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Last week, as Congress leaders protested against Union Home Minister Amit Shah’s so-called “anti-Ambedkar” remark in Rajya Sabha, Rahul Gandhi joined his party MPs in a blue T-shirt, giving up his trademark white polo T-shirt. His sister Priyanka also twinned with him wearing a blue sari. Clearly the Gandhi siblings opted to go for a very visual protest against Shah’s remarks. The choice of the colour of clothes of the Leader of Opposition (LoP) — usually spotted donning plain white T-shirts raised eyebrows. The colour blue has been associated with Dalit politics since 1942, when Dr BR Ambedkar established the Scheduled Castes Federation to campaign for the rights of the Dalit community. The body adopted a blue flag featuring Ashok Chakra. The flag was later retained by the Republican Party of India (RPI), founded by Ambedkar in 1956. Over time, blue became very closely associated with Dalit identity and activism. Even political parties like the Bahujan Samaj Party and the ASP, which champions Dalit welfare, embraced blue colour in their branding. As the Gandhi siblings lead the protest, it was the choice of colour of their clothes that caught everyone’s attention!
The Winter Session which saw a two-day discussion on the 75th anniversary of the Constitution and introduction of One Nation One Election (ONOE) Bill has come to a close. It brought out sharp divisions over discussions and bills at least in two political parties — the Congress and DMK. In the Congress, if a first term MP Priyanka Vadra was seen opening the discussion on the Constitution in the Lok Sabha, for some reason senior leader and eminent lawyer P Chidambaram did not get an opportunity to have his say about the Constitution in the Rajya Sabha. In the DMK, there was a clear division of views between the DMK parliamentary party leader TR Baalu and deputy leader Kanimozhi. While Baalu endorsed the government’s offer to refer the Bill to the Joint Parliamentary Committee, Kanimozhi seemed completely surprised by his stand and insisted that her party was opposed to the Bill and demanded its withdrawal.”DMK has consistently opposed the entire Bill. We do not accept that there can be ONOE because it is against the Constitution. It is against federal rights and it is against the will of the people. People choose state governments for 5 years, I don’t think you can take that right away from the people and give it to the EC to decide how many years governments can last or not. So, this is completely against the state, against federalism” said Kanimozhi. While her stand reflects TN assembly resolution passed in February against ONOE Bill this year, the media is awash with reports about how her late father Kalaignar M Karunanidhi had highlighted the benefits of simultaneous polls in his autobiography Nenjuku Neethi. Incidentally, Karunanidhi had advanced state polls to 1971 to coincide with LS polls.
The Thursday (Dec 19) visit of BJP and Shiv Sena (Shinde) MLAs to the RSS headquarters in Nagpur has become a hot political topic though there are other reasons, too, for intense politicking. Firstly, the MLAs belonging to the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) led by deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar did not join the event. Secondly, those disgruntled due to their non-inclusion in the council of ministers have started expressing their anger openly. Like earlier two occasions, Ajit Pawar and most of his followers distanced themselves from the visit organized by chief minister Devendra Fadnavis. The presence of former CM Eknath Shinde and his MLAs proved to be another highlight. However, the discontent brewing within Mahayuti on other counts is now becoming more vocal. Political heavyweight Chhagan Bhujbal was the first to articulate it. His open criticism of Ajit Pawar surprised many since he had stayed by the side of Pawar all through. Now, there are reports that some of Bhujbal’s supporters want him to join the BJP to end his political wilderness. So far, Bhujbal has maintained that he is with the NCP (Ajit). The other notable leader to become the subject of political speculation is the legislative council’s deputy chairperson Neelam Gorhe. Her detractors, mainly the recent Sena (UBT) entrant Sushama Andhare, have started hinting at Gorhe’s plans to go with the BJP. Gorhe, too, has not reacted to the talk. Ajit’s sudden disappearance for two days from the winter session only added grist to the grapevine. His explanation that he was down with a throat infection is hardly swallowed. More murmurs are expected to be heard once Fadnavis announces the allocation of the portfolios.
The Shiv Sena led by Uddhav Thackeray has started preparing for the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) election, expected to take place early next year. This will be the fight for political survival for Thackeray because the Sena has been in power in India’s richest civic body since 1985. Taking stock of the situation, other political parties, too, have begun their planning. The picture this time will be fundamentally different since the BJP has emerged as the largest party in the state after the assembly election. Its estrangement with the Sena (UBT), which split in 2022 owing to Eknath Shinde’s decision to walk out of it, will be a major factor in the coming election in which the Congress will be an insignificant player, given its lacklustre performance in Mumbai and the state as a whole. Equally exasperating is the condition of the state Congress committee as its president Nana Patole is perceived as an ineffective leader by the rank and file. The BMC’s last election saw the Sena winning 84 seats in the 227-member house while the BJP had captured 82. Owing to the alliance ethics, the BJP had made no effort to bag the mayoralty of the financial capital of India. However, the BJP is not prepared to take any chance this time and a decision about its Mumbai president is likely to be taken soon. Sitting chief Ashish Shelar is among the hopefuls though his inclusion in the council of ministers could be a decisive factor in the final choice.
This was to happen one day or the other with the Pakistan Cricket Board (PCB) putting its foot down saying it will not send its national teams to India for any signature event of the ICC, like the World Cups in the two formats in men, women and the juniors. This was the PCB’s riposte to the long-standing BCCI position — citing security concerns — that it will not send its team across the border for the ICC Champions Trophy 2025 and that it will play only at a neutral venue. For three World Test Championship (WTC) the two nations have taken themselves off the Future Tours Programme (FTP). The cricketers of the two countries may enjoy good relationships when they lock horns in neutral country venues and have fans across the border, but the Indian government has been steadfast in denying permission to the BCCI. The latest communication from the ICC has confirmed that in the 2024-2027 cycle all ICC events given to India and Pakistan, the matches featuring the two countries will be held at a neutral country chosen by the host country; in the Champions Trophy case the PCB is the host. What all this means is the elimination of high security arrangements that India had to do when Pakistan played last year’s World Cup matches in Hyderabad, Bengaluru, Chennai and Kolkata. It took hard bargaining by the PCB with the ICC — with Jay Shah in Chair since December 1, 2024 — for it to agree to a hybrid model in order to ensure that it remains the host in a neutral country venue as well and where India will play and this country is said to be the United Arab Emirates.
The massive success of Pushpa 2, has reignited the debate over screen allocation in West Bengal’s single-screen theatres. While the blockbuster continues to dominate the box office, its stronghold has created challenges for four Bengali films— Khadaan, Shontaan, Chaalchitro, and 5 No. Swapnamoy Lane—which targeted Christmas Day for their releases. The overlap has sparked a heated controversy over securing adequate slots in single-screen theatres, which remain a key audience base for Bengali cinema. Single-screen theatres across Bengal are grappling with the balancing act of accommodating these films while catering to the massive demand for Pushpa 2. Tollywood’s Christmas lineup has been significantly impacted, with producer-actor Dev expressing frustration on social media. He alleged that Khadan’s shows and advance bookings were disrupted due to the overwhelming presence of Pushpa 2. Arijit Dutta, owner of Priya Theatre, reported dividing slots among the films: Khadaan (two shows), Chaalchitro (one), 5 No. Swapnamoy Lane (one), and Pushpa 2 (one). However, veteran actor Mithun Chakraborty’s Shontaan was left out entirely, sparking outrage from its director Raj Chakraborty, who criticized the lack of consistent support for Bengali cinema. A distributor, speaking anonymously, blamed the simultaneous release of multiple Bengali films during the festive season, suggesting a lack of coordination among producers. He pointed to Bollywood’s strategy of staggering releases as a model Tollywood could emulate. Star Theatre owner Joydeep Mukherjee called for better planning within the Bengali film industry to avoid internal competition. Interestingly, allegations have resurfaced about Shontaan‘s producer, pressuring hall owners to prioritize its films. This history has led some distributors to side with independent producers in the current clash.
Sunday’s swearing in of 33 (16:9:8 ratio for BJP, Shiv Sena, NCP respectively) mostly young cabinet ministers in CM Devendra Fadnavis’ 3.0 government was not followed up by expected portfolio allocations even late Thursday (Dec 19). The unrelenting clamour for one specific portfolio by a senior BJP minister-in-waiting (in apparent conflict of interest), aspiration to improve upon earlier performance in power sector by another are in the open awaiting the Maha Chanakya to coolly decide upon. Scribes housed at the state government ‘Suyog’ facility within the Family court premises near Vidhan Bhavan enjoy the Nagpur chill over familial evenings at ‘Sneh Bojans’ hosted by these as-yet ‘Anamika’ ministers. DCM Eknath Shinde’s camp brews hostility from left out veteran MLAs and cherry-picking ministers-in-waiting who threaten boiling point anytime soon. This is unlike the chill that has set upon the near deserted NCP office at Vidhan Bhavan sans activity, notwithstanding the bustling beehive of activity right outside and within the state legislature that is hosting its winter session. It is probably the first time in Maharashtra’s political history for such an ongoing legislature session without specifically assigned ministers manning questions on the floor of the state assembly and council while responding to public interest issues of state. For now, all portfolios rest with CM Fadnavis. NCP veteran Chhagan Bhujbal, Sena’s Tanaji Sawant complain vociferously from out in the cold even as some BJP MLAs rue their bad luck despite winning big in Mumbai city where the richest civic body will face the hustings very soon.
The events outside Parliament House that led to injuries to two BJP MPs was best summed up by FM Nirmala Sitharaman in her X post. She explained how “During the INDI Alliance’s protest inside Parliament premises today, Rahul Gandhi had forcefully pushed an MP, causing a domino effect that injured 2 BJP MPs –Pratap Sarangi (Balasore, Odisha) and Mukesh Rajput (Farrukhabad, UP)” Both the MPs are now hospitalised as they have sustained head injuries. Union Agriculture Minister Shivraj Singh Chauhan was surprised that the Congress had so far not even bothered to say sorry. “I was wondering what was the purpose of Kharge-Rahul Gandhi’s presser, if they can’t say sorry. Our Nagaland MP, a tribal woman leader Phangnon Konyak had voiced discomfort that was caused to her by Congress leader Rahul Gandhi.” She has written a letter to the RS Chairman. Adding further he said, “We feel Rahul simply does not deserve to be the LoP. When the Opposition is holding a protest, we usually take another gate. What was the need for Rahul Gandhi to wade into the area where BJP MPs were standing? He should simply quit as LoP.” BJP MPs including Anurag Thakur and Bansuri Swaraj filed a complaint against Rahul Gandhi at the Parliament Street Police station in connection with the scuffle between Opposition and NDA MPs. It is learnt that security forces repeatedly requested the Congress MP to use an alternative path, specifically arranged for a peaceful entry into Parliament. However, Rahul Gandhi declined the request. BJP’s Thakur said “The kind of attitude Rahul Gandhi has, he thinks he is above the law.” Responding to the allegations, Rahul said BJP MPs were trying to stop him and were threatening him “
Home Minister Amit Shah whose intervention in discussions on the 75th anniversary of the Constitution sparked off a row and seemed to have majorly united the Opposition. Leader of the Opposition in the Rajya Sabha and Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge charged him of insulting Dr BR Ambedkar.. He accused his rivals of being “anti-Ambedkar” and “anti-Constitution”, and “spreading lies”. In his concluding remarks in the Rajya Sabha, Shah sarcastically said, “It has become the fashion to say ‘Ambedkar, Ambedkar, Ambedkar…’ If they (the opposition) took God’s name so many times, they will get a place in heaven.” At a Press Conference, he charged the Congress of distorting his comments in the Rajya Sabha saying the Congress had put out an edited version of his speech. “I come from a party which follows the ideals of Ambedkar,” asserted Shah.” Rebuffing calls for his resignation by Kharge, Shah made it clear that he had no intention of stepping down. “Kharge is asking for my resignation. If that will make him feel happy, then I’ll give it. But the Congress has to sit in the opposition for at least 15 more years. “In an unusual move — perhaps underlining the impact of the Opposition’s attack on this issue — PM Modi and senior ministers rallied behind Shah. “If the Congress and its rotten ecosystem think malicious lies can hide their misdeeds of several years, especially their insult towards Dr Ambedkar, they are gravely mistaken!” said PM Modi. Amidst this, PM Modi and Shah met Rahul Gandhi and Kharge to appoint the next NHRC chief. TMC leader Derek O’Brien has moved a privilege notice against Shah in the Rajya Sabha for his remarks on Dr Ambedkar.
Ravichandran Ashwin was adroit in bowling the carom or knuckle ball or the doosra, but on Wednesday afternoon, Brisbane time, the nonconformist off-spinner of 13 years in the big league of the game deployed the “bombshell” to bring an end to his illustrious career. At the conclusion of the rain-marred third Test at the Gabba, the finger spinner with a few sobriquets, “scientist” being the most used among the media, Ashwin sitting beside his beleaguered captain, Rohit Sharma, matter of fact said: Today (Wednesday, December 18) was his last day as an international cricketer across formats and that he will be seen in action in club cricket, meaning IPL etc. The seasoned campaigner, starting his Test career in November 2011, was capped 106 times, and he missed 25 Tests after his debut; he featured in 61 wins, 47@home and 14 overseas. He read the writing on the wall about him losing the primacy as the No 1 spinner of the team in flannels after Washington Sundar was chosen for the first Test in Perth. Then being dropped to bring in Ravindra Jadeja for the third Test in Brisbane convinced him that his time was up…to hang up his boots. The home series against New Zealand that India lost 3-0 was a bitter pill to swallow for him. His numbers — 765 wickets in the three formats, including 537 wickets in Tests alone speaks of his right to be called a legend. It was a bold, practical call to take a bow while not in the field and that was an unhappy part that Indian cricket could not give one of its icons a fitting farewell. Ashwin has perhaps shown the way for a few more to bid adieu, sooner than later! They are over the hill, indeed.
The massive success of Pushpa 2, has reignited the debate over screen allocation in West Bengal’s single-screen theatres. While the blockbuster continues to dominate the box office, its stronghold has created challenges for four Bengali films— Khadaan, Shontaan, Chaalchitro, and 5 No. Swapnamoy Lane—which targeted Christmas Day for their releases. The overlap has sparked a heated controversy over securing adequate slots in single-screen theatres, which remain a key audience base for Bengali cinema. Single-screen theatres across Bengal are grappling with the balancing act of accommodating these films while catering to the massive demand for Pushpa 2. Tollywood’s Christmas lineup has been significantly impacted, with producer-actor Dev expressing frustration on social media. He alleged that Khadan’s shows and advance bookings were disrupted due to the overwhelming presence of Pushpa 2. Arijit Dutta, owner of Priya Theatre, reported dividing slots among the films: Khadaan (two shows), Chaalchitro (one), 5 No. Swapnamoy Lane (one), and Pushpa 2 (one). However, veteran actor Mithun Chakraborty’s Shontaan was left out entirely, sparking outrage from its director Raj Chakraborty, who criticized the lack of consistent support for Bengali cinema. A distributor, speaking anonymously, blamed the simultaneous release of multiple Bengali films during the festive season, suggesting a lack of coordination among producers. He pointed to Bollywood’s strategy of staggering releases as a model Tollywood could emulate. Star Theatre owner Joydeep Mukherjee called for better planning within the Bengali film industry to avoid internal competition. Interestingly, allegations have resurfaced about Shontaan‘s producer, pressuring hall owners to prioritize its films. This history has led some distributors to side with independent producers in the current clash.
The Bengal unit of BJP is under fire for its repeated failures to meet membership targets. The latest membership drive, aimed at enrolling 1 crore new members in the state, has fallen drastically short, leading to severe reprimands from party heavyweights, including Amit Shah. It may be recalled that in the 2021 Assembly elections, the party had set an ambitious goal of winning 200 seats but won only 77. Subsequently, seven MPs crossed over to Trinamool Congress thereby reducing their numbers to 70. Recently, the party suffered a loss in the Madarihat bypoll, further dampening its prospects in the state. The current membership drive, which had a November 30 deadline, was a critical initiative to strengthen the party’s grassroots. However, Bengal BJP MPs and MLAs have failed to make significant progress, prompting the leadership to extend the deadline to December 31. At an emergency meeting in Delhi, Sunil Bansal, BJP’s central general secretary and in-charge of West Bengal, pulled up several Bengal MPs, including Shantanu Thakur, Jayant Roy, and Soumitra Khan. Reports suggest that none of them could enrol more than 50,000 new members, far below the 1-1.5 lakh target set for each MP. Bansal, a close ally of Amit Shah and a frontrunner for the position of BJP’s national president, has been tasked with rejuvenating the Bengal unit after the debacle in the 2021 elections. Internal assessments by the BJP indicate that the party’s organisational structure in Bengal is in disarray, with North Bengal—a former stronghold—facing significant challenges.
To ensure the social welfare schemes reach the intended target group, West Bengal chief West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has rolled out a robust mechanism to ensure the effective implementation of socio-welfare schemes. This initiative aims to hold government officials accountable for supervising these projects and addressing inefficiencies that have marred progress in recent years. The state finance ministry has issued a notification, followed by the establishment of a dedicated help desk at Navanna to oversee information flow from block and sub-division levels. This initiative, aimed at curbing inefficiency and fraud, will require officials to physically visit project sites instead of submitting progress reports from office desks. The app will feature automatic geo-tagging, ensuring accurate location tracking of officials during field visits. During multiple administrative meetings chaired by CM, officials repeatedly failed to provide accurate updates on the status of ongoing schemes. This incomplete information has not only slowed down critical projects but also caused dissatisfaction among citizens. Officials, from BDOs to District Magistrates, must register using their mobile numbers. Reports will require OTP authentication and must include photographs of on-ground work. The app mandates regular updates, such as reporting issues in road construction, cleanliness, drinking water, and electricity services, along with distinguishing between simple and complex problems. The model draws inspiration from private sector practices, where geo-tagging apps track employee performance. The state’s new app is expected to enforce accountability among officials, address bureaucratic delays, and improve public service delivery.
In a move that may have surprised the Opposition BJP, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee appointed Radharamn Das, vice president of ISKCON Kolkata,to a 13-member board of trustees for the upcoming Jagannath Dham project in Digha. The temple, set to be a cultural and religious landmark on the shores of the Bay of Bengal, will be inaugurated on Akshay Tritiya on April 30, 2025. The Jagannath Dham Sanskriti Kendra, spanning 20 acres, is being developed under the supervision of HIDCO, an urban planning body under the state government. With an investment of Rs 250 crore, the project aims to replicate the grandeur of the Puri Jagannath Temple and serve as a significant pilgrimage and tourist attraction. This development comes amid ongoing political friction between Didi and BJP’s Opposition leader Suvendu Adhikari. It may be recalled that Nandigram where the temple is being built was the place where he had defeated Didi in the 2021 Assembly elections. Adhikari who is opposing the project on the ground that using public funds to construct religious structures is unconstitutional. He accused Mamata of attempting to win the Hindu vote bank as her minority appeasement has alienated Hindus. Mamata’s decision to include an ISKCON leader is seen as a strategic move, in light of recent attacks on Hindus in Bangladesh and the arrest of an ISKCON monk. Political analysts believe Didi is sending a message of solidarity to the Hindu community while subtly addressing concerns raised by the BJP over her government’s alleged minority appeasement policies.
West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has issued a stern directive to her party’s MLAs and leaders, instructing them not to share any information with political consulting agencies. Instead, she emphasized that they are welcome to communicate directly with the party’s senior leadership. The move comes against the backdrop of rising tensions within the TMC, which, according to party insiders, stem from party’s general secretary Abhishek Banerjee’s growing influence. Abhishek, Mamata’s nephew is perceived to be transitioning into a more prominent role within the organization, causing unease among party veterans and Mamata loyalists. At a recent meeting with TMC legislators, Didi made it clear that she remains the party’s ultimate authority. She noted that some political strategists conduct surveys from afar and manipulate results, asserting that electoral victories depend on grassroots workers, not consultants. Mamata also reportedly cautioned MLAs about sharing sensitive information over the phone. The divide within the TMC has deepened, with party veterans accusing political agency I-PAC of creating a parallel structure within the organization. Party sources suggest that she is planning further steps to consolidate her control, including possible reshuffles in her Cabinet and the state police. This comes after a recent reorganization of her home department and a directive for strict action against corruption “irrespective of political affiliations.” Meanwhile, speaking about the constant speculation of her successor, Didi has stated that the decision regarding her successor as the leader of the party would be a collective one, emphasizing that the party is not just about her.
Amid escalating communal unrest in Bangladesh targeting Hindu minorities and the arrest of an ISKCON monk, the RSS-affiliated Swadeshi Jagran Manch (SJM) has announced a campaign to boycott Bangladeshi products in India, starting with West Bengal. The campaign involves street protests, door-to-door advocacy, and identifying Bangladeshi goods in the market. The Manch plans to rally members of Sangh-aligned organizations, including the BJP, before extending the boycott call to the general public. It also aims to pressure the central government to halt imports of Bangladeshi goods, particularly textiles, and restrict the export of cotton and other essential materials to Bangladesh. Additionally, the group demands suspension of medical visas for Bangladeshi citizens. Amlankusum Ghosh, the SJM’s eastern sector leader, emphasized the urgency of the movement, stating, “History shows that unrest in Bangladesh impacts Bengal significantly. Given the current persecution of Hindus, Bengali Hindus must lead the protests. We urge a total boycott of Bangladeshi products in Bengal.” The movement is gaining momentum. Opposition leader Suvendu Adhikari has demanded the closure of trade routes like Petrapole.
Kolkata’s cultural calendar is abuzz as the 30th edition of the Kolkata International Film Festival (KIFF) approaches, set to run from December 4 to 11. However, this year’s celebration of cinema is overshadowed by controversies and protests within the Tollywood industry. The festival, showcasing 175 films from 41 countries with a spotlight on French cinema, has been relocated from the sprawling Netaji Indoor Stadium to the smaller Dhanodhanya Auditorium by chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s government. The shift in venue, coupled with a reduced guest list, reflects the tension brewing between Bengal’s film industry and TMC government. This uncurrent stems largely from the aftermath of the RG Kar hospital rape incident, which sparked a citizen’s movement involving many prominent Tollywood stars coming out in open against the government. Party insiders revealed that Didi expressed dissatisfaction with Tollywood, remarking that the stars’ involvement had fuelled public outrage. Adding to the friction, a faction of directors and producers is protesting against Swarup Biswas, president of the Federation of Cine Technicians & Workers of Eastern India, accusing him of running a “syndicate raj.” Legal disputes, including defamation cases have escalated tensions further alienating a significant section of the film industry. This year, a notable portion of Tollywood has reportedly boycotted the festival, marking a shift in its traditionally warm relationship with Didi. Over the years, Didi fostered strong ties with Tollywood, even nominating several actors to political office. Yet, the current unrest signals a growing rift, with critics suggesting the RG Kar protests lent momentum to public dissatisfaction with her administration. This has strained the once-strong bond between Didi and the industry.
Trinamool Congress (TMC) chief and West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has firmly reasserted her authority within the party, sidelining immediate plans for a leadership overhaul proposed by her nephew, Abhishek Banerjee. The decision follows TMC’s sweeping victory in the November 13 by-elections, which bolstered the party’s confidence under her stewardship. At a recent organisational meeting at Mamata’s Kalighat residence, the Chief Minister emphasized her role as the party’s ultimate decision-maker, effectively putting Abhishek’s youth-driven restructuring plans on hold. The rejig intended to replace underperformers and inject younger leaders into the party, was initially announced by Abhishek during the TMC’s annual Martyr’s Day rally in July. Abhishek announced that action would be taken within three months against underperforming leaders in TMC-run civic and rural bodies, as well as against organisational heads in regions where the party trailed the BJP in the general election. Incidentally, during the recent meeting, the party has established three disciplinary committees to oversee conduct: one for parliamentary leaders, another for state legislative assembly leaders, and a third for other party members. Interestingly, all leaders who are part of these three disciplinary committees are close to Mamata and that signals her intent to maintain the status quo. The committees have already issued show-cause notices to Abhishek loyalist and Bharatpur MLA Humayun Kabir and sidelined another loyalist Arup Chakraborty, indicating a crackdown on those challenging Mamata’s leadership. The developments underline Mamata Banerjee’s control over the party, with the old guard retaining key positions.
The Trinamool Congress (TMC) is witnessing an internal debate over a potential elevation of Abhishek Banerjee, the party’s National General Secretary and nephew of West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee for the position of deputy chief minister. With an organisational reshuffle looming, Abhishek has submitted a comprehensive report to Didi, sparking resistance from the party’s old guard. Prominent leaders, such as Bharatpur MLA Humayun Kabir, are openly advocating for Abhishek to be made deputy CM and Home Minister. Kabir cited recent law and order issues, RG Kar rape case and attack on Kolkata Municipal Corporation councillor as reasons for stronger leadership. However, veteran leaders like Saugata Roy expressed reservations about the Kolkata Police’s efficiency, a veiled critique of current governance. Firhad Hakim, a senior minister, clarified his stance, emphasizing unwavering support for Mamata’s leadership while defending his earlier comments. Hakim reiterated that Didi remains the cornerstone of TMC’s electoral success and governance credibility. This internal friction comes against the backdrop of TMC’s strong performance in the recently concluded bypolls. The party swept six constituencies, including Madarihat in North Bengal, a seat it won for the first time. The success has bolstered confidence in the leadership duo of Mamata and Abhishek, who jointly selected the winning candidates. A national working committee meeting at Mamata’s Kalighat residence on November 25 is expected to address the reshuffle issue. For TMC balancing generational aspirations with the experience of senior leaders remains a critical challenge.
In a bid to rejuvenate its electoral prospects following a string of disappointing results in Bengal, the CPI(M) has turned to professional expertise. The party recently posted a recruitment advertisement on social media, seeking applications for several key positions, including that of political analysts, mass communication writers, graphic designers, and digital marketing executives. CPI(M) State Secretary Mohammad Salim announced the move via Facebook, emphasizing that the party aims to adopt a more professional approach. People have seen CPM Digital for so long, this time CPM will look professional, and this is the beginning, Salim stated, indicating a strategic shift in the party’s functioning. The most notable position advertised is that of political analysts, drawing comparisons to the role played by prominent strategists like Prashant Kishor. However, the party has refrained from officially framing this move as a complete overhaul of its strategy. The decision comes in the wake of the CPI(M)’s dismal performance in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, where the party failed to secure any seats in Bengal. Despite forming an alliance with Congress, the party was sidelined by the bipolar contest between the Trinamool Congress (TMC) and BJP. Veteran leaders like Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury suffered losses, and only two CPI(M) candidates, including Salim himself, managed to save their deposits. Internal discussions within the party have highlighted the inability to adapt to modern electoral trends and lingering reliance on outdated strategies. By embracing professional inputs, the CPI(M) appears to be gearing up for the 2026 Assembly elections, signaling a departure from its traditional framework.
A major controversy has erupted in Tollywood as over 233 directors from films, TV and independent media have filed a defamation suit against Swarup Biswas, president of the Federation of Cine Technicians and Workers of Eastern India. The Rs 23-crore lawsuit follows Biswas’s contentious remarks alleging rampant sexual harassment in the film industry, with 60% of complaints purportedly against directors and producer-directors. The hearing will take place on January 10. Swarup, the younger brother of Aroop Biswas, Bengal’s Power and Housing Minister and a close aide of chief minister Mamata Banerjee, finds himself at the centre of an unprecedented protest by Tollywood’s creative community. This is, perhaps, the first time that Tollywood has publicly challenged the Federation. Directors and producers have also criticized what they call “red-tapism” and “arbitrary demands” imposed by the Federation, including its control over unit sizes, pay scales, working hours, and technician selection. At the Eastern India Motion Picture Association’s (EIMPA) recent AGM, Swarup Biswas proposed that producers deposit Rs 5 lakh each as security to ensure timely technician payments, citing Rs 50 lakh in pending dues. Producers have outright rejected the demand, questioning the Federation’s accountability and EIMPA’s silence on the matter. Veteran actor-director Aparna Sen has publicly questioned Swarup Biswas’s credentials, asking for proof of his contributions to the industry. Biswas holds an assistant director’s card, which is reportedly issued only to those involved in at least two films. Actor-politician Roopa Ganguly also criticized the Federation, accusing it of politicizing the industry and questioning why filmmakers often seek the CM’s intervention during crises.
In a significant political development, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has placed her trust in former cabinet minister and senior Left Front leader Abdus Sattar by appointing him as the chief advisor to her government on minority affairs. Sattar, an influential figure of CPI(M) who served as the Minister of State for Minority Affairs and Madrasah Education under the Left Front government. He has been tasked with addressing ongoing disputes related to Wakf properties and will advise the Department of Minority Affairs and Madrasah Education on initiatives for minority welfare. Interestingly, Sattar quit the Left Front way back in 2011 by joining the Congress before aligning with the TMC. This appointment, sources suggest, highlights TMC’s strategy to strengthen its appeal among the state’s educated minority communities. With the BJP’s growing influence in West Bengal and traditional opposition forces such as the Left and Congress losing traction, Sattar is seen as a critical asset for Banerjee’s administration, given his progressive reputation and deep organizational skills. A TMC leader pointed out that Sattar will complement prominent TMC leaders like Firhad Hakim and Siddiqullah Chowdhury. Interestingly, CPI(M) leader Sujan Chakraborty said that Didi’s appointment of Sattar reflects an acknowledgment of the developmental work undertaken during the Left Front regime and is also a rebuttal to TMC’s earlier narrative that the Left did nothing for minorities.
The CPI(M) in West Bengal is grappling with a challenging phase as several of its prominent leaders continue to quit the party and join rival parties like the Trinamool Congress (TMC) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Surprisingly, notable figures who previously held influential roles within the Left Front government have quit. Some like Abdus Sattar and Abul Rezzak Mollah stand out as former Left Front ministers who have now ascended to notable positions within the TMC. The BJP, too, has benefited from CPI(M) defections. Shankar Ghosh, a young leader from Siliguri, left the CPI(M) to join the BJP ahead of the 2021 polls, defeating his mentor and veteran CPI(M) leader Ashok Bhattacharya. Ghosh has since risen to become the chief whip of the BJP Legislative Assembly Committee. Former CPI(M) MLA Tapasi Mondal is now a BJP legislator from Haldia, her former constituency. CPI(M) State Secretary Mohammad Salim has attributed the trend to a “bankrupted political culture” fostered by the TMC-BJP nexus, emphasizing that true ideological commitment would prevent leaders from joining parties with opposing values. However, within the CPI(M), there is a growing realization that even efforts to rejuvenate the party with youth faces are not stemming the outflow of talent. Amidst these concerns, CPI(M)’s Bengal unit is re-evaluating its alliance with Congress for upcoming state elections. Although the two parties are long-time allies in West Bengal, their ideological differences remain stark, especially given their rivalry in states like Kerala. Clearly, CPI(M) leadership has a tough job on hand – to stop the exits and ensure that the party regains its pristine glory in West Bengal.
In a significant political development, the CPI(M) and CPI(ML) have formed an alliance ahead of the by-elections in six Assembly seats. The CPI(ML), known for its radical leftist stance and Naxalite roots, will contest the Naihati seat, which was left by CPI(M). This coalition marks a shift as CPI(M) has struggled in recent elections, seeing a steep decline in votes since 2011. In previous elections, CPI(M) had allied with Congress and ISF but has now partnered with CPI(ML) as Congress is contesting all six seats despite Biman Bose and former MP and Pradesh Congress chief Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury’s plea to continue with the alliance. The Left Front, which includes other leftist parties like Forward Bloc and RSP, was consulted on this move, and Left Front Chairman Biman Bose approved it. Debajyoti Majumdar of CPI(ML) has been fielded for the Naihati seat, with support from CPI(M) leaders. This alliance signals an attempt to revive leftist politics in Bengal, which has been in decline since the Left’s ouster from power in 2011. The CPI(M)’s previous alliances with Congress for the 2016, 2021 Assembly, and 2024 Lok Sabha elections did not yield significant results. The CPI(M) has been advocating for greater left unity for years, but its ties with CPI(ML) have been strained due to differences, particularly over CPI(ML)’s softer stance on the Trinamool Congress, which it prioritized over the BJP as the “big enemy.” CPI(M) leader Sujan Chakraborty emphasized the importance of assessing political realities in today’s context, stating that the revival of the Left is crucial to take forward the civil society-led movements.
The BJP is scheduled to undertake an ambitious membership drive in West Bengal, aiming to strengthen its base ahead of the crucial 2026 State Assembly elections. This initiative, part of the party’s nationwide membership campaign, holds particular significance for the Bengal unit as it seeks to regain momentum after a disappointing performance in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. It faced a similar setback in the 2021 State Assembly election. Insiders within the Bengal BJP unit reveal that the State BJP President Sukanta Majumder, along with the party’s 12 other MPs, has been tasked with enrolling at least 10,000 new members each. Meanwhile, all MLAs, including Leader of the Opposition Suvendu Adhikari, have been asked to gather a minimum of 5,000 members each. This aggressive membership push is scheduled to be completed by November 15. Though the membership drive officially began on September 2, following an inauguration by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, progress in Bengal had stalled due to the civil society protests over the tragic RG Kar Medical College incident. Now, the party is set to resume its efforts with renewed vigor. The drive will take place in three phases — October 26-30, November 1-7 and November 9-15. Union Home Minister Amit Shah is set to visit West Bengal on October 27 to inaugurate this membership campaign. His visit will be crucial, as it marks his first public appearance in the state since the BJP’s disappointing results in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. His address to the party cadre is expected to reinvigorate the base and chart out a strategic path for the 2026 State Assembly election.
For the first time in recent years, Tollywood has taken the Puja box office by storm in Bengal, outshining twin Bollywood releases. Three Bengali films — Srijit Mukherjee’s Tekka, starring and produced by superstar Dev, Shiboprasad Mukherjee-Nandita Roy’s Bahurupi, and Shastri, featuring veteran actor Mithun Chakraborty and Deboshree Roy—hit theatres on October 8 as a Durga Puja bonanza, and audiences flocked to cinemas, setting a new trend in festive box office dominance. Despite earlier scepticism, due to controversies and online trolls targeting Tollywood actors following the RG Kar incident, the three films delivered big time helping the industry recover from a difficult first half. It has been a tradition of releasing Bengali films during Durga Puja but RG Kar protests forced directors and producers to cancel trailer launches and promotions back in August. This led to disappointing collections for films like Raj Chakraborty’s Babli and Srijit’s Mrinal Sen’s biopic Padatik. The only notable box office success during that period was Prosenjit Chatterjee and Rituparna Sengupta’s 50th film, Ajogyo which crossed Rs 1 crore at national multiplexes. Bahurupi earned over Rs 3 crore in six days. In four days, Tekka achieved over 450 housefull shows making it the highest-grossing Puja release to date of Rs 2.75 crore. Trade analysts expect Tekka to surpass last year’s Puja hit, Dawshom Awbotaar which earned Rs3 crore in 10 days. Meanwhile, Shastri earned over Rs 1 crore. Bollywood’s two major releases Alia Bhatt’s Jigra and Rajkummar Rao’s Vicky Vidya Ka Woo Wala Video earned Rs 2.5 crore each, significantly less than their Bengali counterparts.
The upcoming by-election in six constituencies of West Bengal on November 13 is set to be a pivotal moment for the ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC), which faces growing unrest among civil society over the RG Kar hospital incident. According to TMC insiders, the party leadership is eager to assess whether it still has the same level of public support that led to its overwhelming victory in the general elections just four months ago. These elections coincide with widespread protests in the state, particularly the ongoing hunger strike by junior doctors in Kolkata, now in its 13th day. TMC is not only focused on retaining the five seats in its strongholds—but is also eyeing Madarihat, a stronghold of BJP, as well. Party insiders say that winning the bypoll could help mitigate the anti-government sentiment and diminish the political impact of the protests, which many in the TMC argue are primarily an urban movement. Senior TMC leader Kunal Ghosh indicated that the party sees this election as an opportunity to reassess its grassroots hold and signal that rural and semi-urban constituencies do not resonate with the anti-government sentiments that have surfaced in the cities. BJP spokesperson Rajarshi Lahiri is confident that RG Kar hospital will benefit his party gain ground in five of six constituencies but is less confident about Haroa, citing its Muslim-majority population vis a vis TMC. CPI(M) and Congress feel the protests’ impact are mostly Kolkata-centric.
The sudden demise of CPI(M) National General Secretary Sitaram Yechury has left the Left party grappling to find a suitable replacement. In a recent politburo meeting Prakash Karat was appointed as the ‘coordinator’ instead of naming him as ‘Acting’ General Secretary, indicating the party’s hesitance to rush into appointing a successor. Sources say, the CPI(M) is considering West Bengal State Secretary Mohammad Salim as Yechury’s replacement. Salim is reportedly being given time to consider the role ahead of the party congress in April 2025. Salim, who took over as the state secretary in 2022, has been instrumental in revitalizing the party in Bengal despite its diminishing grassroots presence. He played a key role in forming an alliance with the Congress in Bengal. Yechury’s demise has created a leadership vacuum, but Salim’s experience makes him a strong contender for the national post. A two-time Rajya Sabha MP, two-time Lok Sabha MP, and former state minister, Salim’s parliamentary experience is invaluable. Additionally, his fluency in Bengali, English, Hindi, and Urdu positions him well for the national role. With CPI(M) adopting a new age policy of 75 years, Salim, now 67, could potentially serve three consecutive terms, making him an ideal candidate to steer the party through its current crisis. If Salim ultimately accepts the offer, Bengal is likely to choose Sridip Bhattacharya, who is also the choice of present patriarch of Bengal CPI(M), Biman Bose to head the Bengal unit.
Amid the political chaos stemming from the RG Kar rape-murder incident, the West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee is now facing a fresh crisis from within her own party. It is learnt that TMC party leaders are shocked that Abhishek Banerjee, National General Secretary and second-in-command, has lodged a police complaint against the Officer on Special Duty (OSD) to Firhad Hakim, the Mayor of Kolkata and a senior cabinet minister, alleging misappropriation of funds. Party insiders believe the timing is significant, coming shortly after the TMC’s lacklustre performance in several Kolkata Municipal Corporation (KMC) wards during the Lok Sabha elections. Some sections within the party view the move as Abhishek’s way of pushing for the “one person, one position” policy which he has long advocated. Others see it as an effort to cleanse the party of corruption and enhance its image in the wake of mounting public criticism. According to sources, the complaint from Abhishek’s office alleged that the OSD has been extorting money by misusing Abhishek’s name. The allegation has led to an unprecedented escalation of tensions between Abhishek and Hakim, where both have reportedly voiced their displeasure to the party leadership. Hakim, widely regarded as one of Didi’s closest confidants, has expressed his willingness to resign from Mayor’s post but Didi has rejected it. Reportedly she conveyed her displeasure to senior party leaders as to how the situation spiralled out of control. Hakim’s dual role as the Mayor of Kolkata and Minister for Municipal Affairs and Urban Development has long made him one of the most influential figures in the state’s political landscape.
As Durga Puja, the most anticipated festive season in West Bengal, approaches, the Bengali music industry finds itself in a precarious position, haunted by memories of the Covid-19 pandemic. The recent RG Kar Medical College incident has sparked a wave of concern, resulting in the widespread cancellation of events and programmes. Several prominent singers, music bands, and musicians have voiced their worries as the festive period, usually a time of high earnings, now faces a grim scenario. One of the key voices from the industry, renowned singer Jojo, expressed her anguish over the unfolding situation. According to her, people often think that musical events are merely entertainment, not realizing that these shows provide income to a wide array of people—from backstage crew members to sound engineers and support staff. Echoing her sentiment, celebrated singer Lopamudra Mitra highlighted the impact on young musicians who often accompany established artists during live performances. She further mentioned that many budding talents rely on the festive season to showcase their skills and gain exposure. Veteran singer Rupankar Bagchi raised concerns about the inconsistency in policies, where television productions are continuing uninterrupted, with channels banking on new content for the festive period, but music and cultural shows are being singled out. It’s not just the music industry that’s bearing the brunt. The local theatre industry, popularly known as “Jatra,” is also witnessing a steep decline in sponsorship and participation. The Bengali music and cultural community is now grappling with the fallout of these developments, fearing long-term repercussions.
CPI(M) is poised for a significant transition in its leadership during the 24th Party Congress, set to take place in Madurai, Tamil Nadu, April 2025. This transition is likely to drop several senior leaders from the Politburo in accordance with the party’s age rule. As per the party’s new legislation, no leader above 75 years of age can remain in the Central Committee, from which Politburo members are elected. Possibly seven veteran leaders — Prakash Karat, Vrinda Karat, Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan, Tamil Nadu leader G Ramakrishnan, former Tripura Chief Minister Manik Sarkar, West Bengal’s Suryakant Mishra, and Suhasini Ali may be removed from the Politburo. The decision to implement the age restriction marks a pivotal moment for the party, which has long been deliberating a generational shift in its leadership ranks. However, West Bengal state secretary and Politburo member Mohammed Salim confirmed that this move was planned over a decade ago and this time, it will be implemented. However, there remains the possibility of exemptions, where the party may grant special permission for some leaders to continue despite surpassing the age limit. The names of replacements are already doing the rounds. For instance, in place of Brinda Karat and Suhasini Ali, names that are going rounds include CITU All India President K Hemalata and Mahila Samiti All India General Secretary Maryam Dhawale as potential female replacements in the Politburo.
In a significant move, Congress has appointed Subhankar Sarkar as the West Bengal State President, replacing veteran leader Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury. The decision marks a critical tactical shift in Congress’ approach to Bengal politics, signalling a recalibration of its relationship with both the ruling Trinamool Congress and CPI(M). Sarkar is known for his softer stance toward TMC supremo and chief minister Mamata Banerjee in contrast to Adhir Ranjan who was a vocal critic of Didi. The appointment comes amid speculation that Congress is keen on easing tensions with the TMC. The timing of Sarkar’s appointment is significant, particularly for the CPI(M). The party is still reeling from the recent death of its National Secretary, Sitaram Yechury, who played a key role in navigating the delicate relationship between Congress and the Left in Bengal. Yechury had close ties with Congress leader Rahul Gandhi, and his absence leaves a void in the CPI(M)’s ability to engage directly with the Congress high command. A senior CPI(M) leader has remarked that it is a double blow for the party as they lost Yechury, who was instrumental in maintaining dialogue with Congress. Now, with Adhir replaced, it’s clear that the Congress is moving towards a more TMC-friendly stance. Despite the growing concerns within CPI(M) ranks, the party leadership at Alimuddin Street has remained largely silent on the issue. Many believe that the leadership is still assessing the long-term implications of Congress’ strategic shift.
The ongoing RG Kar Medical College protests have cast a shadow over the Bengali film industry, with many in the fraternity struggling to return to work amid constant backlash and online trolling. While several actors, directors, and singers actively participated in the protests, some have gone back to work sparking mixed reactions from the public. The situation intensified after West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s call to “return to festivities”. This statement was widely criticized. Amidst this political tension, prominent figures in the Bengali entertainment industry have found themselves facing undue criticism from netizens. Celebrities like singer Iman Chakraborty, actors Swastika Mukherjee, and Sohini Sarkar, all of whom supported the protests, became targets of online trolling. Swastika faced particular backlash after promoting her upcoming film Tekka, despite her regular attendance at protest rallies. Dev, who stars in Tekka and is also a Trinamool Congress MP, defended his stance, supporting the movement while stressing that livelihoods, especially during Durga Puja, should not be affected. He pointed out that marginalized groups, such as dhakis, decorators, and vendors, depend on the festive season. Singer Shilajit, another victim of online criticism, echoed similar sentiments. He defended the importance of continuing work, noting that events contribute significantly to artists’ earnings. Director Raj Chakraborty expressed concern over how easily celebrities become targets for trolls, leading many to avoid social media. Amid this growing tension, promotions for upcoming Puja releases, such as Bohurupi and Shastri, have been toned down to avoid further controversy. The Bengali film industry continues to navigate these challenging times with caution.
The Communist Party of India (Marxist) in Bengal is grappling with a significant leadership void following the sudden demise of Sitaram Yechury, the party’s General Secretary since 2015. Known for his pivotal role in steering the CPI(M) through turbulent political waters, Yechury’s death has left a profound impact, particularly on the Bengal State Committee, with which he had close ties. His demise has now triggered discussions within the party regarding his successor, with sources close to Alimuddin Street indicating that the Bengal faction is seeking someone aligned with its interests. Among the names being floated for the interim general secretary position are Brinda Karat and Prakash Karat. However, sources close to the party’s leadership in Bengal suggest that Brinda Karat has the edge, primarily due to her past association with Bengal. She was nominated to the Rajya Sabha by CPI(M) Bengal secretary Anil Biswas, further solidifying her connection with the state’s leadership. As there are also whispers about Maryam Alexander Baby, a former Kerala minister, as a possible successor to Yechury, in the upcoming Central committee meeting, the state unit is likely to push hard for a leader with pro-Bengal sentiments to take up the national leadership role owing to Yechury’s Bengal connections. Mohammad Salim, the current Bengal State Secretary, is another figure whose name has been suggested for a possible elevation to the national level. If Salim were to step up, the Bengal unit would need to find a new state secretary..
The rape-murder of RG Kar hospital doctor has led to a wave of revelations in the Bengali film industry. Women across all levels have come forward with allegations of sexual harassment against influential figures, including directors and producers. In response to these allegations, the Federation of Cine Technicians and Workers of Eastern India (FCTWEI) recently announced the formation of a special 15-member committee, named ‘Suraksha Bandhu,’ aimed at safeguarding women in the industry. However, the formation of the committee has sparked controversy, with the Directors Association of Eastern India (DAEI) questioning the legitimacy of the new body. Director Sudeshna Roy representing DAEI criticized the FCTWEI for not adhering to a proper process when selecting committee members. She also challenged the Federation’s statement that claimed 60% of directors and 40% of producers were implicated in the complaints. Roy pointed out that the technician’s association is led by Swaroop Biswas, brother of state minister Aroop Biswas, and alleged that Swaroop made the sole decision to constitute the women’s protection committee without consulting other key stakeholders. She argued that the Federation is not the industry’s sole regulatory body and questioned its authority to unilaterally form such a committee. In contrast, DAEI has proposed the creation of a new committee, ‘Women’s Forum of Screen Workers Plus,’ which would be tasked with addressing complaints of sexual harassment. It may be recalled that celebrated director Arindam Sil was banned by the Directors Guild following multiple complaints of sexual harassment. The ban will remain in effect until Sil is proven innocent, signalling that the industry is taking the allegations seriously.
Amid a series of electoral failures, including a hat-trick of zero wins in major elections, the CPI(M) in Bengal is facing growing internal pressure to reconsider its approach and hire an external political strategist. Alimuddin Street, party’s headquarters, has received feedback that the organization’s current state is “disgraceful” and it must consider “alternatives.” Most political parties – BJP, Cong, TMC, AAP and DMK — have from time to time roped in political strategists/consultants. For instance, the Trinamool Congress’s 2021 victory was largely credited to IPAC, led by Prashant Kishor. Likewise Congress party has benefited from strategic insights provided by Sunil Kanugolu. CPI(M) State Secretary Mohammad Salim stated that though the party cannot afford to hire a professional agency, professionalism must be increased. The party had hoped that its alliance with Congress for the Lok Sabha polls would increase its vote share. Leaders had predicted a three-way contest between Trinamool, BJP, and the Left-Congress combine. However, the reality was a two-way fight between Trinamool and BJP, leaving CPI(M) without a seat, and Congress lost key constituencies like Baharampur, where five-time MP Adhir Chowdhury was defeated by TMC’s Yusuf Pathan. Party insiders have highlighted organizational failures, including an inability to deploy agents in polling stations. Again, in the RG Kar incident relating to rape-murder of doctor, where the CPI(M) youth wing DYFI, led protests in Kolkata, the party failed to mobilize at the district levels. Also, it has alienated women voters in the state by terming the Lakshmi Bhandar scheme as “alms”.
In the wake of the horrific rape-murder of a trainee doctor at RG Kar Medical College and Hospital, Kolkata has been rocked by widespread protests. This disturbing incident has had a profound impact on the business landscape, leading to a significant decline in consumer activity. From the traditional pottery artisans of Kumortuli to the bustling marketing hubs, sweetmeat shops, and restaurants, the city’s economic pulse has noticeably weakened. The usual pre-Puja rush, which begins usually at this time, is notably absent and instead of shopping bags, people are holding placards demanding justice. The usually bustling Kumortuli, the heart of Durga idol creation in Kolkata, has fallen into an unusual quiet this year unlike previous years. Karthik Pal, Secretary of the Kumartuli Potters Association, attributed this change to the recent tragic incident, stating that the usual influx of enthusiastic photographers, young people with cameras, crowding the place even on weekends, has dwindled. Further, there has been less number of buyers for the upcoming Ganesh Chaturthi and Vishwakarma Puja this month. The food and restaurant businesses have seen a decline of 15% in August and if protest continues September could losses of upto 30% says Sagar Daryani, All India Vice President of the National Restaurant Association of India. Dhiman Das, state president of the traders’ organization Mishi Udyog and director of KC Das & Sons, said that from Vishwakarma Puja to Diwali, the profit from this period sustains businesses for the rest of the year. However, if the agitation continues, the industry is fearing a 70% drop in business.
The recent brutal rape-murder of a trainee doctor at RG Kar Medical College and Hospital in Kolkata has put Mamata Banerjee’s government under immense pressure, marking perhaps one of the most significant challenges of her political career. The Supreme Court which took up the issue suo moto saw veteran advocate representing West Bengal government Kapil Sibal facing a barrage of questions. Throughout Didi’s three-term tenure, cases of rape have periodically ignited outrage in Kolkata. In 2012, only a year into her tenure, she dismissed the Park Street gangrape as a “shajano ghotona” (fabricated incident). Similarly, the 2013 Kamduni gangrape saw delayed police action, prompting Mamata to respond only after protests erupted. Recently, the Sandeshkhali incident ahead of Lok Sabha elections, where several women accused local TMC strongmen of sexual harassment. Despite these controversies, TMC saw its seat share increase. This time it seems, public’s ire is particularly directed at her, given that she holds both the Home and Health portfolios—two areas central to the incident. Internal discord within TMC is becoming evident. Party’s general secretary Abhishek Banerjee, Mamata’s nephew privately expressed deep dissatisfaction with the state government’s handling of the case, criticizing the internal politics of the health administration. Additionally, veteran leader Sukhendu Sekhar Roy tweeted about the police’s role, leading to a brief controversy with Kolkata Police summoning him. However, after the party’s senior leaders — Sudip Bandopadhyay and Subrata Bakshi– intervention, Roy deleted his tweet. In a significant move, both Mamata and Abhishek called for strict anti-rape laws, urging swift and harsh punishment for perpetrators within 50 days of such crimes.
The Bengali film industry has been hit hard by Bangladesh crises and the tragic rape and murder of a trainee doctor at RG Kar Medical College & Hospital in Kolkata. The turmoil has led to the postponement of film releases, teaser launches, and promotional events, causing significant setbacks to the industry as it gears up for the festive season. As a mark of respect for the Kolkata tragedy, popular actor Dev has postponed the teaser release of his highly anticipated Pujo film Khadaan. Acclaimed director Srijit Mukherjee’s film Padatik has also been affected. Despite having a strong connection to Bangladesh through its lead actor, Chanchal Chowdhury, the film was only released in West Bengal, and the Bangladesh premiere has been indefinitely postponed. Chowdhury, a celebrated Bangladeshi actor, was unable to attend the Bengal premiere. Director Raj Chakraborty’s film Babli managed to hit the screens, but notably, no promotional events were organized. Another director Shiboprasad Mukherjee has announced that his film Bahurupi will not be released during Durga Puja. Similarly, the music launch of celebrated actor Sashwata Chatterjee’s much awaited movie Jamalaye Jibanta Bhanu, a tribute to yesteryear Bengali comedian Bhanu Bandopahdya was postponed. The Bengali film industry is now at a crossroads, with major films release date delayed and promotional activities scaled back. Tollywood which has strongly supported the rape victim and called for justice, is still facing backlash from netizens on social media. Raj remarked that the entertainment industry has become an easy target, with some people expressing their frustration online despite the industry’s protests and solidarity with the “Night Reclaim” movement.
The rape and murder of a trainee doctor at RG Kar Medical College in Kolkata has sparked unprecedented protests across West Bengal and the country and in the process pushed the West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee into a corner. Citizens and political parties, including the CPI(M) and BJP, have taken to the streets, criticizing the state government for its handling of the case. In an uncharacteristically defensive stance, Didi lashed out at her political rivals, accusing them of exploiting the tragedy for “cheap politics” where instead of standing with the family, they think they can do “a Bangladesh” here and even spreading fake information about the case using artificial intelligence (AI). Interestingly, she has refrained from directly attacking the Congress, even after Rahul and Priyanka Gandhi voiced their concerns over the incident. The controversy took a new turn when the Calcutta High Court ordered a CBI investigation into the case bypassing the state police. While a section of the ruling TMC sees this as a potential “relief” from the escalating crisis, others within the party view it as a clear sign of dissatisfaction with the state police’s role in the investigation. In a bid to downplay the CBI’s involvement, TMC leaders have questioned the agency’s track record, citing past failures such as the unsolved cases of Taapsee Malik’s rape and murder, the death of Rizwanur Rahman, and the theft of Rabindranath Tagore’s Nobel Prize. As doctors strike continue it’s the patients across the state who are suffering from a lack of medical care. Political experts are asking whether Didi, known for her ability to turn adversity into advantage, will be successful this time around.
CPI(M), once a dominant force in West Bengal, is finding it increasingly difficult to connect with the masses in the current political landscape. After the party’s significant loss in the 2011 state elections, the presence of veteran leader Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee at rallies and public gatherings continued to provide a semblance of continuity. However, as Bhattacharjee’s health began to fail, the CPI(M) had to adapt modern ways to send out his messages. During the recent Lok Sabha election 2024 campaigns, the party relied on his video statements and even experimented with AI-based videos to keep his message alive. It may be recalled that Bhattacharjee’s controversial land acquisition policies in Singur (Hooghly district) and Nandigram (Purba Medinipur district) remain a significant blot on his legacy. These events, which led to widespread protests and violent clashes, symbolized the disconnect between his vision for industrial development and the concerns of the rural populace. Ironically, the same party that once criticized Bhattacharjee for his “perform or perish” attitude and his opposition to the bandh culture promoted by the Left’s trade union wing, CITU, has repeatedly turned to him in times of crisis. His televised video and audio addresses to the masses, particularly his call for a judicious decision to defeat the “undemocratic” Trinamool Congress and the “communal” BJP in the 2021 assembly elections, were seen as efforts to resurrect the party’s dwindling influence. As the CPI(M) navigates a rapidly changing political environment, the challenge of connecting with the masses without the charismatic presence of Bhattacharjee looms large after his death on August 8.
With Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina resigning and fleeing the country, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee finds herself in a tough spot. Known for her sympathetic stance towards refugees, Mamata is now confronted with the daunting challenge of managing the influx of people. Hasina’s departure has thrown Bangladesh into a state of uncertainty, prompting many to seek refuge in West Bengal. This surge in refugees could disrupt the state’s already fragile demographic balance. It may be noted that during the Annual Martyr’s Day Rally on July 21, Didi had declared that she will welcome any person coming from Bangladesh due to the ongoing turmoil. Her announcement was not only criticised by the Central government, but even the erstwhile Hasina government as they felt it was sending the wrong signal to Bangladeshis. Mamata has been facing the heat from BJP about sheltering illegal Bangladeshi immigrants and giving them official recognition in order to increase her minority vote bank. However, deviating from her soft stance, Didi has sent out a strict directive to her party leaders to not make any provocative statements on the Bangladesh crisis. Political observers state that if Didi is not careful about the influx of refugees, it is likely to disturb the delicate balance of religious diversity of the state, which has a Muslim population of 27%. BJP leader and LoP in Bengal Suvendu Adhikari is claiming that the state is set to witness the entry of 1 crore Bangladeshi Hindus who are likely to face discrimination and hostility in the Muslim dominant districts of Bengal.
Journeying from Kolkata to London might not raise many eyebrows, but doing it entirely by car certainly will. This extraordinary adventure has been meticulously organized by anesthesiologist Dr Debanjali Ray and businessman Kaushik Roy. The 64-day expedition, spanning an impressive 18,000 km, is set to begin on August 24 and conclude on October 25 and joining them on this ambitious journey are 15 travel enthusiasts. It is a journey of the Old Silk Route — the Sindhu Civilisation — that will see them traversing through 23 different countries across minor Asia and Europe. The adventurous route will traverse through Nepal, China, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Iran, Armenia, Georgia, Turkey, Greece, Bulgaria, Serbia, Hungary, Czechia, Poland, Slovakia, Germany, Switzerland, Liechtenstein, Austria, and France before reaching the final destination in London. As part of a cultural exchange, the team will be collecting water from major rivers such as the Ganga, Brahmaputra, Indus, and Yangtze on their way to London. This collected water will be used in the ritual observance of Durga Puja. Interestingly, this expedition is a tribute to the former Kolkata-London bus service, which was once the longest bus route in the world. Operating from 1957 until the 1970s, this historic bus service had a journey duration of approximately 50 days (NOT 132 DAYS??). By completing their journey in 64 days, the Ray-Roy duo not only honours this historical landmark but also establishes a new one. And they will end their long drive by partaking at the Thames Durga Puja Parade Carnival in London.
In a significant political development, the Congress high command is considering reassessing its relationship with Trinamool Congress (TMC) supremo and Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee following the departure of former Baharampur MP Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury as the Pradesh Congress state chief. Chowdhury’s tenure was marked by notable discord with the Congress leadership’s coordination and support extended to TMC at the state level, despite Mamata Banerjee’s strong relations with Congress leaders Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi. It has been learned that Chowdhury expressed extreme displeasure during a recent meeting in New Delhi when Congress West Bengal in-charge Ghulam Ahmad Mir referred to him as “former” and sought the opinions of other Bengal leaders. Close associates of the former MP stated that the resignation was supposed to be formally announced by INC President Mallikarjun Kharge. Instead, Mir highlighted it in an open forum, adding to the tensions within the party. As Congress prepares for a leadership change, the future of its alliance with TMC remains uncertain, with potential implications for the party’s strategy and its position within the broader political landscape of West Bengal and the nation.
There are persistent allegations of corruption within the Trinamool Congress (TMC) where the party supremo Mamata Banerjee, once celebrated as one of the most honest chief ministers, has found herself at the centre of the Opposition attacks. For a considerable period, Banerjee seemed to dismiss the corruption allegations, often asserting, “In a big party, one or two people may be corrupt, but that does not make the whole party bad.” Despite her statements, the recent electoral setbacks, particularly in Kolkata, where the TMC is trailing in wards that were previously strongholds, have forced a re-evaluation of the party’s stance. The decline in urban voter support is largely attributed to the perceived corruption and misrule within the TMC. The party is trailing in crucial wards, including those of the Mayor and Deputy Mayor, signalling a significant shift in voter sentiment. In response, Didi and her nephew, Abhishek Banerjee, the second-in-command of the party have made clear their intentions to rectify the situation with an eye on the 2026 Assembly elections. However, reports indicate internal differences between the two leaders regarding the reshuffling of party functionaries. Interestingly, party sources said that while Abhishek advocates for comprehensive changes in areas where the TMC is trailing with respect to all opposition parties, Didi favours making changes in areas where the party has a significant loss to BJP. A senior party member revealed that Didi is considering a 30-40% change, contingent upon discussions with other senior members. Also, it is learnt that several members who allegedly collaborated with the BJP during the Lok Sabha polls are under scrutiny, with reports being submitted to Abhishek’s office.
The Bengali film industry is seeing a faceoff between the Directors’ Guild and the Federation of Cinema Technician Workers of Eastern India (FCTWEA) leading to political interventions to resolve the issue. The trigger was a 3-month shooting ban on Tollywood director Rahool Mukherjee for commencing shoot without requisite permissions from Directors’ Guild and FCTWEA. Notably, FCTWEA is led by Swaroop Biswas, the brother of Trinamool Congress minister Aroop Biswas. The situation has intensified with several high-profile Tollywood figures speaking out against the ban. Directors Parambrata Chattopadhyay, Kamaleshwar Mukhopadhyay, and Kaushik Ganguly, along with TMC MLA and director Raj Chakraborty, and actor-turned-MP Dev, have condemned the restriction. On July 26, the Directors’ Guild gave green signal to Mukherjee to start shooting of his film starring Prosenjit Chatterjee and Anirban Bhattacharya. However, FCTWEA refused to lift the ban and permitted Mukherjee only to serve as a creative director. This decision led to a fiasco on July 27 when several technicians failed to show up for the scheduled shoot. Prosenjit pointed out that such a situation is detrimental for the Bengali film industry. Dev expressed strong disapproval of the Federation’s stance, while Parambrata Chattopadhyay accused Federation officials of leveraging their position to impose their own crew members, despite having sufficient staff already in place. The issue has stirred concerns about the influence of political figures on the film industry, with allegations of muscle-flexing by the Federation at the behest of Minister Aroop Biswas’s family. Director Rahool Mukherjee is keen that the whole situation is resolved amicably in the interest of Tollywood. Will the West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee who enjoys a cordial relationship with Tollywood personalities intervene and resolve the conflict?
West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has affirmed her participation in the upcoming NITI Aayog meeting in New Delhi, despite INDIA bloc leaders deciding to boycott the event. Sources close to the TMC leader indicate that Didi’s attendance underscores her commitment to securing Bengal’s financial interests within the framework of federal relations. While aligning with the INDIA bloc, Banerjee is keen to assert her state’s autonomy, signalling a nuanced approach separate from opposition alliances. Political analysts interpret Banerjee’s move as a strategic assertion rather than a rupture in opposition unity, emphasizing her intent to voice for Bengal’s dues amounting to Rs 176,000 crore, including the allocation under Awas Yojana and MGNREGA schemes. Party insiders say that the NITI Aayog forum is a perfect platform for Banerjee to raise her state’s pressing fiscal concerns. In a pre-departure statement, Mamata voiced her objections to what she described as discriminatory practices by the Central government towards Bengal. She termed the Centre’s actions as a method to divide the eastern region economically and geographically. It may be noted that speculations were rife that Didi might drop from NITI Ayog meet to avoid controversy. It may be mentioned that Mamata did invite Samajwadi party chief Akhilesh Yadav to her Martyrs’ Day rally which underscores her strategy to strengthen regional political fronts independent of Congress.
The Trinamool Congress (TMC) is contemplating significant changes within the party and the administration following the conclusion of annual ‘Martyrs’ Day’ Rally on July 21. This move is seen as a strategic necessity in preparation for the 2026 assembly elections. The party’s national general secretary Abhishek Banerjee who kept away from all meetings for “medical reasons” is also expected to join the rally. Party insiders say that changes to be announced in August will affect Panchayats, Municipalities, and State Cabinet as the focus will be on appointing “proactive and effective individuals” to key positions. Despite a notable success in the recent state elections, the party’s leadership has pinpointed several organizational shortcomings. The vote share in urban areas has seen a decline, and while rural areas fared better, there is still a pressing need for organizational improvements. The TMC leadership is not fully confident in the level of spontaneous public support across various regions, prompting discussions about introducing new faces into the party’s organizational structure. According to a senior leader of the party, in close circuit, Didi has been clear in stating that although the government scheme benefited people vis a vis win for TMC yet there is a need for organizational overhaul. A particular focus of the reshuffle will be North Bengal. While TMC secured victories in the Cooch Behar Lok Sabha seat and the Raigunge Assembly seat in recent bypolls, overall progress in the region has been limited. Consequently, the party is meticulously reviewing its organizational setup in these areas to ensure more robust performance in future elections.
A significant rift within the Bengal BJP has surfaced, highlighted by recent statements from top party functionaries during the ongoing assessment of the Lok Sabha and Assembly bypoll election results in West Bengal. Union Minister and Bengal BJP President, Sukanta Majumdar, advised party workers against relying on actions by the CBI and ED to secure election victories. Instead, he urged them to focus on strengthening the party organization. This remark is widely interpreted as an indirect jibe at Suvendu Adhikari, BJP’s Leader of the Opposition for referencing dates of central agency raids against TMC leaders. This exchange has further fuelled tensions within the party, with Adhikari controversially suggesting that the BJP should abandon Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s inclusive slogan, “Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas, Sabka Vishwas, Sabka Prayas,” and do away with its minority wing. He proposed a new slogan: “Jo humare saath, hum unke saath.” Majumdar quickly distanced the party from Adhikari’s statement, labelling it as a personal view. Under pressure from the BJP high command in Delhi, Adhikari later issued a social media statement claiming his comments were taken out of context. The BJP’s failure to meet its target of 25 seats in the recent Lok Sabha polls, securing only 12 compared to 18 in 2019, and losing three of its four seats in the Assembly bypolls, reducing its tally from 77 to 71, has intensified internal blame-game. Political observers see these exchanges as indicative of deepening internal conflicts within the state BJP leadership.
Following Anusuya Sengupta’s acclaimed win as Best Actress in the ‘A Certain Regard’ category for her film ‘Shameless’ at the 77th Cannes Film Festival, questions have arisen concerning the notable absence of Indian Bengali cinema at prominent international film festivals like Cannes, Berlin, and Venice. Acclaimed Director Goutam Ghose, a recipient of numerous awards at prestigious global film festivals, highlighted a disparity in enthusiasm towards festivals among Bengali master filmmakers of yester years. While luminaries such as Satyajit Ray and Mrinal Sen actively engaged with these platforms, celebrated figures like Tarun Majumder and Tapan Sinha were less inclined, despite their films receiving recognition. Ghosh noted fluctuating preferences among festival organizers favouring films from different countries at different times, including periods where Iranian, Korean, and occasionally Indian cinema gained prominence. Film researcher and professor Sanjay Mukhopadhyay observed that films like Debaki Kumar Bose’s ‘Sita’ might have won accolades in Venice due to their westernised portrayal of Indian women. He acknowledged a decline in Bengali cinema’s international visibility post the era of Ray, Sen, and Ritwik Ghatak. Director Atanu Ghosh, whose works have been honoured at international festivals, acknowledged the current scarcity of Bengali films on the global stage. Interestingly, according to director Sekhar Das even Russian films are not being able to make their mark even with these famous directors like Tarkovsky or Sokurov. The same is true for Bengali movies.
In a significant political development, the Indian National Congress is poised to replace Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury, president of the West Bengal Pradesh Congress following his defeat in the Lok Sabha polls. Despite being a trusted lieutenant of the Gandhi family, Chowdhury’s electoral defeat has intensified concerns about the party’s performance in West Bengal, even after forming an alliance with the CPI(M) in the recently concluded Lok Sabha elections. Party insiders reveal that the Congress High Command has shortlisted four leaders to replace Chowdhury. They are: Nepal Mahata, Shankar Malakar, Subhankar Sarkar and Abdus Sattar, a former Left minister who joined the Congress a couple of years ago. Notably, Chowdhury himself is reportedly backing Nepal Mahata as his replacement. A crucial meeting with the Pradesh Congress to discuss the leadership change was scheduled but was postponed due to Congress scion Rahul Gandhi’s visit to Manipur. In addition to the four, the name of senior Congress leader Deepa Dasmunshi, widow of the late Priya Ranjan Dasmunshi, has also been doing the rounds. However, there is scepticism within the AICC regarding her candidacy due to her current role as the general secretary of AICC Telangana and Lakshadweep. Amidst the leadership transition, local Congress leaders have proposed creating two separate units for West Bengal, similar to the organizational structure in Maharashtra. This would mean establishing one unit for the state and another specifically for Kolkata.
In a bid to revitalize its political strategy following recent electoral setbacks, the Bengal CPI(M), has broadened its outreach to include public opinion outside traditional party lines. The Left party recently made a public appeal to share their perspectives via email, an initiative that quickly garnered significant attention. Although the specific contents of these messages remain confidential, sources within the district CPI(M) have revealed that the feedback highlights several critical issues such as concerns about organizational weaknesses, structural problems, leadership fragmentation, and inefficiencies in booth-level operations. Additionally, there is growing discontent regarding disconnect between the youthful representation at the state level and its effectiveness in grassroots activities. This outreach initiative underscores the party’s commitment to introspection and its efforts to address internal challenges by engaging directly with the public. Despite reserved positions for an age group of under-31 members in Area Committees aimed at youth inclusion, numerous committees across the state have struggled to fill vacancies even after three years, prompting widespread lower-level discontent. A CPI(M) member expressed concern that while the party organizes social media campaigns at the state-level, there is a disconnect at the booth level. A senior CPI(M) district leader questioned why state-level leaders are not more active at the grassroots, lacking awareness of local constituents, despite booth-level workers engaging with senior leaders on social platforms. Furthermore, allegations have surfaced alleging ‘understanding’ between local leadership and the Trinamool in various areas, reaching the attention of Alimuddin Street, the headquarters of the Left. Senior state leaders have acknowledged in internal discussions that they lack awareness of the true organizational dynamics at the booth level.
In a recent state cabinet meeting, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has expressed her frustration with several ministers and leaders over allegations of corruption and non-performance. Giving stern warning to her cabinet, she has made it clear that she will not tolerate any lapses in governance, particularly in addressing civic issues and ensuring the general functioning of the government. It is speculated that her dissatisfaction with her ministers stems from a deeper analysis of the Lok Sabha election results. Despite the TMC securing a decisive victory by winning 29 out of Bengal’s 42 Lok Sabha seats, a closer examination reveals underlying vulnerabilities in the party’s standing. While the TMC won both parliamentary seats in Kolkata, the party’s performance in the city’s municipal wards indicated a less dominant position. The TMC led in 93 wards under the Kolkata Municipal Corporation, but the BJP’s significant presence, leading in 48 wards, highlighted growing opposition strength in urban areas. The BJP’s lead extended beyond Kolkata, with notable inroads in several civic bodies across the state. Didi’s displeasure is rooted in reports of corruption, inefficiency, and lack of responsiveness by local leaders. Such issues have eroded public trust and provided the BJP with an opportunity to gain ground. The CM’s stern reaction towards her ministers appears to be linked to her nephew, Abhishek Banerjee’s, critical assessment of the government’s performance. As the party’s national general secretary, Abhishek has been vocal about issues like corruption and inefficiency within the administration.
The defeat of five-time Congress MP Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury to Trinamool Congress seems to have not only relegated Chowdhury to the status of a state leader but also triggered speculations about a potential alliance between the Congress and TMC during the upcoming Monsoon session of Parliament. Chowdhury’s loss is seen as a significant political shift. His vocal opposition to TMC supremo and West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee had been a major factor in the “unwritten distance” between the Congress and TMC during parliamentary activities. His defeat is expected to change the dynamics, as many TMC MPs have pointed out that his presence was a barrier to cooperation between the two parties. With Rahul Gandhi known for his excellent rapport with Didi, the possibility of a Congress-TMC alliance seems more likely. Now, with Chowdhury’s diminished role, there is a newfound optimism about smoother collaboration between the two parties. On the other hand, Chowdhury has maintained that he was the first among Opposition leaders to support TMC MP Mahua Maitra during the cash-for-query scandal and her subsequent expulsion from the House.
After yet another disappointing performance in West Bengal, the state BJP’s post-poll analysis has underscored the pivotal role of women voters and the influence of Trinamool Congress (TMC) supremo Mamata Banerjee. The BJP believes that schemes like Lakshmi Bhandar have further solidified the allegiance of women voters to Didi, making it challenging for the BJP to make inroads in the state. A section of BJP leaders has acknowledged that Banerjee’s targeted social schemes — such as the Widow Pension, Swasthya Sathi, Kanyashree, and Roopashree — have resonated strongly with the female electorate. The BJP’s internal dynamics are also set for a change, where current state president, Sukanta Majumdar, who is also the MP for Balurghat, has been inducted into the Modi government as a junior minister. This development has spurred discussions about his successor, especially since the central leadership has expressed dissatisfaction with the results under Majumdar’s leadership. With the West Bengal State Election slated for 2026, the BJP is keenly aware that winning over women voters is crucial to reversing its fortunes. Speculations are rife that the BJP may appoint a woman as the state president to counter Banerjee’s influence effectively. Names like Locket Chatterjee, Agnimitra Paul, Debasree Chaudhuri, and Malti Rava Roy are being considered, with former Hooghly MP Locket Chatterjee emerging as the frontrunner. However, the race for the state presidency is not limited to female leaders. Leader of the Opposition Suvendu Adhikari and former state president Dilip Ghosh are also in contention.
The internal rift within the Bengal BJP is deepening as prominent leaders continue to point fingers at Opposition Leader Suvendu Adhikari for the party’s disappointing performance in the recent Lok Sabha elections. The political discord is escalating, with senior leader and former state president Dilip Ghosh indirectly accusing Adhikari of orchestrating the candidate selection process that led to the party’s downfall. Ghosh has suggested that his own transfer from the Medinipur constituency to the Bardhaman-Durgapur constituency was part of a deliberate strategy to undermine his chances. Under Ghosh’s leadership, the BJP achieved its best-ever results in Bengal, winning 18 seats in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections and securing 77 seats in the 2021 State Assembly polls, making the party the principal opposition force. In response to the criticisms, Adhikari has maintained that his role was limited to campaigning for the party and not interfering in organizational decisions. He has refrained from engaging in public debates about internal party issues. The unrest has spurred some party members to call for Ghosh’s reinstatement as state president, especially since the current president Sukanta Majumder has been made a minister at the Centre. Supporters of Adhikari argue that he remains a potent force against the Trinamool Congress (TMC), citing his significant victory over TMC leader Mamata Banerjee in Nandigram during the 2021 elections. Adhikari’s recent absence from a critical state party meeting on June 15, opting instead to be in Cooch Behar to support victims of post-election political violence, has added fuel to the internal controversies.
At a time when Trinamool Congress is celebrating its second best Lok Sabha poll results there is a manifestation of simmering discontent within the party’s top leadership. The trigger seems to be a tweet by the party’s national general secretary and second-in-command Abhishek Banerjee about taking a short break from politics. The timing seems to have given grist to the rumour mills about the real reason for this break. Abhishek stated that he is going for medical reasons. But, a section of party insiders say Abhishek is unhappy on several fronts. First, with the functioning of the state government as it fails to deliver the promises made by the party to the people. Second, he has expressed his displeasure over the names of the candidates nominated for the bypoll elections for four Assembly seats. One of the high profile seats of Maniktala is going to be contested by the former state minister Sadhan Pandey’s widow Supti Pandey. Since this does not meet his approval, he is likely to keep away from canvassing for her. Third, he seems miffed that his selected candidate Shahnawaz Ali Raihan, an Oxford scholar lost Malda south seat. He blames this loss on party workers not doing their best. Fourth, there is a continuous undercurrent between old vs new guard. For instance, Didi’s close aide Firhad Hakim has been sent to Siliguri to look into reasons for the poll defeat of North Bengal which was overseen by Abhishek. Finally, despite the fact young candidates selected by Abhishek won the elections, the party Supremo has once again reposed her faith in Sudip Banerjee and Kalyan Banerjee by making them chief whips of the party in the Parliament.
Post the poll debacle, West Bengal CPI-M is wary of its position in the Politburo. It is learnt that at the first Politburo meeting that was held on June 9, to analyse the poll performance of the CPI-M, there was no mention of the Bengal unit in the statement released after the meeting. Incidentally, top leaders from Bengal have expressed serious concerns over this stating that they are somewhat shocked at this and cannot recollect anything similar like this has happened in the past. Interestingly, CPI-M politburo mentioned in the meeting that while BJP has failed to match its tallies of 2014 and 2019, INDIA bloc has performed quite well to stop the BJP. It further stated that although Left parties have managed to improve their tally with eight MPs (CPI-M – 4, CPI -2, CPI-ML-2), it is disappointed with the performance of the Kerala unit. What has surprised the Bengal leaders is that there has been no mention of Bengal’s performance or an analysis of allying with the Congress in the state. Politburo member Nilotpal Basu said that the politburo knew Bengal’s situation was much more unfavorable than in Kerala. The Politburo congratulated Bengal for fighting against these difficult conditions. However, in Bengal speculations are rife that absence of mention of Bengal in the Politburo statement is a sign of loss of importance.” The Politburo has three members from Bengal — Mohammed Salim, Ramachandra Dom and Suryakanta Mishra. As Mishra’s term comes to an end owing to his age, the state CPM leaders fear that the ‘quota’ of Bengal in the Politburo may be reduced with no one replacing Mishra. Bengal CPI-M committee will hold its poll review meeting on June 19-20.
With a win of 29 Lok Sabha seats in West Bengal, party supremo and chief minister Mamata Banerjee has once again proved that she is a very tough opponent to crack. Beleaguered by the Sandeshkhali controversy, Teachers Recruitment scam, arrest of senior TMC ministers and leaders put Didi on the backfoot. But, her astuteness came to the fore in choosing candidates to stop what seemed a BJP’s juggernaut. She not only chose surprise faces such as former cricketers Kirti Azad and Yusuf Pathan, actress Rachana Banerjee, she even put forward her trusted lieutenants and cabinet ministers such as Partha Bhowmick, Biplab Mitra to contest the seats. Her decision to increase the expenditure for the Lakshmir Bhandar initiative touched the women voters across the state. Sources say that Didi is scheduled to meet her newly elected MPs on June 8 and one could expect a major ‘shuffle’ in the organisation based on the results of the Lok Sabha polls — where the party failed and where the margin dropped. Not only in the party but also at the panchayat and municipal levels, there may be several reshuffles. Sources also said, the evaluation work is going on at all three levels of the Panchayat by the poll strategy body IPAC. Close-aide of Didi have confirmed that the meeting has made it categorical to her nephew Abhishek Banerjee that the party should start preparing for the 2026 assembly polls. Interestingly, 2024 marks Mamata’s 40 years in politics, this covers her journey as a mercurial leader to a Mamata Magic, from unseating CPI(M)’s veteran, late Somnath Chatterjee to joining and leaving hastily both Manmohan Singh and Vajpayee governments to routing CPI(M) citadel in 2011 after 34 years of rule.
Trinamool Congress once again managed to derail BJP by winning 29 Lok Sabha seats against BJP’s mere 12 against 18 in 2019. With such good tidings, the party supremo Mamata Banerjee seems to indirectly indicate that her nephew Abhishek Banerjee, who made this big win possible, will succeed her. Didi’s magic and Abhishek’s poll strategies made sure that TMC’s win. As for his own win, Abhishek won by a record seven lakh plus votes. Didi announced at the press conference that Abhishek will be her representative at the I.N.D.I.A. front meetings and decision making processes. It was Abhishek’s strategy to give the impression that the BJP intended to halt benefit initiatives by Mamata’s government, if BJP comes to power. Earlier, he had undertaken several protest programmes including a dharna at New Delhi to protest against the Modi government for not releasing MNREGA funds. Despite the youth-senior conflict within TMC, the Opposition’s jabs at ‘corruption’ and ‘nepotism’, Abhishek’s strategy appealed to Bengali voters. He also played an important role in the campaign plan, selection of slogans, and holding meetings with party leadership across the state. According to Trinamool sources, the main slogan of the party in the Lok Sabha elections is the brainchild of Abhishek. Mamata’s remarks at a press conference following the election fuelled further speculations. She said, praising Abhishek’s efforts demonstrated amazing leadership and determination. Although she did not formally designate him as her successor, the endorsement was interpreted that eventually he will step into her shoes.
In the sixth phase of Lok Sabha polls on May 25, West Bengal is headed for a dramatic showdown in eight seats — Bankura, Jhargram, Purulia, Bishnupur, Medinipur, Tamluk, Kanthi and Ghatal. Significantly, five of these seats are held by BJP and the remaining three — Tamluk, Kanthi and Ghatal are with ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC). However, Kanthi and Tamluk were held by Opposition leader Suvendu Adhikari’s father Sisir Adhikari and his younger brother Dibyendu Adhikari who have also moved from TMC to BJP. While BJP has fielded Soumendu Adhikari, another brother of Suvendu from Kanthi, the saffron camp has given a surprise ticket to retired judge Abhijit Ganguly. Ganguly has been the fiercest critic of Didi who gave ruling against the TMC government in the Teacher’s Recruitment Scam. Both Kanthi and Tamluk have special attention as former being the hometown of Adhikaris and Tamluk also has Nandigram Assembly segment which is held by the Opposition leader. It may be recalled that Didi was defeated by her former ally Suvendu in the 2021 Assembly election at the Nandigram seat. Meanwhile, BJP is up for Ghatal seat, where TMC’s star candidate and incumbent MP Dev Dipak Adhikari is contesting against BJP’s MLA Hiranmoy Chatterjee. There was a war of words when Adhikari accused Dev of taking money and expensive gifts from a relative of a cattle smuggling accused. Dev, however, denied these allegations stating that he had only taken a loan from a firm for his film production in 2022, which he has repaid, and denied receiving any gifts from third parties. It is clear that this penultimate phase of polling is a matter of survival for Didi while for Suvendu it is all eight wins.
TRENDS & VIEWS
Editor’s Note: Big Punch In Small Pack
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