Prime Minister Narendra Modi chaired the first meeting of the Union Cabinet at the new Prime Minister’s Office in ‘Seva Teerth’ on February 24, marking a break from decades of operating out of PMO in the iconic South Block of the colonial era. As the ministers committed themselves to serve the citizens with the motto “Nagarik Devo Bhava” (citizen is God), the Cabinet also adopted a resolution saying that “every decision taken here will be inspired by a spirit of service toward 1.4 billion citizens and will be connected to the broader goal of nation-building.” PM Modi also asked his ministers to come up with some positive or good news about their ministries in every Cabinet meeting. Strangely, this directive from the top did not befuddle the Modi ministers. None of them even seemed worked up. In fact, most senior ministers were quick to ratchet up claims of some positive performance in their ministry. Everyone from Nitin Gadkari to Ashwini Vaishnaw   were found throwing up enthusiastic details that almost stunned Modi. It almost made some Cabinet ministers recall what happened in August last year when Modi had first floated the idea of good news about governance. Everyone was tense and the solemn air was broken only by Civil Aviation Minister Ram Mohan Naidu Kinjrapu, who announced the birth of his son – this was greeted with loud cheering and congratulations. In this backdrop, clearly, none of the senior leaders in the Modi Govt will be in a position to pass off some personal achievement as part of the official track record! They will have to work hard.

Even as 90% of Tamil Nadu party outfits have been issued boarding passes for the Election flight “Now Boarding” with the two major blocks, the GOP’s Rahul Gandhi and his entourage is still vacillating over his choice of alliance. The Congress has remained a DMK loyalist for years…from the days of Kalaignar when it needed just a look from Sonia Gandhi for the patriarch to assent. In all fairness Rahul is not responsible for the angry muddle that nearly broke the alliance. TN Congress is a vacuous and vainglorious block that abounds in loose cannon who stir up controversies. Manickam Tagore and Praveen Chakravarty are two such voluble members who insisted that Congress should share in power too…not just seats. This was enough to make the DMK fume and froth. Congress had to deploy two emissaries K C Venugopal and Girish Chodankar  to cool the  heat. An enraged Stalin is said to have given an ultimatum “we have new allies on board and are already juggling seat sharing, going as far as cutting our own quota …we need to allocate for the other new and existing allies too.” At a juncture where every party wants to squeeze the maximum from the deal, does this dithering have a reason, a fallback?  It’s natural to conjecture about actor Vijay’s TVK waiting with open arms to welcome a hardline Congress. But the know all’s say …Vijay is very well aware of the pitfalls of a Congress ‘dosti’. Karur stampede and delayed Jana Nayagan are constant reminders to Vijay to stay in line. Rahul and Kharge are in a huddle mode — to capitulate or challenge?

The BJP’s much-publicised Parivartan Yatra in West Bengal will be flagged off on March 1 by the Union Home Minister Amit Shah from Raidighi in South Bengal, a stronghold of the ruling TMC. The two-day mobilisation –March 1—2 — will span nine of the BJP’s 10 organisational divisions in the state. The Kolkata Metropolitan division has been excluded, as it is tasked with organising the party’s concluding Brigade rally. The decision to have Shah launch the yatra from Raidighi is politically significant. The area falls within South 24 Parganas, a district that has stood firmly behind TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee since 2008 — even before she came to power in 2011. In the 2008 panchayat polls, the TMC wrested the South 24 Parganas Zilla Parishad from the Left Front. In the last Assembly elections, the party won 30 of the district’s 31 seats; only Bhangar went to the ISF. Raidighi is under the Mathurapur Lok Sabha constituency, while TMC national general secretary Abhishek Banerjee represents neighbouring Diamond Harbour in Parliament. Joining this yatra will be eight central leaders and nationally prominent BJP faces marking an unprecedented concentration of the party’s top leadership in West Bengal. The two-day event will be attended by Union ministers like Rajnath Singh, Shivraj Singh Chauhan, Jagat Prakash Nadda, Dharmendra Pradhan, Annapurna Devi including Maharashtra CM Devendra Fadnavis. Newly elected BJP national president Nitin Nabin will be present on both days. Five years after its high-profile “joining fairs” ahead of the 2021 polls, the BJP is avoiding mass inductions. Instead, it is banking on a concentrated show of organisational strength to signal its intent to breach what the ruling party calls its most impregnable fortress.

The Congress leadership is apparently worried about losing numbers in the biennial elections to 37 Rajya Sabha seats to be held on March 16. Its worry is that it may not be able to return as many of its MPs to the House from states like Maharashtra and Chhattisgarh. The party which currently has 27 Rajya Sabha is worried that any reduction in numbers could effectively cost it the office of the Leader of Opposition in the Upper House, a position currently held by Mallikarjun Kharge. Incidentally, his term is coming up for renewal in June. The anxiety to maintain LoP status has made the Congress push for an extra Rajya Sabha seat with its allies in TN or Maharashtra. In TN, of the four vacancies, the Congress is the DMK to share 2.  DMK has offered one seat to DMDK leader Premalatha’s son/kin. It is apparently willing to offer one seat to the Congress. As for the second seat it is not clear at this stage. Rahul is keen to accommodate his close aide Meenakshi Natrajan — a resident of Madhya Pradesh — from TN now. He can’t wait for Digvijay Singh’s vacancy which will happen in June. The Congress is demanding a second from Stalin for Pawan Khera. Stalin, it seems, is keen to accommodate the former The Hindu editor N Ram. It is being said that the Congress is not worried about limitations of the DMK and is very keen about reaching its target of two RS seats. In fact, AICC Tamil Nadu in-charge Girish Chodankar told DMK MP Kanimozhi that his party wants more assembly seats than the previous election. TN Congressmen are wondering why is the party talking tough for RS seat? Is something else cooking?

The Election Commission announced biennial elections for 37 seats of the Rajya Sabha in 10 states. In West Bengal there will be a contest for five seats on March 16. The Bengal BJP unit is hopeful of increasing its tally to the Upper House to three from the present two. Currently, two Rajya Sabha members are: Ananta Maharaj and Samik Bhattacharya. Sources indicate that the Bengal BJP is keen to nominate a prominent woman leader. However, consensus remains elusive, with two factions backing rival candidates. The camp led by senior leader Dilip Ghosh, along with Bhattacharya, is understood to be supporting Locket Chatterjee, former MP from Hooghly. While Leader of the Opposition Suvendu Adhikari is rooting for Agnimitra Paul, the MLA from Asansol Dakshin. Party insiders say the choice will not only determine representation in the Upper House but also signal which faction holds greater sway within the State unit. Paul’s candidature, however, has drawn scrutiny. During recent outreach initiatives in parts of Raniganj’s Egara area and Damra, she reportedly faced “go back” slogans from sections of residents. Local grievances have centred on alleged gaps in development in Asansol Dakshin, including drinking water supply and drainage infrastructure. Questions have also been raised in some quarters over the utilisation of MLA funds. Both contenders have faced electoral setbacks.  Paul suffered a heavy defeat to TMC’s Shatrughan Sinha in the Asansol Lok Sabha by-election, while Chatterjee lost the Hooghly seat to Rachana Banerjee in the 2024 Lok Sabha polls. With the March 16 election approaching, the final decision is expected from the party’s central leadership soon.

Thiruvarur, the diamond pendant in the golden Thanjavur Delta chain has spawned many famous historical and cultural legends that endure even today. The Thiruvarur Temple chariot of Thyagaraja Swamy, the presiding deity, is the biggest and most challenging chariot. If you are a Carnatic music connoisseur, the eternal legend and musical legacy of Saint Thyagaraja evokes awe and admiration. But devotion and Hinduism also raised another ideological icon, Kalaignar Karunanidhi whose Dravidian philosophy gained unstoppable currency through his party, the DMK. His grandson Udhayanidhi Stalin, Secretary -Youth Wing is now being prepped for Tamil Nadu Assembly Election. Naturally, the incumbent CM ‘son and heir in waiting is no push over, for any other aspirant …including film rock star Vijay, the Johnny-come-lately claimant. Udhayanidhi is busy choosing the right bailiwick not that he is set to lose in a DMK stronghold. The party’s wise ones suggested Thiruvarur as the most appropriate setting for the rising son. But sometimes karma, nemesis bung their own roadblocks. Legend has it that Lord Thyagaraja of Thiruvarur can never be challenged as the religious or temporal power. Kalaignar himself won twice but could not become CM. For our readers who want to learn more about our rich culture ….Sarafoji Raja 2 , impressed by St Thyagaraja’s musical genius and undiluted love for Lord Rama wooed the poor Saint …he sent minions bearing untold wealth to bring Thyagaraja to the King’s court as his Aasthana Vidwan. Refusing all the wealth, the Saint rendered one of his most loved and popular Kritis on the spot… “Nidhi Chaala Sukhama, Ramuni Sannidhi Seva Sukhama” (I will not sing praises of a mere man for all the wealth). The emissaries retreated …just like Udhayanidhi, to choose another constituency.

Ex-IPS officer, former Mumbai police commissioner, Prambir Singh’s name still spells controversy, and now, Singh stands accused of attempts to extort junior consulting doctors at Bandra based super-specialty hospital – Lilavati — by offering posts of senior consulting doctors for cash before it stood exposed. Subsequently, the hospital management issued show-cause notices to its CFO, VP (supply chain) among others who promptly resigned over an alleged Rs 100 crore scam, as per a written complaint filed before Bandra police station. Only two days back Singh’s latest collusion with the erstwhile top management came to light when audit, stock taking revealed that Rs 46 crore was paid for purchasing medicines over last year for hospital although the medicines remain as yet untraced, unaccounted for. Latest instance of Singh’s brazenness being cited relates to planting fake news-media articles claiming an illusory ‘interim relief” accorded by the Bombay High Court. Twin board room resolutions passed by trustees of Rs 800 crore Lilavati super-specialty Hospital Trust on February 16, 2026 against permanent trustee Rajesh Mehta sought to be challenged by HC by Mehta allegedly Singh’s accomplices in the scam. While the headline of a English daily blared “Bombay HC Grants Interim Relief to Rajesh Mehta in Lilavati Trust Row”, the court of Justice Milind N Jadhav had actually only issued notice to trust to respond to averments by Rajesh Mehta and posted matter for replies from the trust based on the field praecipe by Mehta and “For Directions” thereafter come February 25, 2026.

Bhiwandi near Mumbai is a communally sensitive town. It has been in the news after the recent civic election in Bhiwandi had dispensed a mixed mandate and political permutations and combinations were cooking for the past few days. Ultimately, the BJP has turned out to be the loser in the mayoral election, which it lost miserably. Interestingly, there is no communal angle to this contest but the loss is due to the power play between the BJP and the Shiv Sena (Shinde), the two main partners of the ruling Mahayuti in the state. As neither party was ready to relent, BJP’s Narayan Choudhary deserted it and teamed up with Bhiwandi Secular Front, which is opposing the saffron forces. The cause of this decision was that he was refused mayoral candidate by the BJP, which fielded Sneha Patil. An angry Chaudhary was supported by six BJP rebels, 30 Congress members and 12 of the NCP(SP). His tally of 48 against Patil’s 16 has shown the BJP in poor light since it failed to woo former mayor Vilas Patil, whose Konark Front won 25 votes, a dozen from the Shiv Sena led by deputy CM Eknath Shinde. Thus, failure to forge a strategic alliance has cost Mahayuti an important municipal corporation in Maharashtra. Moreover, the Congress is in a celebratory mood for humbling the BJP, which has threatened to take stern action against the rebels. Congress corporator Tariq Momin has been elected deputy mayor with a comfortable majority.

The Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)) Bengal unit, grappling with an existential crisis, has been rocked by fresh turbulence after senior state committee member and former Lok Sabha candidate Pratik Ur Rahaman launched a sharp attack on the leadership, alleging favouritism and lobbying at the behest of state secretary Mohammad Salim. Terming it a “triple talaq” given by the CPI(M), Rahaman — the party’s Diamond Harbour candidate in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections and a new-generation leader promoted by the Politburo — resigned and gave up his membership. He has declined an invitation from veteran leader and Left Front chairman Biman Bose to attend a meeting at the party’s Alimuddin Street headquarters after accusing a section of leaking internal communications. On speculation about a switch to the ruling All India Trinamool Congress, Rahaman remained circumspect. Insiders say Bose attempted to defuse tensions, but Rahaman has grown disillusioned, holding Salim responsible for sidelining younger leaders. A section has voiced concern that emerging student and youth leaders are being marginalised, with the state unit seen as divided between factions under Salim and senior State Central Committee member Sujan Chakraborty, who is eyeing Politburo membership and eventually the state secretary’s post.  Rahaman has conveyed to close associates that repeated attempts to raise organisational issues went unheeded, hinting at “influential” leaders shielding aides. Though sections favour retaining him as a young minority face ahead of the 2026 Assembly polls, his absence from the two-day state committee meeting beginning Thursday has intensified speculation of an imminent break. A direct face-off has emerged between Rahaman and Shatarup Ghosh. Without naming him, Rahaman earlier targeted Ghosh, who acknowledged Rahaman’s competence but said he is “everyone’s favourite”. Political circles report Rahaman has met a Trinamool MP in Kolkata about possible induction into the party.

The present party strength is such in the Maharashtra legislative assembly that the combined opposition can elect just one candidate to go to the Rajya Sabha. While NCP leader Sharad Pawar at 85 is still likely to be in the ring, the Congress and the Shiv Sena led by Uddhav Thackeray have indicated that they are not too enthusiastic about the prospect. In the 288-member Maharashtra assembly, which is the electorate, the ruling BJP has 132 members. It is supported by the Shiv Sena led by deputy CM Eknath Shinde’s 57  and the NCP faction under deputy CM Sunetra Pawar’s 40. Thus, the ruling Mahyuti has about 220 MLAs on its side. On the other hand, the three major opposition parties have a joint strength of under 50. There are a handful of independents, too. Thus, the winning quota to enter the Rajya Sabha is of around 40 votes. Hence, it is barely sufficient for the Opposition to win one seat. The Shiv Sena (UBT) and the Congress are wary of standing by Sharad Pawar since they are afraid that he and his daughter Supriya Sule, MP, can switch over to the BJP or NDA at any moment. As of now, behind the door confabulations are gaining speed. Other notables who are retiring include RPI leader Ramdas Athawale, former Union minister Bhagwat Karad and Sena (UBT) Priyanka Chaturvedi. Their Rajya Sabha term ends on 2 April 2026.

 The Bengal Pradesh Congress has decided to contest the forthcoming West Bengal Assembly elections independently, ending nearly a decade of electoral coordination with the Left. Since the 2016 state polls, Congress and the CPI(M) had worked in tandem in a bid to challenge chief minister Mamata Banerjee and her party – TMC. That partnership, however, failed to yield significant gains, culminating in a washout for both sides in 2021 when neither secured a single seat. Party leaders say the decision to go solo is aimed at rebuilding the organisation in a state where Congress has not governed on its own since the Left Front came to power in 1977 under the CPI (M). Strategists argue that fighting alone may help the party reclaim political space and prepare for the 2029 Lok Sabha elections. The move also reflects an effort to disrupt the entrenched TMC-versus-BJP narrative that has dominated Bengal politics since 2019. Questions persist over whether Congress possesses the organisational depth and resources to field candidates across all 294 constituencies. Its limited booth-level presence during the Election Commission’s voter roll revision exercise has raised concerns internally about campaign preparedness. In traditional strongholds such as Murshidabad and Malda, once associated with leaders like A B A Ghani Khan Choudhury and Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury, the party is attempting to regain lost ground. The recent return of former TMC MP Mausam Benazir Noor to Congress has provided a morale boost. Political observers suggest that as the CPI(M) works to assemble a broader front excluding both the TMC and the BJP. The Congress opting out of alliance with CPI(M) will lead to fragmented opposition that could ultimately benefit the ruling TMC.

With four Odisha Rajya Sabha seats falling vacant, political buzz in Odisha has intensified. BJD and BJP are now locked in a tough fight ahead with heavy lobbying for the four Rajya Sabha seats. The main issue is which party will win how many seats and which candidates will be Naveen Patnaik’s final choice as nominations are slated to be closing on March 5,2026 and March 16 being the deadline for Rajya Sabha voting results.  BJD leadership is expected to make a decision on their official nominee for the 2026 election. According to a political analyst, BJP is likely to win two seats and BJD one seat, while none of the parties have the numbers to secure the fourth seat as yet. For the fourth Rajya Sabha seat, speculation is rife that both BJD and BJP may go in for consensus candidate — an eminent Odia personality. Sources say that former corporate honcho turned BJD politician Santrupt Mishra believed to be close to Naveen babu could be one of the dark horses. His suave corporate personality, excellent communication skill and being a team player could inspire confidence with BJD supremo to give him a ticket. The only problem he faces is that some BJD leaders are now pushing for time tested experienced BJD leaders for Naveen’s consideration, putting a road block for inexperienced newcomers. The other name doing the rounds is that of Sujata R Karthikeyan, ex-IAS, former Mission Shakti Chief of BJD’s powerful women wing and wife of Patnaik’s man Friday VK Pandian. This is because Patnaik trusts the Pandians totally. All in all, the political situation is fluid today. For the fourth seat both BJP and BJD will need to come to an understanding as Congress has only 14 MLAs.

India’s political landscape has seen many influential Godmen who have masterminded alliances and election outcomes. Isha Yoga presided by Sadguru Jaggi Vasudev is the current magnetic epicentre for many such influencer events. There is a belief that among all Gods in the pantheon, Lord Shiva is most easily pleased to grant wishes and bestow boons. The Shivratri celebrations at Coimbatore bring multitudes of political, filmi, intellectual and religious devotees who are drawn to Sadguru’s cool dancing and electric presence. This Shivratri had BJP’s Rajnath Singh, AIADMK’s S PVelumani, the elusive Premalatha (DMDK president), and hold your breath, Shobha Chandrasekhar, mother of Vijay converging at Isha. It is well known that Union Defence Minister Rajnath Singh usually leaves party strategy to Amit Shah. But the presence of two politically significant ladies raised surmises sky high. Premalatha who had kept all guessing about her choice of alliance tried to play down her Isha attendance. Premalatha, wife of late Vijaykanth who founded DMDK, had come to mediate and seek Divine wisdom for almost three years. But it just so happened that her accommodation at Isha was in the same block as Rajnath Singh’s. Premalatha meditated and prayed to Adi Yogi and the Shiva Ling…perhaps her intense devotion gave her the inspiration …to choose the BJP alliance, a move much welcomed by all the other parties that had chosen this block. But why had Vijay’s mother sought divine inspiration and guidance at Sadguru’s ashram? Kite fliers and media Astros are saying …in case Vijay is pushed too hard, he needs a fail-safe fall back. Godmen have honed brokering skills to an art form. Maha Shivratri was spent in intense soul sharing art form one presumes.

The AIADMK-BJP alliance that is planning to expand ahead of the polls has managed to rope in the DMDK. Aware that even the smallest percentage of votes may prove significant in what is expected to be a close-run race, the BJP was keen on getting Vijayakanth’s party on board. The necessary arrangement to offer them six seats plus a promise to give a Rajya Sabha MP seat, which is expected to be concrete this time, has been made and the announcement of the tie-up is expected any time soon. The BJP, driven by Amit Shah taking a personal interest in the Tamil Nadu polls thanks to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s determination to make an impact in the state, is extra keen to make every bit of alliance arithmetic to work. The other side is also planning to swing small vote percentages away from the AIADMK combine by encouraging Sasikala to form a new party and contest at least 40 crucial seats where her Mukkulathor (Thevars) connections can swing some votes of the community away from the AIADMK. The high stakes, no-holds barred campaign for power is so primed up now as to bring about this do-or-die fight. In fact, the AIADMK-BJP led alliance is also quietly watching the Vijay campaign as the odds are that the cinema star will take away more votes from the traditional DMK voter base. All parties have made Vijay and his TVK the villains in the poll drama, but some are enjoying his vote cutting presence.

With the first half of the Budget Session of the Parliament drawing to a close all eyes are on the biennial Rajya Sabha elections.  Beginning April, a sizable number of MPs — about 73 members are set to retire this year. What is of political interest is that in at least two states where Congress members are retiring, Rahul Gandhi is keen to ensure that a person close to him is elected as Rajya Sabha member. He wants his team in Parliament from Madhya Pradesh as former CM Digvijay Singh has decided not to seek another term. Rahul is keen to get his long-time close aide Meenakshi Natrajan elected to the Rajya Sabha. Telangana CM Revanth Reddy had credited Meenakshi for delivering victory in the recently concluded civic elections. However, it is being said former CM Kamal Nath has not fully backed Meenakshi. It is also being said Rahul is keen to have those working closely with him on his speeches and his strategy– say Amitabh Dubey, who is already part of the AICC team– elected to the Rajya Sabha. There is also a buzz about getting party spokesman Pawan Khera into the RS from Rajasthan. In Maharashtra, from where atleast there will be seven vacancies, party sources admit that MVA can win only one seat if it puts up a united fight. It was also felt that the Sena (UBT) may call the shots as it has the largest number of MLAs  in the MVA.

Why did PM Modi choose February 13 to inaugurate his new office called Seva Teerth and Kartavya Bhavan 1 and 2 in New Delhi? Because it was “Vijaya Ekadashi”! It was on this day Lord Rama observed the Ekadashi fast to bring back Sita from Sri Lanka and then crossed the ocean. PM Modi chose this day, in a symbolic way to suggest that he would succeed in his plans for India to become Viksit Bharat (Developed India) by 2047. Previously, his office was in South Block built by the British. Seva Teerth will house the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO), the National Security Council Secretariat, and the Cabinet Secretariat, bringing key decision-making institutions under a single, modern, integrated complex. Kartavya Bhavan 1 and 2 will accommodate important Union ministries, including Finance, Defence, Health and Family Welfare & Corporate Affairs. The inauguration of these buildings marks a major step in Modi’s Central Vista redevelopment project, which aims to create a modern, efficient, and people-centric governance infrastructure aligned with India’s long-term development vision. Union Minister Jitendra Singh added a different historical context to shifting of the PMO to Seva Teerth on Dara Shikoh Road — he described the relocation as a symbolic step in moving away from colonial legacies. Incidentally, on this very day in 1931, February 13, the British declared New Delhi the Capital of colonial India. South Block and North Block were completed in 1931 during British rule. India’s first Cabinet meeting under Jawaharlal Nehru was held at South Block after Independence. The PMO itself evolved over time. It began in 1947 as the PM’s Secretariat. In 1964, during Lal Bahadur Shastri’s tenure, it received formal status and Its authority expanded under Indira Gandhi. Only In 1977, the government led by Morarji Desai had renamed it as the Prime Minister’s Office.

Friday the 13th contrary to popular belief brought extraordinary luck to ration card holding women of Tamil Nadu… even as TN chief minister M K Stalin walked into the function to give the employment orders for government jobs, he seemed extremely pleased with his strategic generosity. He greeted his electorate “Today it is not just good morning to you all…it is a Super Good Morning to my sisters in TN. Your government has increased the women’s honorarium from Rs 3000 to Rs 5000.” Did people and media see him almost wink when he made the next announcement? “After jumping many obstacle hoops and challenges, I want to be CM for all…not just those who vote for the DMK. This largesse Stalin said would be increased to Rs 10,000 pm if I am voted back to power.” Stalin waxed eloquent about how TN had climbed the development charts to become the #1 state in many indices. Even as the milk sops doles were being announced, the new challenger on the block TVK’s Vijay was presiding over yet another mammoth public meet at Salem. He thundered “Whatever money is given, take from every party, blow the whistle to deafen them. Run and vote for me”! So much for dramatic campaigns and vainglorious speeches and promises. Maridas, a well-known blogger put this whole dole outpouring in perspective. Speaking about the futility of the budget deficit of TN, he said, “I am happy that the poor sisters of TN are getting this generous amount”. But at what cost? Whichever government is elected, the state deficit reality will far outweigh the gains 1.3 crore women got…wait till taxes hit you in the new government’s budget.” The men can drown their sorrows in TASMAC spirits …it is the women who have to work harder to keep the family fires burning.

With the West Bengal Assembly elections just months away, political battle has acquired a sharper digital edge. The principal rivals — TMC and BJP — are not only trading barbs at rallies but are also locked in a parallel battle across social media platforms, where videos, satire and personal controversies are swiftly reframed as political statements. What distinguishes this election cycle is the central role of content creators. YouTubers, podcasters and self-styled influencers are increasingly shaping narratives, with their content amplified by party ecosystems, blurring the line between independent commentary and partisan mobilisation. Two recent, unrelated controversies involving Bengal-based creators illustrate how combustible the intersection of identity politics, personal disputes and electoral timing has become. The first involved actor and YouTuber Sayak Chakraborty, who alleged in a viral video that a Muslim waiter at Olypub deliberately served him beef instead of mutton, calling it an affront to his Hindu Brahmin identity. Though the video was later deleted, it spread widely and triggered protests by fringe Hindutva groups in Kolkata. The waiter was initially arrested, while a counter FIR was filed against Chakraborty for allegedly instigating communal disharmony. Following social media protests by sections of civil society, the waiter was granted bail. BJP leaders amplified the clip, turning a restaurant dispute into a communally charged controversy. Soon after, 25-year-old content creator Shamik Adhikary, known online as ‘Nonsane’, was arrested days after releasing a sharply worded Bengali political satire titled Button. His girlfriend accused him of sexual violence and wrongful confinement. The BJP characterised the arrest as political retribution by the TMC government, with senior leader Amit Malviya sharing the satire and alleging suppression of dissent. In both cases, viral content triggered outrage, partisan amplification followed, and original facts...

Cash doles ahead of assembly elections has become a common occurrence in recent times, despite red flags raised by economists and RBI.  In an attempt to woo women voters, the ruling DMK government announced that Rs 5,000 each has been credited to 1.31 crore beneficiaries under the Kalaignar Magalir Urimai Thittam. This includes advance disbursal of the monthly dole of Rs 1,000 for February, March and April, along with a “special summer assistance” component of Rs 2,000. Chief Minister M K Stalin defended the decision alleging there were attempts to stall the monthly disbursal during the election period. The move will cost the state government about Rs 6,500 crore. Stalin also promised that if DMK comes back to power the monthly amount would be increased to Rs 2,000. The DMK government’s move attracted sharp criticism from the Opposition parties. Interestingly, the AIADMK has promised a sum of Rs 2,000 per month would be paid to the woman-head of every family covered under the system of ration cards. DMK’s move follows a Rs 3,000 cash dole to more than 2.22 crore rice ration card-holders, which cost the state government Rs 6,936 crore. The recent Economic Survey has warned about unconditional cash transfer by States affecting the fiscal mix. Seems political compulsions overrule fiscal prudence during elections and it leaves no little room for capital spending.

Former Maharashtra chief minister Uddhav Thackeray is among the nine retiring members of the Maharashtra Legislative Council. Their term expires on 14 May this year. While resigning as chief minister way back in 2022, Uddhav had announced that he would quit the council as well. However, he did not give up the membership and was trolled for this change of heart. As the nine seats are elected from the lower house, the Opposition will have to plan its strategy cautiously as the ruling BJP-Sena (Shinde) alliance has a massive majority in the assembly. It has about 240 members on its side in the house of 286. Given this current arithmetic, the quota of 36 is likely to be fixed to get elected to the upper house. While the Opposition can send one candidate through the goal post easily, the moot question is who that individual will be. Uddhav had earlier indicated that he would like to return to the council. However, of late, there is complete silence in the Opposition camp on this sensitive issue.  The other prominent names in the list include Neelam Gorhe, currently deputy chairperson of the house. After aligning with the Shiv Sena led by deputy chief minister Eknath Shinde, she is hopeful of staging a comeback. Indications are that the matter will be resolved through understanding, so that the election happens unopposed. Still, last minute manoeuvring is likely. Hence, both sides have kept their fingers crossed.

A Shiv Sena (UBT) stronghold since the inception of the organisation way back in 1966, Parbhani will have a new mayor, Syed Iqbal Syed Khwaja, a staunch party worker. His election has kicked up a political storm since Syed is the first Muslim to be nominated for a high civic post by the Sena. Deputy chief minister Eknath Shinde, who broke away from the parent party in 2022, has lambasted Sena leader Uddhav Thackeray, reminding him of certain public statements of Balasaheb in this regard. On the other hand, Sena (UBT) MP Sanjay Raut has hit back, saying that a nationalist Muslim was preferable to a ‘Gaddaar’ (traitor), reminding Shinde about his decision to desert the undivided Sena. Sayed is a first-time corporator and is elected as mayor with the support of the Congress. He defeated his BJP rival Tirumala Khilare by securing 39 votes against her 26 in the 65-member Parbhani municipal corporation, a major town in Marathwada region of the state. Thus, Parbhani has become the sole civic corporation under Uddhav Sena. In the past, the united Sena had won assembly elections from Parbhani on communal campaigning. Taking a dig at Uddhav Sena, Shinde said its true face has been exposed while it had already sunk Balasaheb’s doctrine in 2022 while forming a government with Congress support. The Parbhani win is not surprising since the UBT has supported the BJP in installing its mayor in Chandrapur in Vidarbha region. Blurring party lines, local combinations have been taking place across Maharashtra where those forming such arrangements keep claiming that their decision is taken ‘in the interest of local development.’

There is apparently a divergence of views in the DMK about raising a banner of revolt against Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla as envisaged by LoP Rahul Gandhi. Many DMK MPs are keen to join the debate on the Union Budget, though some wanted to join Rahul Gandhi to sign no confidence against the Speaker. Apparently, there is a growing pressure on 23 DMK MPs in the Lok Sabha to raise TN issues in the House ahead of state polls. It is being said CM Stalin, who is also DMK Chief is not keen to nominate the seat sharing committee of his party to engage in negotiation with the Congress. Stalin is of the view that early seat-sharing discussions could divert attention from governance and key welfare initiatives of his Govt. Besides, he feels if the Congress wishes to walk out of the alliance, it is all very well. At least, the BJP in Delhi will be kind to the DMK. Tough stand of the DMK has made the Congress quite distraught. The Congress feels the DMK is behaving as if it wants the Congress to go out of the alliance. Meanwhile, it is being said financiers of TVK chief and superstar Vijay’s Jana Nayagan have become restless about the manner in which the film’s release has been held hostage by the CBFC. It is felt that the “political message” of the film has upset the BJP leadership. Sources say one of the financiers got in touch with top BJP leaders in Delhi and assured that Vijay will not “forge an alliance” with the Congress in TN. This only means that the Congress could end up as a pumpkin in TN politics. Ostracised, with no serious political player taking the party seriously!

With Lok Sabha forced to adopt the Motion of Thanks to the President’s Address without the Prime Minister’s reply, the focus is now on former Army chief General Manoj Mukund Naravane (Retd), who led the Indian Army through one of its most testing periods in recent history. The Opposition has disrupted the proceedings as Leader of Opposition (LoP) Rahul Gandhi insisted on quoting from General Naravane’s unpublished memoir to target PM Narendra Modi and his govt over its handling of a standoff with the Chinese military in eastern Ladakh in August 2020. It will remain a mystery as to why the much decorated officer allowed his unpublished book to be used by Rahul Gandhi? The buzz is that he was upset for not being considered for the post of Chief of Defence Staff (CDS)–before his retirement. General’s unpublished book had sparked a row in Lok Sabha on February 2 after Rahul Gandhi tried to quote a line from an article about the book that appeared in The Caravan magazine. The article details the 2020 India-China conflict, beginning with the moment the Indian Army’s Northern Command received a call about the movement of Chinese tanks toward Rechin La in eastern Ladakh. The Defence Ministry is yet to clear his book because it contains too many military details. According to media reports, it is the only book that hasn’t been cleared by the MoD. No wonder the General was quite philosophical about the outcome of the fate of his literary effort. Meanwhile, FM Nirmala Sitharaman under whose tenure as Defence Minister Gen Navarane took over as Army Chief, also made it clear that the Govt had no issues with the officer. Interestingly, The Caravan team which first published excerpts from the book aired its grouse that the mainstream media wasn’t focussing enough on the General’s “disappointments”. Why would anyone bother when both Delhi and Beijing are mending fences!

PM Modi is apparently very happy that the 16th Finance Commission’s recommendations will put a full stop to Opposition-ruled States attacking him for not giving adequate Central funds. When Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman presented the Union Budget 2026, one sentence tucked in the fine print drew the attention of every CM in the country. It was that the Centre had accepted the 16th Finance Commission’s recommendation to keep states’ share in the divisible tax pool at 41%. At first glance, that looked like continuity. But beneath that headline figure lies a quiet revolution. The commission’s new horizontal formula keeps the overall share fixed but changes how it is sliced. For the first time, a state’s contribution to the national GDP carries formal weight—10% of the total formula. This single tweak tilts the balance towards the country’s south and west, where economic output per capita is high, compared to the populous but poorer Hindi-heartland states that had benefited from the old population-heavy criteria. Preliminary calculations suggest that Karnataka, Kerala, Gujarat, Haryana, Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra are the top six gainers. Karnataka alone may receive around Rs 7,300 crore more each year. In contrast, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Bihar, Odisha and Jharkhand will see smaller shares; MP could lose nearly Rs 7,600 crore. Most losing states are either BJP or NDA-ruled, while the gainers are largely Opposition-governed.  Since the first Finance Commission in 1951, the horizontal formula has revolved around the distances between population, area, and income. The 16th Finance Commission marks a clear break. Echoing Modi’s ideas, Panagariya’s logic: States must show improvement in fiscal discipline, transparency and service delivery to qualify for discretionary grants.

Veteran leader Sharad Pawar’s Rajya Sabha term ends on 2 April 2026. The present arithmetic in the Maharashtra legislative assembly is such that just one Opposition candidate can go to the upper house of Parliament if all these parties field a combined nominee. The NCP led by Sharad Pawar himself, the Congress and the Shiv Sena led by Uddhav Thackeray are the three major Opposition parties though their collective strength is just enough to win one seat. Provided that there is no cross-voting. Previous experience shows that Maharashtra CM Devendra Fadnavis can upset the Opposition apple cart as and when he wishes. It is not clear if he will use the same strategy against Pawar who is respected across the political spectrum. Pawar has declared repeatedly that he will not contest any future election. But it is viewed as an announcement by a politician and hence not taken at face value. Most of the earlier Rajya Sabha elections have been unopposed except for a few occasions. As of now, Opposition parties have not indicated their inclination. Hence, the rumour mill is quite active. Incidentally, Pawar’s health is a matter of concern, given that he is 86. His decision not to be present in Parliament when the Union budget was being presented has added to the speculation about his future plans. His nephew Ajit Pawar’s accidental demise has resulted in upsetting all previous equations and Pawar’s next move will prove crucial in that scenario. It is eagerly awaited.

Tamil superstar Vijay threw his hat in the Tamil Nadu political ring, convinced that he was Moses for whom the sea would split. His party – TVKs — every move, every utterance and strategy created tidal waves. But Vijay has painted himself into a corner, a much-maligned man used and manipulated by the rag tag of TN parties and the two major outfits –DMK and AIADMK. How is he planning to extricate from this Chakravyuh? Vijay is a great entertainer and bankable actor but he underestimated the manoeuvring and manipulations of those scrambling for a perch on the big bandwagons. Take Dr Anbumani Ramadoss who has broken away from the PMK family and fold; he persisted in using Vijay as   bargaining  chip, till the BJP wheedled him into the NDA. TTV Dinakaran went one step further with his pressure cooker tactics…the media was peppered with snippets of how Vijay was just waiting to open his heart and party. The BJP quickly caught him in their grip with the promise of 33 seats, Rajya Sabha post and a deputy CM post. The Congress too has been twisting DMK arms –using Vijay as bait –pushing for 28 seats. Premalatha, late Vijayakanth’s wife has built up her worth by playing an unmatched trapeze artist, notching up the suspense. Old man Ramadoss for his part says why should only the old parties aspire for TN? Why can’t a young man like Vijay rise? Again these “sympathisers” are not promoting Vijay…they just want to dent the DMK vote bank and then bargain. Maybe Vijay did not foresee so many Trojans he had to counter and contend with. A popular Tamil magazine has summed it up succinctly …Vijay has launched his super market…but no customers so far.

West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s in-person appearance at the Supreme Court in the SIR matter has put her party Trinamool Congress on a strong footing. Her party leaders and workers see Didi’s Supreme Court intervention as scoring brownie points. It reinforces her as the principal face against the BJP in Bengal while squeezing CPM and Congress, rebuilding minority trust where resentment had emerged over Waqf amendments and new political formations, protecting base amid BJP polarisation. Since the Election Commission’s SIR drive to update West Bengal’s 7.62 crore elector rolls began, 58 lakh entries were removed due to relocation, duplication or death. Also, 1.26 crore individuals received notices for verification hearings over “logical inconsistencies” or missing 2002 SIR linkages, with nearly 60 lakh awaiting proceedings. Initially BJP stayed silent, adopting a wait-and-watch line and avoiding social media sarcasm, but later circulated clips of the court proceedings showing judges suggesting her senior lawyer argue and rejecting her claim. Bengal BJP leaders mocked Mamata’s courtroom conduct as political drama. Political analysts say appearance may hold no legal value but produces two effects. By cultivating a solitary fighter image, Didi strengthens core support. Repeated confrontations with central institutions sharpen her political identity. As a woman leader, she contrasts with the Centre’s pro-Hindutva posture, projecting a less aggressive image than a regional party like the TMC, hence Mamata brand is difficult to counter. By aligning her legal battles with voters dealing with discrepancy notices, Didi positions the 2026 election to focus less on governance outcomes and more on instinctive politics of protection.

Several major cities in Maharashtra have donned the saffron by electing BJP-led Mahayuti candidates as their mayor. Chief minister Devendra Fadnavis and the Shiv Sena-led by deputy CM Eknath Shinde have arrived at an understanding to install their candidates as mayor and deputy mayors. On February 6, the prestigious Nagpur municipal corporation came under the BJP rule once again. In Nasik, the pilgrimage town, the BJP had nominated Himgauri Adke after a lot of heat was generated between it and Shinde Sena. Finally, senior minister Girish Mahajan succeeded in forging an alliance, which ensured that the mayoral crown will remain with the Mahayuti. Other major cities where BJP mayors are in place are Jalgaon and Dhule in north Maharashtra and at Sambhaji Nagar, the capital of Marathwada. Till yesterday, fireworks were taking place regularly among the Mahayuti constituents. The most watched election will take in place in Mumbai where the BJP is all set to elect its mayor. In exchange, it has left Thane and Kalyan-Dombivali municipal corporations for Shinde Sena, given the clout of Shinde and his son Shrikant, MP. The proliferation of BJP-ruled civic bodies is described as a triple-engine formula success. Buoyed up by the success, Mahayuti leaders are hopeful that their parties will fare similarly well in the election for the Zilla Parishad and Panchayat Samiti bodies, to take place after a few days.

When PM Modi’s reply to Motion of Thanks to the President’s address in the Lok Sabha was hastily called off a little after 5 pm on Feb 5, the Opposition benches felt triumphant. The House had to be content with just passing a statement thanking the President without PM’s reply. It was as if the Congress strategy of deploying women MPs on PM Modi’s way into the House and his path upto his seat had paid off. The party felt it had chased away PM out of the Lok Sabha using its girl power — a gaggle of women MPs. However, the Congress’s devious plan was thoroughly exposed by Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla as he declared that it was he who had advised PM to stay away from the House proceedings based on concrete inputs of an “unexpected/inappropriate incident” being planned by Congress MPs. Though details of the “indecent incident” that was planned are not available, it is quite clear it would have lowered the dignity of the House as well as   the high office of the PM. Official sources confirmed that the Govt too had security concerns about allowing PM Modi, a SPG protectee, inside Lok Sabha. Since SPG can’t go inside House, it would have to rely on House marshals. Interestingly, when PM Modi addressed the Rajya Sabha, women marshals were in good number. In his address to the Rajya Sabha, PM Modi took on Rahul Gandhi for attacking his junior ministerial colleague Ravneet Singh Bittu. “What happened yesterday – the ‘Yuvraj’ of Congress who has ‘shaatir dimag’, called an MP of this House ‘traitor’…He did not call anyone else who has left the Congress a traitor. But he called the MP a traitor because he is a Sikh.” Firing salvo at the TMC, he said while developed nations are throwing out infiltrators, in India political parties are using it to protect infiltrators.

With eye on Assembly polls, the West Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee’s interim Budget focuses on women and youth voters. In the interim budget amounting to Rs 4.06 lakh crore, Mamata’s government announced a Rs 500 increase in the monthly Lakshmi Bhandar scheme from the current Rs 1000/1200. The scheme is now being viewed as a response to the NDA’s Ladki Bahin Yojana scheme, which contributed to positive outcomes for the NDA in states such as Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh and Delhi. According to the electoral roll published in January 2025, West Bengal has approximately 3,76,00,611 female voters and 3,87,93,743 male voters. The Lakshmi Bhandar scheme currently reaches around 2.2 crore women beneficiaries. In another welfare measure, Didi’s government announced that gig workers will be brought under existing social security programmes, including Swasthyasathi. Additionally, the state declared that wages of Anganwadi workers and Anganwadi Sahayaks will be raised by Rs 1,000 starting April 2026. The government has also proposed a new Rs 5,000 crore initiative called “Banglar Yuba-Sathi” for educated unemployed youth to be launched from 15 August 2026. Under this scheme, unemployed individuals aged 21 to 40 who have passed Madhyamik (Class10), are not covered by other government social security schemes (except educational benefits or scholarships), will receive Rs 1,500 per month. This support will continue until they secure employment or for a maximum period of five years, whichever comes first. Earlier, during the day, following an order from a division bench of the Supreme Court directing the Mamata Banerjee government to promptly pay 25% of the pending DA to state employees and to release the first instalment of the remaining dues by March 31, the CM has declared a 4% hike in DA for state government staff.

The meeting between West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee and Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar at Nirvachan Sadan, New Delhi ended midway after sharp exchanges, with Didi walking out in a huff. She accused CEC Kumar of arrogant behaviour, misconduct and acting at the behest of the BJP. She described the ongoing Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls as unplanned and arbitrary. The nearly hour-long meeting was convened to discuss the SIR process in West Bengal. She led a delegation comprising her nephew and second in command of the party Abhishek Banerjee and TMC MP Kalyan Banerjee, along with 12 individuals affected by the exercise, including families alleging deaths due to SIR-related stress and voters reportedly marked as dead despite being alive. According to TMC sources, tensions escalated soon after Mamata questioned the conduct of the SIR, raising issues such as reported deaths and hospitalisations, the absence of SIR in Assam, publication of anomalous voter lists in Bengal and the appointment of micro-observers. Abhishek raised detailed objections, while Kalyan Banerjee pointed to legal concerns and Supreme Court directions. The TMC alleged that Kumar repeatedly interrupted the delegation and used dismissive language, leading to walk out of the meeting. The TMC highlighted that among the 12 affected individuals, two were from minority communities and 10 were Hindus, countering BJP claims linking objections to illegal immigrants. Didi warned of intensified protests if the EC did not change its approach and said she would continue the political fight on the streets. The EC rejected the allegations, stating that all questions were answered and warning that the rule of law would be enforced strictly. It accused some TMC legislators of threatening election officials and alleged obstruction of SIR work and non-payment of honorariums to booth-level officers by the Bengal government.

Notwithstanding public posturing by the DMK about firming up an alliance with the Congress, it is being said that senior DMK MP Kanimozhi didn’t have a nice experience trying to forge a seat sharing agreement with the Congress in the two rounds of meetings that she held with Rahul Gandhi this week. What particularly left a bad after taste in the mouth for her was the manner in which Rahul did not permit Kanimozhi to interact with Sonia Gandhi at 10 Janpath.  In fact, after the first round of meeting that was initially held in the Lok Sabha LoP’s office on January 28, it was Rahul who had suggested that Kanimozhi could come over to 10 Janpath. Kanimozhi saw it as an opportunity to interact with Congress matriarch. But Rahul made it clear that his mother was not available for sorting out dicey political alliance matters and that the DMK leaders have to deal with him. While the DMK raised the impropriety of Congress in charge Girish Chodankar thrusting a list of 41 assembly seats that his party wished to fight in his first meeting with CM Stalin, Rahul wanted to know why the DMK was not working “to strengthen the Congress at the grassroots and in local bodies” in TN. Rahul’s approach somewhat surprised Kanimozhi and  asked Rahul if he could speak to her half-brother Stalin. Stalin didn’t yield to Congress’ demand for more seats right away and said a panel would go into the demands. The DMK found it difficult to accept Congress terms of coalition power sharing. Rahul pointed out to Kanimozhi what the Congress was sharing with JMM in Jharkhand. Kanimozhi made it clear to Rahul that her party could offer 27/28 — 2 or 3 seats more than 25 that the Congress contested in 2021.

It seems to be the playbook of all the ruling state governments announcing social welfare schemes when the election is around the corner. So Tamil Nadu is no different. With the Assembly elections fast approaching the TN government headed by chief minister MK Stalin is announcing back-to-back policies, schemes, freebies and other initiatives that are essentially voter-friendly. Call it a curated mix of welfare, AI and technology and education, everything is coming together. In the previous month alone the state government announced various schemes such as free laptops for students to increase digital literacy, a sovereign AI data centre for secure AI infrastructure that will create 1000 plus jobs, newly polished pension scheme to support the elderly, Rs 3000 for pongal assistance to name a few. There are many more in the pipeline depending on which way the election wind blows. But at the end of the day by announcing various schemes and giving away freebies, the ruling DMK government is telling the people…we are on your side.

The battle lines have all but been drawn for the Tamil Nadu Assembly polls 2026. It is advantage DMK as the polls head for a 3- or 4-cornered contest with actor Vijay the significant new player in the fray. The DMK-Congress alliance is yet to be formalised after seat-sharing talks hit speed bumps, but given the long-term relationship between chief minister MK Stalin and Rahul Gandhi, the Congress is only likely to keep its ties with the DMK going. Poll arithmetic in a contest in which the opposition to the regime is divided among the AIADMK-led NDA alliance, Vijay’s TVK which will be on a solo run and Seeman’s NTK, a fringe player who can however play spoilsport by taking away a proportion of the votes, will favour the ruling DMK despite the anti-incumbency factor. With a lack of data and history, no one can gauge Vijay’s advent into politics. But the way the BJP has played the cards against him is certain to bring him such sympathy for the treatment meted out to him and his last movie Jana Nayagan. Repeated questioning by the CBI with regard to the Karur stampede is another good reason why more people will gravitate towards the TVK. Also, people are yearning for change from the tired Dravidian politics. Even so, it will be DMK, with its committed cadre vote, that will come away with less of its vote share diminished even as AIADMK, which got a near equal vote share in 2021, suffers from its association with the northern upper class party BJP. Stalin seems set to emulate Jayalalithaa’s 2016 performance when her AIADMK was re-elected. The alliances are all but set now no matter what conspiracy theories may be floated from here and what pulls and pressures may come up in the last mile to the polls.

The grapevine has it that Bollywood is set to flesh out yet another police story, this time around infamous policeman Pradeep Sharma, who liquidated 112 criminals in alleged encounters, mostly in Mumbai city. Ab Tak 112 (112 encounters till now) is tentative title of film being bandied about, in apparent one-upmanship to earlier film based on rival policeman, Daya Nayak, titled Ab Tak 56. Both Mumbai police officers had suffered ignominy of suspensions and even dismissal during their chequered careers with a Mumbai Crime Branch probe revealing 214 of the 300 police encounters between 1998 and 2000 were fake. The two are also dwarfed in comparison to DCP Mallaiah G Yadav, who has encountered and liquidated 672 criminals and Naxals in a distinguished career marked by genuine police encounters. Unlike the cinematic bravado that often romanticizes extra-judicial action, DCP Mallaiah G Yadav’s record was forged in India’s most unforgiving internal security theatres, where Naxal insurgency, organized crime and armed extremism merged into daily warfare against the State. His encounters were not urban spectacles staged for headlines but outcomes of prolonged intelligence gathering, cordon-and-search operations and armed retaliation by extremists who chose bullets over surrender. Serving across sensitive districts, Mallaiah systematically dismantled Naxal formations, eliminated dreaded area commanders and neutralised criminal syndicates that had paralysed governance, extorted civilians and assassinated public servants. Unlike his Bollywood counterparts whose careers collapsed under allegations and departmental action, Mallaiah’s service record reflects institutional trust, repeated high-risk postings and operational continuity over decades. As cinema mines old encounter legends for box-office revival, DCP Mallaiah G Yadav’s story remains largely untold—perhaps because it is too stark, too real and too uncomfortable.

With Assembly elections around the corner, the idea of a minority-led alliance has introduced a fresh layer of uncertainty for the West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee and her party the Trinamool Congress (TMC). While there is little concrete evidence to suggest an imminent erosion of the TMC’s minority vote base, emerging formations and alliance talks could complicate electoral arithmetic in select pockets of the State. The most visible symbol of this mobilisation has emerged along National Highway 12 in Beldanga, Murshidabad district, where suspended TMC MLA Humayun Kabir has begun constructing a replica of the Babri Masjid. Kabir, who has floated the Janata Unnayan Party (JUP), has accused the TMC of pursuing policies harmful to minorities and is seeking to politically consolidate Muslim voters. Early January, Indian Secular Front (ISF) MLA Naushad Siddiqui called for a minority party alliance against TMC and BJP. The ISF, linked to the Furfura Sharif shrine in Hooghly, has held discussions with the JUP, alongside talks involving the SDPI, the political wing of the banned Popular Front of India. Muslims constitute about 27% of West Bengal’s population. Minority and women voters have been central to the TMC’s dominance since 2011. Minority leaders cite discontent over OBC list exclusions, Waqf law amendments, and the return of TMC MP Mausam Benazir Noor to the Congress in Malda. Yet, many Muslims continue to see Mamata as the most credible bulwark against the BJP, which is banking on minority vote fragmentation and Hindu consolidation. Kabir met CPI(M) State secretary Mohammed Salim in Kolkata to explore the possibility of contesting the elections together with the ISF. The meeting has sparked unease within sections of the CPI(M), particularly in refugee-dominated and urban areas of south Bengal. Some leaders fear that association with Babri Masjid symbolism could be electorally damaging.

Gujarat governor Acharya Devvrat is likely to serve another term. It is reported that he is looking to take over as governor of Maharashtra, which is his additional charge at present. Devvrat was appointed governor of Gujarat in July 2019 while he took the additional charge of Maharashtra on 15 September 2025. Devvrat’s gubernatorial career began in Himachal Pradesh, where he served from 2015 till 2019. Currently, this is his second term in Gujarat. Thus, Devvrat has already served for over 10 years, making him one of the longest-serving governors under the Modi administration. Although Maharashtra is his additional charge, it is noticed that Devvrat is quite active in the state, generating murmurs that he may be a top contender for a full-time appointment here. The issue assumes significance since previous Maharashtra governor Bhagat Singh Koshyari is at the receiving end after the Padma Bhushan honour was bestowed upon him by the Centre. Under Article 156 of the Constitution, a state governor normally enjoys a tenure of five years. However, there is no bar on her or his continuation till the successor is named. Due to certain actions and statements of Koshyari, a lot of bad blood was created between him and then chief minister Uddhav Thackeray. Given the prime position of Maharashtra in the country, the Centre will choose its next governor by taking all precautions to ensure that no friction occurs, it is certain.

The general impression is that Odisha Chief Minister Mohan Charan Majhi is skating on thin ice these days. This impression is gaining currency because Majhi’s overall performance has not been stellar. Failing law and order situation, atrocities on women, rampant corruption and flight of industries to other states continues to grab headlines. Critics say Majhi’s leadership has been lacklustre with slow implementation of election promises and major reforms not taking shape, causing his popularity to drop. Political analysts say Majhi’s style of working as figurehead has to change giving way to being a decisive leader focussing on performance. This explains why political leaders and analysts are now urging the Odisha CM to assert his authority and provide results on the ground, so that his leadership remains intact. Otherwise, he could be overshadowed by competitors like the Union Minister Dharmendra Pradhan who has never hidden his ambition to rule Odisha one day. In fact political analysts say Pradhan is the de-facto master strategist holding the sceptre, while CM Majhi holds the temporary crown.

Maharashtra’s tableau, “Ganeshotsav : A Symbol of Aatmanirbharta” (self-reliance) has been adjudged the best among the floats submitted by the States and Union Territories at the 2026 Republic Day parade. The honour has been won by the state after a decade’s gap. The float this time has highlighted cultural, economic and environmental significance with traditional Dhol-Tasha and Lezim performers, securing the top prize for showcasing Maharashtra’s rich cultural heritage. Incidentally, in 1993 also, the same theme, “Ganesh Utsav” was termed the best in the parade. It was selected to celebrate the 100th anniversary of the now largest public festival in the world, conceived by Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak. The top position was again secured in 1994 to remember Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj’s coronation and beginning of the Shivaji Era. The hat trick was achieved since in 1995, the spiritual pilgrimage of the Warkari sect was the theme. However, after this winning spree, Maharashtra did not reach the top position till 2015, when its tableau themed on the “Wari” tradition once more grabbed the coveted place. The Maharashtra tableau 2026 combined traditional imagery with modern themes, including the Ashtavinayak shrine, highlighting the economic and social impact of the festival. In 2023, Maharashtra’s tableau on “Saade Teen Shakti Peeth” (three and a half Shakti Peethas) had won the popular choice award though the main award had gone to Uttarakhand. In 2022, Maharashtra had secured the first prize in the popular choice category for its tableau on the “Biodiversity of Maharashtra.” While Jammu & Kashmir won the second prize, it was followed by Kerala in the third place.

If Ajit Pawar’s widow Sunetra Pawar is emerging as the favourite person to find a place in Maharashtra government as Deputy CM and leader of the Nationalist Congress Party it is not without reason. Political circles in Delhi believe it is one elevation which would be most acceptable to top BJP leadership particularly Union Home Minister Amit Shah. It is being said Shah is inclined to ensure that Ajit Pawar’s legacy survives in Maharashtra. Shah remembers the late Deputy CM as one person who had always gone out of the way to bail out the BJP in tricky situations in the state — whether it was in 2019 or in 2023. It is in this backdrop, Sunetra has emerged as a favourite for the top post. Shah who enjoyed a good equation with the late leader. Shah apparently valued the manner in which Ajit Pawar took the initiative to break ranks with his uncle Sharad Pawar and join hands with the BJP in 2023, a year ahead of 2024 Lok Sabha polls as well Maharashtra assembly polls. Which is perhaps why he made it a point to travel to Baramati for Ajit Pawar’s last rites. Besides, elevating Sunetra, a Rajya Sabha MP from Maharashtra, would be a simpler affair then say promoting NCP leader Sunil Tatkare, a Lok Sabha MP. It is also felt Parth Pawar could replace his mother in the Rajya Sabha. As for Sharad Pawar who would be retiring from the Rajya Sabha in April it is being said his nephew’s untimely death has totally shattered him and he may not seek another term. It is also being said that the BJP is not inclined to accommodate his daughter and pro-Congress NCP leader Supriya Sule, Baramati’s Lok Sabha MP, in Modi government.

Maharashtra’s deceased deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar fought tooth and nail to claim the election symbol of the Nationalist Congress Party – the wall clock showing the time at ten past ten or 10:10. This symbol was selected by NCP founder Sharad Pawar, who also shaped Ajit’s political career. Owing to political quirks, Ajit took on the elder Pawar and finally split the NCP in 2022, taking a substantial chunk of the elected representatives with him. In this battle of attrition, the timer played a crucial role since it was a political identity for the party. Ajit succeeded in humbling the family boss, at least temporarily. He seized the NCP name and symbol through a court battle. In a baffling coincidence, it has transpired that the identification of Ajit’s body was reportedly done on the basis of his wristwatch. After any fatal accident, personal belongings scattered at the site are helpful in identifying the deceased. According to some media reports, Ajit’s expensive wristwatch was an important tool for identification. The watch on Ajit’s wrist was of a classic design, with a metal strap and a large dial. It had a shiny silver finish, a sturdy metal bracelet and a dial with clear numerals and blue base. The photographs on social media show the watch on Ajit’s wrist as a classic and premium piece. Ajit’s various qualities have been described in detail by the people close to him. Incidentally, one of them was his emphasis on punctuality. Sadly, the chronometer in his life has served him even after his demise.

Sharad Pawar’s response to the tragic plane crash that claimed the life of his nephew, Maharashtra deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar, and four others is a telling example of political maturity. By unequivocally stating that the crash was an accident and that no politics should be dragged into the incident, Sharad Pawar has demonstrated a rare blend of personal composure, political wisdom and statesmanship—qualities that are increasingly scarce in a climate of instant outrage and relentless politicisation of tragedy. Hopefully, Sharad Pawar’s dignified stance sends a powerful message to leaders like Mamata Banerjee, Mallikarjun Kharge and Akhilesh Yadav who rushed to the television cameras to demand a probe into the plane crash, more so under Supreme Court supervision. Given their long tenures in politics and in government, they should have known that every air accident is thoroughly investigated, irrespective of public demand. This band of leadership with a destructive negative streak in its thinking will prove harmful to the nation one day if not checked in time. In contrast, no political leader in Maharashtra has made any irresponsible statement nor condemned the government. Sharad Pawar has thus initiated the process of promoting healthy politics and articulated maturity of Maharashtra, where political and personal differences are kept isolated. Let Sharad Pawar’s political tribe grow at every level.

West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has intensified her cultural outreach to the state’s traditional bhadralok — the educated, intellectually inclined middle class — by foregrounding her persona as an author and artist. This strategy was prominently displayed at the ongoing Kolkata International Book Fair, where she released several new works and announced plans for “Boi Tirtha”, a permanent Book Pilgrimage Centre. These efforts underscore how her prolific literary and artistic output runs parallel to her political career. This year, nine of Banerjee’s books are being sold at the fair, bringing her lifetime total to 162 published works. Over the years, she has consistently expressed herself through songs, poems, paintings, and literature, cultivating a distinct artistic identity. During Saraswati Puja, she shared a song on X, with lyrics and music composed by her. She is also a fixture of Durga Puja, often composing theme songs and devotional numbers like ‘Maa Go Tumi Sarbojanin’. Her creative work frequently blends cultural pride with political messaging. Recently, she penned 26 poems opposing the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls. Her past works have addressed the Singur and Nandigram movements, as well as critiques of central policies like demonetisation, GST, CAA, and NRC. Unlike her predecessor, Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, who embodied a refined, elite intellectualism, Banerjee is often seen as outside the traditional bhadralok mould. She turns this perceived lack of polish into an advantage, presenting simplicity and emotional honesty as strengths. Boi Tirtha project for which she has assigned Rs 10 crore is envisioned as a museum-cum-mall for rare books, Banerjee has already sketched its design, aiming to provide Kolkata with a permanent literary landmark before the book fair’s 50th edition.

It is not hard to decode the confident stance of Tamil Nadu chief minister MK Stalin in the run up to state assembly elections. Surprisingly, he carefully moved away from the powerful shadow of his father M Karunanidhi to find his own space, emerging as a much talked about CM who could stand his ground. It was not surprising that he used his first Assembly address of 2026 to not just pat himself and his government on the back, but also list its achievements in the face of “daunting challenges”. Stalin was candid enough to admit “when he took over in 2021, there was much trepidation, self-doubt and a sense of fear …could I make TN happy, fulfil poll promises.” The self-congratulatory tone set in fast…“I am a happy man, very satisfied and can claim that we will form government 2.0 and even overtake our success.” This motivated chest thumping had its share of diatribes too…he blamed the previous 10 years of AIADMK rule for bringing down the state in every matrix of development. Stalin’s undiluted harangue and the way he took on the Governor RN Ravi and his running feud with him, added spice. For political watchers, it was an entertaining yet disturbing, unsettling phase when the Centre and State were at loggerheads. Federalism and democratic ecosystems bore the brunt of this clash. Stalin is no doubt a driven man, sure of his ability to pluck the low hanging fruit.

The police have issued a notice to newly elected All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) corporator from Mumbra, Sahar Shaikh, under the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS) following a controversial remark in which she said the entire town would be “painted green”. The action comes after a video of Shaikh’s victory speech went viral on social media. In the clip, she is seen ridiculing NCP-SP MLA Jitendra Awhad, who had been her political mentor until recently. “In the next five years, every candidate in Mumbra will be from AIMIM. Mumbra must be completely painted green,” she said. Soon after the video surfaced, a BJP delegation led by former MP Kirit Somaiya submitted a written complaint to the police, alleging that the remarks were provocative and could incite communal tension in the sensitive township. Objecting to the statement, Somaiya said, “Mumbra belongs to Maharashtra, and the state bows before the saffron of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj.” Though his letter did not name Shaikh, the complaint prompted the police to initiate preventive action. A police official said the notice was issued as a precautionary measure to maintain law and order. Shaikh has been advised to exercise restraint in public speeches and avoid statements that could hurt sentiments or disturb communal harmony. Responding to the controversy, Shaikh claimed that her words were being deliberately misinterpreted for political purposes. She maintained that her remark only reflected her ambition to expand AIMIM’s political presence in the area and was not intended to provoke or divide.

Maharashtra’s politics has long been a maze of caste equations, regional ambitions, cooperative networks and dominant local satraps. But in recent years — and more sharply after the latest civic and local body elections — a striking new trend is seen emerging. All political parties are discarding ideological commitments and old rivalries to cobble together expedient alliances at the grassroots. Across wards and municipalities, the political battle is no longer anchored in principles or programmes. Instead, it revolves around arithmetic, individual clout and the urgency for political survival. Once sworn adversaries, many are sharing rallies, ideological oppositions are sunk and erstwhile bitter enmities are quietly buried in the scramble for seizing power. Crass pragmatism has triumphed over sanctity of philosophy. In short, convenience has replaced conviction. In this arena of local politics, “no holds barred” has become the key word. It is a ruthless realism where power matters more than what one once stood for. While the BJP has established its numerical prime position in the state polity by winning over half of the seats in the 29 municipal corporations that went to the polls, the Shiv Sena led by Uddhav Thackeray and the NCP established by Sharad Pawar were the main losers. However, in the post-poll scenario that is throwing one surprise after another, both these parties are engaged in forming alliances with some of their former opponents. The clear picture will become visible in a few days once the mayoral elections are held. Till then, the once unthinkable permutations and combinations will be watched by the hapless electors.

Maharashtra political potboiler is over, and yet the real corporate battle has only just begun. Suave Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis launched into Davos, Switzerland, knowing fully well Maharashtra’s top-notch status cannot be taken for granted has inked 85 MoUs. A state meeting recently witnessed his outburst, “If Hemanta Biswas can, Maharashtra will do better.” The comment was in context of the medical infrastructure blueprint that his Assam counterpart is credited with making progress. Andhra Pradesh CM Chandrababu Naidu, a Davos veteran, tom-toms his Hydrogen valley, Data Centre, Bio-Centre Capital of India, Google IT collaboration projects speaking quantum language. Biswas claims Rs 1 lakh crore in FDI to include a Data Centre project making Assam the gateway of South Asia, somewhere in the future. Fadnavis is single-mindedly prioritizing innovation, smart city securing Rs 1 lakh crore from five EU nations. The intense political battle he just won across 29 civic corporations, without involving PM Narendra Modi once, has bolstered his image. His business acumen, infrastructure push in the energy sector is crucial to bringing in business, no mean feat considering three decades old transmission and distribution lines running across the state compared to a fully rejuvenated Gujarat with fully modernized power transmission lines. Maharashtra is setting up 16000 MW of solar power to be distributed free to agriculturists in the state. If only focus on modernizing the three-decade old power infrastructure lines follows, the “theft and dacoity” of electricity as PM Atal Behari Vajpayee put it that hovers around 18-20% would be curbed bringing down electricity cost for industry on parity with other states of India.

Two days ahead of PM Modi’s public meeting at Madurantakam, Chengalpattu district on January 23, the BJP stepped up its campaign to expand the NDA ahead of the assembly elections. On January 21, AMMK general secretary TTV Dhinakaran, rejoined the NDA alliance in the presence of Union Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal in Chennai. He had moved out of the NDA in September 2025. This was six months after Union Home Minister Amit Shah announced that AIADMK chief Eddapadi K Palaniswami would be the CM face and lead the AIADMK- BJP alliance in Tamil Nadu in April 2025. In a reversal of events early this year, Dhinakaran flew into Delhi, met Amit Shah to pave the way for his return into the NDA fold. It is being said the AMMK commands considerable influence among the Mukkulathor community or Thevars in southern TN. Dhinakaran rejoining the NDA could spell trouble for the ruling DMK. So too the joining of Anbumani Ramadoss-led PMK. It is being said Amit Shah was very keen that all anti-DMK votes in the South, particularly the Thevar community votes should not be fragmented. Dhinakaran described the past differences as merely a “family feud”. On his part, AIADMK chief Palaniswami also welcomed Dhinakaran.  The only person acting pricey is DMDK leader Premalatha, widow of late actor Vijayakanth. She is bargaining for two Rajya Sabha seats, a ministerial berth for her son in Modi Govt and some 20 assembly seats. It is her demand to accommodate her son in the Central Govt that has spooked Delhi. Meanwhile, it is learnt that DMK has asked Congress to scale down its demand for seats to 28 and has offered instead to bankroll poll expenses of Assam assembly elections. This simply shows how desperately DMK needs Congress — that is why it is trying to keep it away from actor Vijay’s TVK.

Ahead of the Assembly elections this year, the West Bengal BJP leadership is facing an uncomfortable situation after Kharagpur Sadar MLA Hiran Chatterjee posted pictures on social media announcing his second marriage, revealing that the ceremony had taken place in Varanasi, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s parliamentary constituency. What initially remained a low-key development within the party escalated after Hiran’s first wife, Anindita Chatterjee, publicly claimed that there had been no legal divorce between them. The claim has caused disquiet within the BJP, with party sources confirming that internal discussions are under way on whether Hiran, a popular Bengali star, should be re-nominated from Kharagpur Sadar. The issue has since acquired a legal dimension, with Anindita and the couple’s daughter, Niyasha, filing a complaint against the MLA and his alleged second wife. A section within BJP is viewing the issue with concern, particularly given the party’s ideological emphasis on Hindu traditions and Hindutva. Senior leaders, speaking off the record, acknowledge that while marriage is a personal decision, contracting a second marriage without a legal divorce can amount to a criminal offence and raises questions of propriety and ethics. The party’s current position, sources said, is that there is no documentary proof available so far to establish the second marriage. The filing of a formal complaint by Hiran’s first wife and daughter has, however, sharpened scrutiny of the MLA and fuelled speculation within party circles. The continued silence of the leadership, leaders admit privately, is being interpreted both as an attempt to limit political damage and as a possible indication of a growing distance between the party and the sitting MLA — a distance that could ultimately influence ticket decisions.

Nitin Nabin was formally declared as the BJP national president, succeeding JP Nadda, in a brief ceremony at party headquarters in Delhi on January 20. All party stalwarts including PM Modi were present. Even as he received a certificate of election from K Laxman, returning officer for BJP organisational polls, Nabin at 45, became the youngest ever to occupy the top party post. The BJP was founded in Mumbai — then Bombay — in 1980 — the year Nabin was born. Emphasising his youthful background, PM Modi went all out emphasising his “millennial background” and “Gen Z connect”.  “Nitin Nabin is a millennial. He is from a generation who has witnessed the country’s economic transformation”, the PM said introducing the new party chief. Outlining Nabin’s task, Modi felt his “youthful energy and long experience of working in organisation,” would help in expanding the party’s footprint across the country. Emphasising that he would always be a worker of the BJP, Modi said “And when it comes to party matters, I am a worker, and Nitin Nabin ji is my boss.” He also added that Nabin would have responsibility to coordinate with NDA allies. Meanwhile, Nabin’s sensitive millennial side was revealed in a video that was shared of Modi’s meeting with Nabin’s family at party headquarters…it showed Nabin as a caring father even as he was with PM Modi. Interestingly, PM Modi also shared why BJP is not into celebrating its wins whether in Mumbai’s BMC or even in Gujarat 2022 assembly polls when everyone had expected him to lose. “We are always into analysing our results/ mistakes. Or preparing for the next polls.”

Nearly two decades after the Singur agitation reshaped West Bengal politics, the fertile stretch in Hooghly district has re-emerged as a key electoral flashpoint. With the 2026 Assembly elections nearing, the BJP has revived the Singur narrative, promising the return of Tata Motors and large-scale industrialisation if voted to power. The Trinamool Congress (TMC), however, continues to project Singur as a landmark victory for farmers against forcible land acquisition. BJP leaders argue that Tata Motors’ exit in 2008 marked the onset of de-industrialisation and that only a change in government can restore investor confidence. The BJP has also contrasted West Bengal’s industrial trajectory with Gujarat’s rapid expansion, presenting the latter as a development model. The party sees Singur as a way to reach Left-leaning voters by emphasising employment and economic growth rather than identity politics alone. The TMC has countered by reiterating that the Singur movement centred on protecting cultivable land and farmers’ rights. It cites the Supreme Court verdict declaring the 2006 land acquisition illegal and ordering land to be returned to unwilling farmers, calling it both legal and moral vindication. The conflict began in 2006 when the Left Front government acquired nearly 1,000 acres for Tata’s Nano project. The decision sparked sustained protests led by Mamata Banerjee, including police action and a 21-day hunger strike. Amid escalating unrest, Tata Motors withdrew in 2008 and shifted the project to Sanand, Gujarat. The Singur and Nandigram agitations later became central to the TMC’s rise, ending 34 years of Left rule in 2011. At present, about 300 acres have been restored to cultivation. Farmers’ groups have demanded that another 300 acres be made arable, suggesting the rest could be considered for industry. As elections approach, Singur’s abandoned fields have again become a battleground of competing visions of development and memory.