of an electoral understanding, MNS leader Raj Thackeray, too, is learnt to be desirous of fielding his candidates from these areas, for the same reason. At present, the Sena (UBT) is a decimated force in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) since most of its elected corporators have joined the Sena faction led by deputy chief minister Eknath Shinde. Their wards, too, are on the bargaining block, demanded by both sides. In any case, MNS has a sizable presence in at least 30 wards. Assessing the overall scenario, Uddhav drove to Raj’s Shivaji Park residence on November 27 in a bid to take the talks further. As the Congress has refused to accept MNS in the Maha Vikas Aghadi fold, it will be a tough challenge for the cousins to decide their future course of action. Moreover, the Marathi factor has also potential to influence the outcome of the election for the most affluent civic corporation in India.

The Congress high command is expected to take a decisive call on the political situation in Karnataka before the Winter Session of Parliament begins on December 1. Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge is set to meet Rahul Gandhi, with the crucial discussion likely to take place in a day or two, according to those familiar with the developments. It is being said that party leadership is worried about the perception of a power struggle over the CM’s post .Clarity is expected before the Parliament session opens, with the high command keen to avoid any perception of instability in the party’s only major southern bastion. While the CM Siddaramaiah camp is pushing to maintain the status quo at least until March and wants a cabinet reshuffle, supporters of Dy CM Shivakumar are pushing for the Congress to clearly outline a transition plan— the sort that was informally agreed upon during government formation in 2023. Of course, the final word decision will be made by Rahul Gandhi. Party sources aired concern about the manner in which DKS was increasingly becoming rude and insolent — he had apparently refused to acknowledge CM Siddaramaiah’s presence at the same venue. A KPCC leader says, “We must go beyond the binaries of DKS and Siddaramaiah and opt for a Dalit CM. Rahulji should opt for G Parameshwara — he is an educated Dalit leader; he is someone like Dr BR Ambedkar; he has served the party well and occupied many capacities.” His elevation will have the same the impact for the Congress as what Sushil Kumar Shinde’s rise as CM in Maharashtra in January 2003, did for the Congress in May 2004 Lok Sabha polls across India. UPA I came to power. SP leader Akhilesh Yadav had also promised to push for a Dalit CM with Rahul Gandhi. It is being said Siddaramaiah will happily back a Dalit CM, particularly Parameshwara.

Former Minister KA Sengottaiyan, who was expelled from the AIADMK, tendered his resignation as Gobichettipalayam MLA on November 26. The nine-term MLA handed over his resignation to Assembly Speaker M Appavu at the Secretariat in Chennai. Sengottaiyan is the second MLA of the AIADMK to tender resignation this month. Earlier on November 4, PH Manoj Pandian resigned as Alangulam MLA hours after joining the DMK. While Sengottaiyan refused to disclose to the media about his future course of action, there is speculation that he may soon join actor Vijay’s political party, Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK). A Gounder like AIADMK chief Edappadi K Palaniswami (EPS), his exit from the AIADMK is something that would weaken the AIADMK alliance. Initially, it was felt Sengottaiyan was headed towards DMK as he already had a word with DMK supremo and Tamil Nadu chief minister MK Stalin. He had also met with Stalin’s closest minister Sekarbabu. Sengottaiyan’s political decision is being viewed as an initiative pushed by Stalin to engineer splits in AIADMK, to spite EPS and Amit Shah. The rebel AIADMK leader is also known to be advised by BJP leader K Annamalai on his career moves to achieve their common goal of preventing EPS coming back as CM in Tamil Nadu.

In Tamil Nadu, Naam Tamilar Katchi (NTK) chief Seeman is well known for his hot speeches and hasty utterances; a politician who fires salvoes and then thinks about anger management. By any Tamil political standard Seeman is a colourful, cacophonic and clamorous personality. Just a few days back, addressing a press meet in Puducherry, he lost his cool and lambasted a journalist who asked about SIR…even threatened physical harm. Seeman and his two chelas were charged under three sections. His anger and attitude are not surprising especially after an alleged meeting he had with actor Vijay in his Panaiyur mansion. This was the time Seeman was welcomed as a master strategist and alliance partner. Vijay had done the math for the firepower — the Congress, TVK and NTK. So insiders of TVK were surprised to see Seeman walk into the gilded environs of Vijay’s Antilia , ostensibly for a three hour pow wow on the alliance. At the close of this, Vijay is said to have offered to personally drop Seeman home in his car. En route Vijay is said to have asked him, “Anna, what do you think of bringing the Congress into our fold? Vijay was totally shaken by Seeman’s anger and vitriolic response. “This party is totally responsible for the genocide of Tamil Eelam brothers. We must annihilate this party in the same way” Seeman’s hot blooded reaction threw Vijay off his cool …quickly taking a U turn, he drove back home. Alliances and strategies are crucial at this stage for Vijay , especially after the Karur disaster, and Vijay is surely not wanting to ally with leaders and parties that choose indiscriminate paths.

In a stinging public rebuke that has unsettled the Bengal BJP unit, Tamluk MP and former Calcutta High Court judge Abhijit Gangopadhyay has said he is “disillusioned” with the party barely 18 months after joining politics, declaring that the BJP is “nowhere close” to removing chief minister Mamata Banerjee. Gangopadhyay, who quit the judiciary last year to contest the Lok Sabha polls on a BJP ticket, said his “only purpose” in entering electoral politics was to “remove Didi from power”. Holding the Modi government, central agencies and the Election Commission for their collective to make headway, and questioned the Centre’s intent toward Bengal. The former judge also stated that Mamata Banerjee who leverages the “anti-Bengali sentiment” issue as a poll plank, as the BJP continues to “misread Bengal’s sentiment”. Expressing “discontent” over the dominance of “non-Bengali leadership” in the state unit, he said the “mindset of North India does not match that of West Bengal” and that the party cannot import leaders from the Hindi belt and expect to win. Delhi-based leaders, he added, do not grasp the “mentality, temperament or sentiments” of Bengal’s electorate. Gangopadhyay further criticised central agencies for “failing” on matters such as the teachers’ recruitment scams and the RG Kar Medical College rape case, alleging that sections were influenced by ruling party leaders for the teachers’ recruitment scam. As a judge, he had once handled recruitment scam cases before resigning to join the BJP. He also accused the Election Commission of failing to enforce FIRs it ordered against officials for alleged irregularities, saying the state instead issued suspensions. His remarks have left the Bengal BJP in an awkward position, with state leaders privately expressing discomfort over his public doubts about the party.

A woman passenger’s bluster that her husband eats only fresh food now stands to gulp humble pie since her bravado of cooking Maggie on the mobile charging socket in the train they were travelling on has invited Central Railway’s punitive action against her. The woman’s identity has not been divulged but in a video that has gone viral, she is seen and heard telling other passengers in the coach smugly, “Saheb likes only freshly made food. I have no holiday here, too.” The clip has been watched by over 65,000 viewers. Railway Protection Force authorities have declared that action was being initiated against her. Passengers are advised to refrain from any such hazardous behaviour. If they notice any such activity, report it immediately, RPF has urged the travelling public. The woman’s “Maggi hack” has raised alarm overall. A passenger alerted that the amperage is not equipped for high-power appliances. Another has commented wryly, “Civic sense of Indians is so high that they will do all the stupidity and flaunt it in public as a biggest achievement.” Supporting the comment, another says, “Indians have no sense of consideration, courtesy or respect towards shared public space. They will treat everything as private space.” While many have questioned the efficacy of security measures on trains, there are those who have demanded to know the sense of filming such blatant violation of law. 

Union Cabinet Minister Dharmendra Pradhan’s visit (Nov 21) to Odisha post Bihar election win, has set the tongues wagging.  It is learnt that the chief minister Mohan Charan Majhi and his loyal band of ministers deliberately did not go to Bhubaneswar airport to receive and congratulate him for his Bihar success. Sources say Majhi has been wary of Pradhan’s clout and his chief ministerial ambition. This new incident, sources say, has possibly widened the unspoken rift between the Union Minister Pradhan and chief minister Majhi. Political observers say “empathy and trust are paramount values in the reciprocal political relationship”. Party insiders say, the chief minister deliberately scheduled a cabinet meeting so as to give a miss to Pradhan’s visit. But, one thing is loud and clear, Pradhan who has been eyeing the CM’s chair for quite some time, may one day well be occupying it given his accomplishments within the BJP.

On the back of Bihar drubbing, the Congress sent a team of senior AICC secretaries headed by Girish Raya Chodankar (AICC in-charge for Tamil Nadu and Puducherry) to Chennai to negotiate seat-sharing with DMK for assembly elections next year. The team includes key state leaders: TNCC president K Selvaperunthagai, Congress Legislature Party leader S Rajeshkumar, AICC secretaries Nivedith Alva and Suraj Hegde. The panel is expected to hit the ground running next week. Interestingly, soon after the Bihar results, Tamil Nadu chief minister MK Stalin had sent his son-in-law V Sabareesan as an emissary to meet with Rahul Gandhi in New Delhi this week. Party sources said Sabareesan had taken a letter from Stalin offering 15 seats for the Congress in the 2026 Tamil Nadu assembly polls. In 2021, the Congress had contested 25 seats and had won 18. The party now has 17 legislators in its fold, after one of the MLAs, S Vijayadharani switched to the BJP in 2024. In Bihar, the Congress had contested 61 seats in an Opposition alliance with the Rashtriya Janata Dal. It managed to win only 6 seats. The early despatching of the AICC team to Chennai to seal an electoral pact with the DMK effectively shuts down speculation about the Congress moving towards a tie-up with the newbie TVK. This even as some individual leaders like party MP Manickam Tagore have been pushing for a tie-up with youth icon, popular actor and TVK leader Vijay.

The buzz in Odisha for quite some time is who will step into Naveen Patnaik’s shoes, this has become stronger post Biju Janata Dal’s humiliating defeat in the recently held bypoll election. It slipped to the third position while Congress moved to the 2nd position with BJP winning by huge margin. Political observers say “BJD seems to be in the worst moment”. Already, prominent and senior BJD leaders like Mamta Mahanta MP, Sujit Kumar, Rajya Sabha and ex-MP strategist Amar Patnaik have quit BJD sometime back joining BJP. Fresh rumours are that more BJD members could join BJP if discontent within BJD’s rank and file grows further. Given Naveen Babu’s advancing age (79) plus health complications resulting in him not being able to walk without assistance, have convinced his party workers that he should not be looking after the day-to-day running of his party. So, who could take over the party’s mantle? Sources say Sujata R Karthikeyan, ex-IAS, former Mission Shakti Chief of BJD’s powerful women wing and wife of Patnaik’s man Friday VK Pandian could be a strong contender. This is because Patnaik trusts the Pandians totally. Sources say, Sujata’s formal entry into BJD could take place on BJD’s Foundation Day December 26 while others say Sujata could be nominated to the Rajya Sabha. Only time will tell.

For 2026 Assembly polls, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee and her party Trinamool Congress (TMC) appear to be adjusting their political messaging. The party is presenting a more explicit secular position, moving away from repeated accusations that it favours one community. The TMC’s December 6 rally — usually managed by the minority cell — has been handed this year to the student and youth wings, signaling a shift in how TMC wants the event to be viewed. The rally commemorates the demolition of the Babri Masjid, but TMC’s leadership wants the day to be framed as an appeal for communal unity rather than a community-focused programme. Calling December 6, a “symbolically strong day”, the party wants the event to mark the opening of its grassroots-level campaign for 2026 with both Didi and her nephew Abhishek Banerjee likely to address the gathering. The party leaders say the aim is to counter what they see as increasing communal mobilisation by the BJP. Internally, TMC leaders acknowledge that recent political trends — including the limited impact of SIR in Bihar — have prompted a reassessment. The party believes the BJP is using the issue to sharpen religious polarisation, and it wants to respond with a message that can consolidate secular-leaning voters. Predictably, BJP leader Suvendu Adhikari has criticised the rally, saying it is another attempt at appeasement. The decision to involve younger wings of the party is also intended to suggest a wider, more inclusive organisational base. The effectiveness of this shift will depend on whether TMC can follow the rally with sustained outreach. The move indicates that TMC recognises that the political narrative in Bengal is changing, and that it must adapt if it hopes to shape voter sentiment ahead of 2026 Assembly polls.

The coming local body election in Maharashtra has forced the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi partners to face a Hobson’s Choice, giving indications that the BJP-led Mahayuti will have a smooth sailing, thanks to the likely vote division in the opposition camp. The already decimated Congress party has declared that it will not team up with the Shiv Sena (UBT) since its leader Uddhav Thackeray has decided to fight the election jointly with cousin Raj Thackeray’s Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS). If both, the Congress and Uddhav, remain firm on their stand, the Mahayuti’s expectation to win on a platter will become a reality as the opposition’s vote bank will be dented. Realising this possibility, Uddhav has started persuading the Congress to remain in MVA. So far, the outcome is elusive. On the other hand, the Congress has urged senior leader Sharad Pawar to extend his support to it but the NCP(SP) is yet to make up its mind. The Hobson’s Choice, thus, faces the Congress and Uddhav’s Sena. If Uddhav and Raj are not hand in hand, the Marathi vote in Mumbai and Thane will be split, to the advantage of the Mahayuti. If the cousins come together, the Congress and perhaps even the NCP(SP) can think of other options, ultimately harming the MVA prospects, overall. Although all is not well in the Mahayuti camp either, the MVA’s splintering will override the saffron camp’s differences and present it with a massive mandate, it seems as of now.

Mindless exhibition of pride for Marathi language has led to a horrific tragedy, claiming a young student’s life. The deceased, Arnav Khaire, was a student of Kelkar College in Mulund. His father Jitendra has complained to the police that the youngster ended his life after he was assaulted by a group of co-commuters while travelling in a second-class compartment of a suburban train. Arnav had requested one of the co-commuters to move slightly in Hindi. This reportedly led to the tragedy as the group asked why he wasn’t speaking in Marathi. Even after Arnav told them that he was Marathi, they still attacked him. Depressed, Arnav committed suicide, the father has complained. Assistant Commissioner of Police Kalyanji Ghete has formed a special team to investigate. Over the past few months, assaulting those unable to respond in Marathi has taken place time and again, especially in the Mumbai-Thane belt. Those facing the wrath of proponents of use of Marathi include a bank official, a shopkeeper and stray non-Maharashtrians. Arguments over speaking Marathi have been reported from varied locations. For example, clashes in suburban trains are more common occurrences. Autorickshaw drivers, hawkers and even social media users. Some time ago, a shopkeeper in Vikhroli was attacked for a WhatsApp status deemed offensive to the Marathi community. He was forced to apologise after being physically assaulted. Afraid, those at the receiving end rarely lodge police complaints. However, the trend of assault has created an atmosphere of apprehension.

It was a disinformation war fought on social media to mislead Tamil Nadu voters. DMK leader and Tamil Nadu chief minister MK Stalin accused the Union government of “denying” metro rail to Coimbatore and Madurai as part of revenge politics; and his post emphasised how the Centre was favouring BJP-ruled states over non-BJP states in providing metro services. Responding to Stalin’s charge, Union Urban Affairs Minister Manohar Lal Khattar in a post on X said Stalin had “chosen to politicise” the issue and had ignored the “magnanimous sanction” made by Central government of Rs 63,246 crore for Chennai Metro Phase II for a route of 119 km, the largest ever such project approved. As for rejection of metro projects for Coimbatore and Madurai, Khattar added that the Detailed Project Reports did not comply with essential norms of the Metro Rail Policy, 2017, mandating a population threshold of two million in the urban agglomeration. The Coimbatore and Madurai proposals apparently contained the following discrepancies: (1) For lesser route length in Coimbatore than in Chennai Metro system, a higher traffic projection as compared to Chennai had been given. On the face of it appeared erroneous. (2) Projected average trip lengths and speed differentials between road traffic and the metro, did not support the expectation of a modal shift of traffic to a metro system. A miffed Stalin however felt that Tier-II cities in BJP ruled states were being favoured while opposition ruled States are deprived, is a disgraceful approach. Asserting that Tamil Nadu, the land of self-respect, will never accept a distortion of federal principles and will ensure that Tier-II cities in the state also get metros. Tamil Nadu BJP leaders like Vanathi Srinivasan asserted that Coimbatore and Madurai would get metros under AIADMK-led government post assembly polls.

The bonding between both the ruling and opposition coalition partners in Maharashtra went for a toss for the forthcoming local self-government bodies elections scheduled in December. The local polls for 246 municipal councils and 42 nagar panchayats, the first local polls being held in state post-Covid lockdown, are crucial for all the parties as they are being held after a long gap. Surprisingly, the ruling Mahayuti government has poached a leader from their own coalition partners — Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena. This upset Shinde’s ministerial team so much so that they protested by boycotting the November 18 cabinet meeting. Chief minister Devendra Fadnavis remained unrepentant and is said to have not just justified the poaching. Keen to form a “triple-engine sarkar” in Maharashtra, Fadnavis is keen to replicate BJP’s success at the Centre and State level for the third time at the local governance level. Equations at the local self-government elections have always been known to be at variance with parties’ stated positions at the state or central government level. The split in outfits like the NCP and Shiv Sena has further muddied the political waters in the state and parties are finding it difficult to rein in the ambitions of their party workers. While Sharad Pawar, known to have his ear to the ground, has already clarified that his partymen were free to align with anyone at the local level, others fail to be that clear. The Congress is going solo and not aligning with the MVA in these local polls in response to the political alignment of the Thackeray brothers. While Congress is worried about allying with Raj Thackeray’s MNS lest it affect their North Indian voters, it is equally wary of allying with its own coalition partner, Uddhav Thackeray for successfully attracting their core Muslim vote bank in recent polls.

It is really amazing to see that both the Dravidian parties in Tamil Nadu — the ruling DMK that is part of INDIA Bloc and aligned with the Congress, and  the Opposition AIADMK that is aligned with the BJP — are drawing a lot comfort from the historic verdict in Bihar which saw return of Nitish Kumar as CM for a record 10th term. Of particular interest is the way DMK leader and Tamil Nadu CM MK Stalin, who had even travelled to Bihar in August and joined Rahul Gandhi and Tejashwi Yadav in a rally against SIR of electoral rolls. Stalin was convinced that Nitish Kumar decisively won the electoral battle for “fulfilling the expectations of the people of Bihar”.  On X he tweeted “Election outcomes reflect welfare delivery, social and ideological coalitions, clear political messaging, and dedicated management until the last vote is polled. The leaders of the INDIA bloc are seasoned politicians capable of reading the message and planning strategically to address emerging challenges.”  At the same time, he felt the results cannot whitewash the misdeeds and reckless actions of the ECI. On the other hand, AIADMK leader Edappadi K Palaniswami in a X post which has a tagline “Say YES to Women Safety”, said how on Nov 14 the people of Bihar had given a fitting response to the Congress-led INDI alliance, rejecting its falsehoods and attempts to undermine the institutions of democracy. In more ways than one, the Bihar verdict had ended uncertainties about the NDA alliance in Tamil Nadu. In fact, a group of AIADMK leaders were already in Patna on Nov 14 cheering for the NDA win. This is in contrast to the way Stalin had been mocking Biharis for flocking to Tamil Nadu for low skilled jobs.

Presence of mind by a Varanasi journalist resulted in the reunion of a four-year-old girl with her parents. The toddler was kidnapped from Mumbai in May this year. The Mumbai Police had launched two special search efforts called “Operation Shodh” (Operation Trace) to find the missing child. The breakthrough came when a local Hindi-speaking journalist alerted the authorities about a girl, speaking in Marathi, housed at a local children’s shelter. The girl and her family, originally from Solapur, were in Mumbai for her father’s medical treatment when she went missing on 20 May while playing in a crowded area. Mumbai police teams travelled to Uttar Pradesh time and again during their six-month investigation. The child had been left near Varanasi station by an unidentified suspected kidnapper. Local authorities placed her in the care of an orphanage, where staff members started calling her “Kashi.” After receiving the tip, Mumbai police confirmed her identity and later, the parents, too, identified their daughter over a video call before her physical reunion with them, incidentally on Children’s Day. Mumbai’s DCP Zone 1 Dr Pravin Mundhe and Senior Inspector Yogesh Sable led the investigations. The CCTV footage revealed that the kidnapper boarded a train from Lokmanya Tilak Terminus towards Uttar Pradesh. During the November 1 to 15 ‘Operation Shodh’ drive, the police distributed the girl’s photos, stuck posters all over Varanasi and published information in the local newspapers. That was when the breakthrough came. The kidnapper is still at large.

Various stories are doing the rounds about why the Rashtriya Janata Dal’s (RJD) poor performance in the Bihar assembly elections has brought out fissures within the Lalu Yadav’s family out in the open. Internecine feuds at this juncture clearly reflect that the legatee war over Lalu Yadav’s political legacy have begun even as the RJD patriarch is alive and kicking. It simply shows that all is not well in the RJD first family. Of Lalu’s nine children, at least five including wife Rabri Devi are known to be politically active and ambitious. However, what has not gone down well with those watching the Bihar political scene is the manner in which Lalu’s Singapore-based daughter Rohini Acharya was forced to air her differences with her brother Tejashwi. According to sources, Tejashwi had an argument with Rohini on Nov 15 afternoon. In a summary of review of the defeat, Rohini told Tejashwi that they should respond to the party workers’ protests regarding Haryana-based Sanjay Yadav. The very mention of Sanjay Yadav, a close buddy to both Tejashwi and his wife, sparked an argument between Tejashwi and Rohini. Tejaswi told Rohini, “We lost the election because of you. We are cursed by you.” During the argument, Tejashwi angrily threw a slipper at his elder sister; he also abused her. Rohini, it is learnt, wanted to campaign in every assembly constituency in Saran but she was only allowed to go to Raghopur. In July 2023, a year before the Lok Sabha elections, Tejashwi had asked Rohini to contest from Saran. Post her father’s consent she expressed desire to contest from Pataliputra but Misa was reluctant. Ultimately, it was Saran. It is being said increasingly Sanjay Yadav was uncomfortable with Rohini’s political role and sees her as a threat to Tejashwi; he had even advised Rohini to leave politics.

The BJP government in Odisha led by Mohan Charan Majhi won the prestigious Nuapada bypoll. Its candidate Jay Dholakia won by over a margin of 83,748 votes polling 123,869 votes while Congress candidate Ghasiram Majhi polled 40,121 votes and BJD’s Snehangini Chhuria 38,408 votes. BJD was relegated to the third position in spite of the fact Naveen Patnaik was personally campaigning. Shockingly, BJD’s vote share crashed to 18.8 % from 40.22% in 2024 when it won the assembly seat. Patnaik’s party BJD which dominated Odisha politics for over 24 years seems to be losing its hold. Political commentators say “Brand BJD has been eroded”. This clearly indicates that the BJP in Odisha is controlling the political narrative. One of the reasons for BJD’s downhill run is attributed to Naveen babu’s frail health, no succession planning thereby leading to infighting. This scenario led to some of the veteran BJD leaders crossing over to BJP. Political watchers say, BJD’s future cannot rest on Patnaik’s shoulder alone. This means BJD must resolve its leadership issues, inner-party contradictions and address the vacuum in its current leadership style.

Nothing has come more as a shock for the Congress than its meltdown in the Bihar assembly elections. The party which had 19 MLAs in the outgoing assembly didn’t expect a wash-out particularly after Rahul Gandhi had carried out a much-hyped ‘Voters Adhikar rally’ in September, with a common slogan: “Vote chor, gaddi chhod”. Of course, party sources concede that Rahul’s yatra had not resonated on the ground. In fact, many Congress leaders believe Rahul had focussed on non-issues “like vote chori” just to divert from people’s real problems. What has come as a shock for Bihar Congress leaders is that new entrants like Asauddin Owaisi’s AIMIM seemed to have fared well in Seemanchal leading in as many five seats, quite close to Congress’s own tally of six seats. Analysing the Bihar victory, PM Modi described the overwhelming mandate for the NDA– 204 seats out 243 as a vote for vikas, for development. Modi who invoked prayers to Chhati Mayya and took on Rahul for mocking Chhath Puja. It is learnt that Rahul is in Muscat.  Sources feel Congress party’s bad performance was because it could not get good seats to contest — of the 61 seats it got to contest, 32 were such seats that the Opposition had not won for the last three decades. Bihar Congress leaders also said party managers like Krishna Allavaru were completely not briefed about the quality of seats. Some also felt inordinate delay in seat-sharing and declaring Tejashwi Yadav as the chief ministerial candidate may have cost the secular alliance votes. As for the rout of the Rashtriya Janata Dal, Congress sources say people find Tejashwi Yadav too arrogant. After the Bihar rout, Congress may not find many takers in Tamil Nadu and West Bengal.

With the Bihar election results clearly going in favour of the NDA and meltdown of the RJD, PM Modi said, “Bihar mein RJD ko saanp soongha hua hain” and then went on to add “I said during the Bihar elections, the conflict between the two parties will soon come to the fore” Today’s victory is the beginning of a new journey. I assure you that in the coming five years, Bihar will progress at a faster pace. The world will see Bihar’s new potential. A number of Muslim women had also voted for the NDA. Modi said “With the new government, the NDA is now moving forward towards a golden journey of 25 years in Bihar. Bihar has ensured that Jungle Raj will never return to this great land of Bihar. Today’s victory belongs to the youth of Bihar whose future was ruined by the terror of Congress and the Red Flag people. Today, that Red Corridor, those days of terror, are history. Bihar is moving forward on the path of development, and this journey is not going to stop now.” He congratulated the Election Commission, security forces and the conscious voters of Bihar. The Bihar elections have proven another thing. Now, the country’s voters, especially young voters, take voter list purification very seriously. And he said he plans to take Bihar’s message of Mahila & Youth empowerment to West Bengal. It’s interesting to see how the SIR plays out in this state.

Known as ‘Bihar’s Singham’ for making Patna a safe city for girls and women some years ago, former IPS officer Shivdeep Lande’s attempt at transition from Khaki to Khadi has been foiled by that state’s voters in the two assembly constituencies he chose to test his luck from. Born in a farmer family from Vidarbha in Maharashtra, Lande cracked the UPSC tests to join the IPS in 2006. His first posting was in the Naxal-infested Munger district of Bihar. It became sensational owing to his incredible feats, one after another. But his popularity was at its peak when he took over as Patna SP. The anti-social elements in Bihar’s capital used to tremble to even hear his name. Lande was married in 2014 to Mamata Shivtare, the daughter of a Shiv Sena leader and then minister, Vijay Shivtare. After serving in Bihar, Lande returned to Maharashtra and resigned from the police force. In April this year, Lande floated his own political party, the Hind Sena, and announced that he will field candidates in all 243 seats. However, he himself contested from two constituencies – Jamalpur and Araria – where he had earlier served and amassed popularity. While pollster Prashant Kishor’s defeat has been highlighted by the media, Lande’s decimation has been ignored, more or less, once again proving the adage that a politician is born, not made.

The BJP’s emphatic victory in Bihar has prompted the party leadership to project confidence about replicating the outcome in West Bengal in 2026. Yet, despite the celebratory rhetoric, the ground situation in Bengal presents a far more complex—and arguably unfavourable—terrain for the saffron party. Buoyed by Bihar, senior leaders such as Union ministers Giriraj Singh, Sukanta Majumdar, who was the former state president have asserted that the mandate reflects a decisive shift toward the BJP. Singh, who has previously had several direct confrontations with the TMC, stated unequivocally that with Bihar delivering its mandate, Bengal would be next, as the people of the state are growing increasingly dissatisfied with chief minister Mamata Banerjee. Majumder, meanwhile, likened the TMC regime to what he described as a shadow of the “jungle raj” associated with Lalu Prasad Yadav’s era. However, analysts argue that such comparisons reveal more political impatience than electoral realism. A section of political analysts pointed out that Bihar’s outcome was shaped by pro-incumbency and by the NDA’s existing administrative footing—advantages the BJP does not enjoy in Bengal. The TMC’s long tenure, rather than weakening it, has consolidated its organisational strength, particularly across the rural belt where nearly 70% of the state’s electorate resides. While the BJP has succeeded in capturing segments of the urban vote with its Hindutva messaging and pro-industry posture, it continues to lag the TMC’s 48% vote share by a significant margin. More critically, the party has yet to develop a robust grassroots network capable of countering the TMC’s deeply entrenched cadre structure built since 2011, when Mamata rode the Singur and Nandigram land movements to power.

The resounding victory of the NDA and the BJP in the Bihar assembly election will result in scripting the future prospects of many individuals. Although the focus will remain on PM Narendra Modi, Union home minister Amit Shah and Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar, there are many more who have influenced the outcome to some degree, according to the assignments entrusted to them. Prominent among them are Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis. There are several reasons for his glee at the results, a fabulous achievement for the saffron outfit. Fadnavis found time to visit Bihar to campaign for NDA’s Bihar candidates while handling various tricky situations in the state. Agitations by Maratha and OBC leaders, the flood devastation, the opposition attacks and daily problems concerning law and order had been taking much of his time. Known to be working till 2 am every night and starting his next day at 7 am, Fadnavis planned his Bihar sojourn carefully and gave a series of campaign speeches in Bihar’s 61 assembly constituencies spread over seven districts. To his delight, 49 of these seats have been bagged by the BJP. Expectedly, he was lambasted by the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi for ‘abandoning’ Maharashtra which needed his attention. However, those who knew Fadnavis ignored this criticism. The Bihar victory has further consolidated his firm political clout. No doubt, BJP rank and file has started expressing confidence that the coming local body elections will be a cakewalk for the party. But Fadnavis is cautious.

Nothing has more shaken the incumbent Modi government than the blasts near Red Fort. The blasts shook the national capital after a gap of 14 years. PM Narendra Modi, who is away on a two-day visit to Bhutan conveyed his resolve to punish those involved in the blasts. Warning that the horrific blast in Delhi on November 10 evening has deeply pained everyone. India stands with those who have suffered, PM Modi said “I assure everyone that the agencies will get to the bottom of the entire conspiracy. All those involved will be brought to justice.” He spoke both in Hindi and English from Bhutan reminding many political watchers of his utterances before Operation Sindoor. In fact, it is believed that the nation could well be on the verge of launching Operation Sindoor 2 as agencies uncover the real perpetrators. It is felt Pakistan may feel encouraged to experiment with some misadventure as it enjoys unstinted backing of the U.S. President Donald Trump. Modi has held extensive consultations with Home Minister Amit Shah. Shah has already held four meetings with security agencies. The government will not proceed with any Op Sindoor till security agencies neutralise all jihadi networks in the country. Interestingly, the Al-Falah University in Faridabad, Haryana where the suicide bomber and his colleagues worked was set up in 2015. There are also reports that Umar made trips to Tamil Nadu.

The Maharashtra government’s proposal to translocate leopards, combined with the killing of a leopard in Pune after it was labelled a man-eater, has raised deep concern among environmentalists, who say these responses signal a governance failure in forest and land-use planning. Instead of addressing the factors that push wildlife into human spaces — shrinking habitats, fragmented corridors, unmanaged waste and unregulated expansion into forest-edge zones — the state is opting for short-term actions that risk intensifying conflict rather than resolving it. Leopards are territorial animals that play a stabilising role in ecosystems. When a resident leopard is killed or relocated, its territory does not remain vacant; another leopard moves in, often younger, stressed, and more unpredictable. Studies from Maharashtra, Karnataka and Uttarakhand show that relocated leopards frequently attempt to return to familiar terrain, travelling through villages and farms and increasing the potential for human encounters. National wildlife guidelines therefore caution against translocation as a routine conflict response. Environmentalists say lessons must be drawn from the cheetah introduction effort in Kuno, where animals struggled to adapt despite extensive planning. Wildlife cannot simply be shifted and expected to adjust; ecosystems require continuity, stable habitat and respect for territorial behaviour. NatConnect Foundation has escalated the issue to the Prime Minister’s Office. The Foundation hopes he will step in to ensure Maharashtra shifts from reactive “animal removal” measures to long-term forest and corridor management, waste regulation, humane stray animal control and trained rapid-response teams. Killing or shifting wildlife is not management — it is symptom control. Environmental advocate Jyoti Nadkarni said: “The leopard is an essential part of the food chain and the wider food web. Removing it disturbs a balance far more complex than we acknowledge. We must think before...

The ownership of 14 villages claimed by the Maharashtra and Telangana governments has been under dispute in Chandrapur district which is along the border of the two states. While the revenue department of the Maharashtra government is the claimant of the villages, the same are under the forest department of the Telangana government. The issue has a long history. According to authorities in Maharashtra, the Supreme Court has ruled in its favour. Nonetheless, the resolution of the matter is still awaiting a final outcome. Over the years, the villages in Jivti tehsil of Maharashtra occupy nearly 15,000 acres of land. The Maharashtra authorities complain that the villages have been shown by Telangana as part of its territory. Telangana’s Asifabad district forest authorities have been looking after the green cover in the area. Meanwhile, the villagers are reported to be exercising their voting rights in both states. The villages have been at the centre of the dispute, with residents often living under dual administration and having voting rights in both states. Finally, in July 2025, the Maharashtra government has announced that it has started the process to merge these 14 villages into the state’s jurisdiction. While some residents have asked to remain in Telangana to access its welfare schemes, Maharashtra’s stance is that the villages are predominantly Marathi-speaking. Due to the lack of a clear administrative structure, the villages have two sarpanchs, two Gram Panchayats and separate schools for Marathi and Telugu speakers. The issue has been holding fire but no immediate solution is forthcoming.

The BJP central leadership is watching with interest the tantrums that its former Tamil Nadu state president K Annamalai is throwing. Even as he dismissed reports that he may launch a new party, it seems Annamalai may not last in the BJP for long. He expressed his discontent by saying none can put a gun to one’s head and force a person to remain in a party. Annamalai has been sulking ever since Nainar Nagendran replaced him as TN BJP president in April this year. Sources in BJP headquarters say Annamalai has been working overtime to undermine Nainar and weaken the AIADMK-BJP alliance. Though he officially maintains that “the NDA should win” the 2026 Assembly elections, it is being said he is not comfortable with the idea of AIADMK chief Edappadi K Palaniswami (EPS) clinching a win. He is also known to have played a role in bringing together former AIADMK leaders like VK Sasikala, KA Sengottaiyan and O Panneerselvam. More than these disparate groups of former AIADMK leaders, Annamalai’s real interest is in floating a new party and striking an alliance with actor Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK). With Vijay recently declaring that the 2026 Assembly elections would be a contest only between the TVK and the DMK, virtually writing off the AIADMK-BJP alliance, Annamalai may feel more encouraged to float his own outfit. But then the future of leaders who have quit the BJP to launch their own outfit has not been very bright. From late Kalyan Singh (UP) to BS Yediyurappa (Karnataka) to Shankersinh Vaghela (Gujarat). They have all floundered. Meanwhile, the ruling DMK is also welcoming into its fold former AIADMK leaders such as PH Manoj Pandian, son of former Speaker PH Pandian. Pandian charged AIADMK of “functioning as an extension of the BJP.”

Political controversy has intensified in West Bengal over the ongoing Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls after a report in Jago Bangla, the official mouthpiece of the Trinamool Congress (TMC), claimed that chief minister Mamata Banerjee had personally accepted the SIR Enumeration Form. In response, Didi clarified that she had not personally received the form. In a social media post, she explained that the designated Booth Level Officer had visited her neighbourhood and residential office, made routine inquiries about the number of voters in the household, and left the forms accordingly. She added that she had not filled out her form and that she would do so only after every eligible person in Bengal had completed theirs. Earlier this week, Didi led a protest march from Red Road to Jorasanko Thakurbari, terming the ongoing process “SIR terror” and urging citizens to remain cautious. The Opposition BJP criticised Mamata’s clarification, accusing her of double standards. Former state BJP president and Union Minister of State Sukanta Majumder stated that the CM’s actions contradicted her public position and claimed that she had accepted several forms despite urging people not to cooperate with the process. Senior TMC leaders rejected the allegations, describing them as politically motivated attempts to discredit the CM’s campaign against the SIR. Party functionaries said the report about Didi personally receiving the form was misleading and aimed at undermining the ongoing movement. According to party sources, Mamata is planning to take the issue beyond Bengal and raise it at the national level. TMC national general secretary Abhishek Banerjee has already indicated that the party will intensify its protests in the coming weeks.

Maharashtra deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar is finding himself in hot water following the allegations against his son Parth in connection with a massive land deal in Pune involving hundreds of crores of rupees. Noted social activist Anna Hazare’s spirited attack against the Pawar clan has added another dimension to the suspicious deal. The web of doubt around the father-son duo is becoming thicker since Ajit has claimed that he is unaware of the transactions conducted by his son, “an adult and running his own business.” As chief minister Devendra Fadnavis has ordered a thorough enquiry into the serious charges, Ajit has gone on the defensive. Hazare’s stinging statement about the ‘culture of Baramati’ has an indirect past reference to the developments when then chief minister Sharad Pawar was facing grave allegations regarding several land deals under the civic development plan for Mumbai. Later, the allegations were declared unfounded by an inquiry committee. Incidentally, Hazare was at the forefront of levelling the allegations, along with controversial municipal officer GR Khairnar. Obliquely referring to those events, Hazare has remarked that the family and the culture of a particular place are responsible for occurrence of such deeds. In a guarded response, Pawar’s daughter Supriya Sule, MP, has sided with Parth. The DCM is finding it difficult to defend or criticise, given the perceived role of Parth. The scandal’s fallout will have a bearing on the strategy for the upcoming local body elections in Maharashtra, weakening Ajit’s bargaining stakes.

Top BJP leader Ashish Shelar has been entrusted with the responsibility of the coming Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) election by the BJP, underscoring the importance of the electoral fight considered the decisive battle for the existence of the Shiv Sena (UBT). Although Andheri MLA Amit Satam was appointed Mumbai BJP chief just a month ago, his predecessor Shelar has been reassigned this assignment given the enormity of the challenge. Of late, Shelar has been mounting one attack after another against Sena leader Uddhav Thackeray and the Congress party, main partners of the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA). The BJP is determined to wrest the BMC’s control from the arch rival Shiv Sena, which is not joined by Maharashtra Navnirman Sena leader Raj Thackeray. The two organisations are trying their best to lure the Marathi-speaking population’s vote by constantly harping on the ‘outsider’ tag against several BJP bigwigs, who are from Gujarat or north India. This has put the Congress party in a quandary, given the Bihar assembly election voting, forcing its top leaders to stay away from a joint morcha taken out by the two cousins. By next week, the picture is expected to be clear on this count. Nonetheless, the BJP is going ahead as the main constituent of the Mahayuti under the stewardship of Ashish Shelar, who knows Mumbai like the back of his hand.

In a major political development in Odisha, senior Biju Janata Dal (BJD) strategist and former Rajya Sabha MP Amar Patnaik has quit BJD after serving it for seven years and joined the BJP ahead of the prestigious Nuapada assembly bypoll slated on November 11. The bypoll was necessitated by the death of BJD’s Rajendra Dholakia, four-time MLA and a former cabinet minister. In an interesting twist of turn, the late Dholakia’s son Jay is fighting from his father’s constituency on a BJP ticket. Naveen Patnaik headed BJD has fielded Snehangini Chhuria. BJP which is keen to win this prestigious seat has given a carte blanche to  Amar Patnaik to campaign for Jay Dholakia. Amar Patnaik’s decision to join the BJP is more than an individual move, sources say—it’s a signpost of a deeper realignment in the state’s power structure. His exit lays bare the widening cracks within the BJD, sources say. His joining BJP is now seen as a fresh blow to BJD as the Odisha chief minister Mohan Charan Majhi is determined to win the three-cornered BJP-BJD-Congress battle where BJD’s Naveen Patnaik and Congress Bhaktahari Mahatab’s are campaigning.

The Rs 1000-crore Sub Inspector Recruitment Scam in Odisha seems to have put the former chief minister Naveen Patnaik and his party, Biju Janata Dal on the backfoot. The mastermind Shankar Prusty (32), who is the leader of a syndicate involved in leaking the SI recruitment question papers, has been arrested by the Odisha state crime branch near Nepal border. Brought back to Bhubaneswar he is singing like a canary. According to him “this scam is worth at least Rs 1,000 crore” So far, BJD has denied any connection with this scam. However, the BJP terms BJD’s denial saying “chor machaye shor”. BJP says the contract for the recruitment process was signed during Patnaik’s tenure. But, the general public is asking what prevented BJP which was making big changes in the state to deep dive into Sub-Inspector recruitment issues and procedures immediately when they came to power? So far, the initial investigation report however  says the scamsters collected original certificates and blank cheques from aspirants in exchange of leaked papers, wherein the aspirants were charged Rs 20-25 lakh per candidate. The main accused Prusty has been interrogated in the presence of Munna Mohanty, his close associate to unravel the truth. Sources say both Mohanty and Prusty had reportedly amassed significant assets through recruitment scam. The SI scam gained further momentum after the arrest of Odisha’s Silicon Tech owner Suresh Chandra Nayak.

The electoral rolls for the forthcoming local self-government elections in Maharashtra will be updated up till two days before the elections. Since the state election commission is not equipped to delete duplicate names in the electoral rolls, it has devised a completely new system to identify and pinpoint duplication and try to nip instances of duplicate voting in multiple constituencies by voters. Maharashtra’s electoral department has been at the receiving end with complaints of large-scale duplications and discrepancies in electoral rolls by almost all political parties including the ruling BJP. There have been shocking claims of 127 names listed against the official address of the commissioner of the Navi Mumbai municipal corporation and also voter’s address registered as a public toilet block. Incidentally, the recent parliamentary and assembly elections were held with these discrepancies in the electoral rolls and the EC hopes that this new affidavit system will hopefully prevent the corrupt practice of voting duplication. There has been open admission of grave mistakes in rolls. Shiv Sena MLA Sanjay Gaikwad had also claimed that there were over a lakh bogus-voters in his home constituency including 20,000 bogus voters which had not been deleted despite official complaints. Ruling party legislators like Vilas Bhumre had boasted from political dais about how they managed to get the winning edge thanks to voters being brought in from outside their constituency. The Opposition parties had been demanding that local polls be postponed and held only after cleaning up the electoral rolls. However, the state election department has chosen to go ahead with their schedule and stick to the Supreme Court deadline of January, 2026.

The BJP-run Odisha government seems to be facing the wrath of the Supreme Court. This is because they have failed to take action on mining companies who have over-mined iron resources –in excess of their environmental clearances. The apex court has now put the onus on the Odisha government to enforce recovery against erring mining companies and present a status report by December 1, 2025. The Supreme Court stance is clear — the defaulting mining lessees must bear the consequences of over mining and cannot go scot-free pocketing the value of illegal mined ores. Sources say, the outstanding amount currently stands at Rs 2,700 crore plus accrued interest. The Supreme Court is now insisting on a 100% penalty on the value of illegally mined ore earlier. How will the state government act on the Supreme Court’s directive as this issue has been pending since 2018? The key issue is twofold: one, how the Odisha government will enforce recovery orders against erring mining companies with regard to compensation and second, how capping of iron ore mining would lead to substantial deficit of production of steel and other metals in view of growing market demand. Incidentally, Odisha contributes to half of the country’s iron ore production. Both the Centre, and State governments have urged the Supreme Court not to impose a cap on iron ore mining in Odisha, warning it could derail India’s growth story and Atmanirbhar Bharat mission.

What it means is hard to fathom even for the literate Malayalee. But Kerala chief minister Pinarayi Vijayan, in front of a capacity crowd of CPM cadres in Thiruvananthapuram alongside film star Mammootty, announced that the poverty free achievement confirms with the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) of “No poverty and zero hunger”. As per latest World Bank criteria, people living on less than $ 3 a day are considered to be living in extreme poverty. In order to achieve this, Kerala took the multi-dimensional poverty index route — which incorporates nutritious food, housing, cleanliness, education and basic facilities. The government claims that it has addressed all the reasons for extreme poverty like housing, livelihood, issues, ill-health due to chronic diseases and lack of access to government welfare schemes on a war footing, since 2021. While the LDF government has gone to town with its celebrations both at the ground level and media, critics and the opposition are questioning the very methodology used to arrive at the findings. In an open letter 24 signatories comprising social activists, economists and prominent media personalities have urged the State government to release an authoritative study report that identifies the extreme poor and validates the poverty eradication process. It is too early to predict whether the entire poverty free exercise is a hyperbole campaign with an eye on the ensuing Municipal elections next month and assembly elections next year or a genuine effort to eradicate extreme poverty in the state. As per 2011 census figures, there were 4.85 lakh tribal people, many of them living in extreme poverty. Yet, in the new estimates only 64,006 have been classified as extremely poor. “What magic has happened to alleviate their poverty, “questions the opposition and the elite group!

Reports of a close contest between the NDA and Mahagathbandhan in Bihar polls have led to leaders resorting to a unique style to grab eyeballs and attention. With the last day of campaign closing in on Nov 4 for the first phase poll on Nov 6, both sides seemed to be putting their best foot forward and sharpening political attacks. Uttar Pradesh CM Yogi Adityanath compared the bonding of Rahul Gandhi-Tejaswi Yadav-Akhilesh Yadav to Gandhi’s three monkeys as Pappu,Tappu and Appu. Interestingly, on a day PM Modi was holding a road show in Patna (Nov 2), Rahul, away from the state capital, in Begusarai, while interacting with fishermen, jumped into the pond for fishing. He was accompanied by VIP leader Mukesh Sahani, who is also from the Nishad/fishermen community and Congress leader Kanhaiya Kumar. Incidentally Rahul’s fishing optics seemed odd as it came in the backdrop of him charging the PM of “doing yoga asanas” for a few votes. And had warned voters that post elections all the “song and dance will be done by Adani and Ambani”. Modi, at a rally in Katihar on Nov 3, reiterated that the NDA government after being voted to power would hand out fishermen an allowance of Rs 9000. Incidentally, Lalu’s eldest son Tej Pratap Yadav, who heads Janshakti Janata Dal took a dig at Rahul’s fishing trip saying “Jalebi chhanna, machli pakadna, unko toh rasoiya hona chaiye tha(He makes sweets, catches fish, he should have been a cook) Why did he become a politician?”

Strange political formations are occurring in Maharashtra’s sport arena despite appeals from all concerned that the two should not be mixed. At the centre of these developments are veteran leader Sharad Pawar, chief minister Devendra Fadnavis, deputy CM Ajit Pawar and Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Uddhav Thackeray, representing the important political parties in the state. Elections to the Mumbai Cricket Association (MCA) and the Maharashtra Olympic Association (MOA) are due in the near future. For the cricket body, Sharad Pawar and Fadnavis are reportedly in tandem. Pawar’s recent praise of Fadnavis for ‘keeping politics out of sports’ has raised many eyebrows. While these four leaders are insistent for election of their close followers on MCA, another shade is added by another deputy CM Eknath Shinde, who is trying to induct Vihang Sarnaik, son of minister Pratap Sarnaik, the buyer of the first Tesla car in India. Ajit Pawar is peeved since his 13-year tenure as MOA president has come under severe criticism by Union minister of state Murlidhar Mohol and BJP MLC Sandip Joshi. The duo had levelled several allegations, all of which have been refuted by Ajit Pawar, who has pointed out that he is dedicated to the MOA’s interests and that the charges are made by politicians, not by any players. These developments have come at a time when the state is gearing up to hold the local body elections, including in Mumbai and Pune, the centres of the two skirmishes.

Shiv Sena (UBT) MP Sanjay Raut will be out of action for at least two months, he himself has conveyed through a social media post. Raut had been spearheading the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) campaign against the ruling Mahayuti alliance government in Maharashtra ever since it was first formed in 2022. Derided as a Bhonga (loudspeaker) by his political critics, Raut made a daily appearance on TV news channels almost every morning.  Counted among close aides of Sena leader Uddhav Thackeray, the ‘Saamana’ executive editor has announced that he will be away from public life for the next two months due to health issues. The announcement has come as a dampener for the Sena and MVA since no immediate replacement is in sight, especially as it comes on the eve of the crucial BMC election, which will determine the future of the Uddhav Sena and Raj Thackeray’s Maharashtra Navnirman Sena. In his emotional message titled “A humble request to all friends, family and workers,” Raut has urged the Sena supporters to continue their faith in him during this difficult period. “As per medical advice, I have been advised against going out and mingling with crowds. There is no way around it. I am sure I will recover well and come to meet you in the new year. May your love and blessings remain with me,” he has said in his post.