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In the wake of escalating face-off between the Chennai-based Tractors and Farm Equipment (TAFE) and its American partner AGCO over the ownership rights of Massey Ferguson in India, a two-member bench of the Madras High Court has stepped in to direct the warring parties to “maintain status quo until the original applications are heard and disposed of by the learned single judge. “For avoidance of doubt, we hasten to add that the observations made herein are tentative and solely intended for the purpose of disposing of these appeals. We have not delved much into the various rival submissions. All rights and contentions are kept open,” the two-member bench said in its order on Monday. The relationship between TAFE, an Amalgamation group company, and AGCO Corporation of the U.S. hit a nasty bump in April last when the AGCO management terminated commercial agreements -– including the one on licensing the Massey Ferguson brand — with TAFE. The Chennai firm quickly got a stay on this from a commercial court. When AGCO subsequently confirmed the termination, TAFE filed a contempt petition in the Chennai commercial court. Separately, TAFE also moved the Madras High Court, asserting its ownership right to Massey Ferguson brand. TAFE had got a favourable interim order from the Madras High Court. TAFE had filed a civil suit before the Madras High Court against Massey Ferguson Corporation, a subsidiary of AGCO, claiming that the said trademarks are distinctive of TAFE in India and exclusively owned by it. It had sought the Madras High Court to declare that TAFE owns the Massey Ferguson brand/trademarks in India. With the HC bench asking both parties to maintain status quo, all eyes are on the upcoming proceeding before the single judge. It is “advantage TAFE” at the moment, however.
With only 12 days remaining for the BCCI Secretary Jay Shah to take charge as independent chairman of the International Cricket Council (ICC), clarity has not emerged as to who would perform the duties of the Secretary from December 1, 2024. First and foremost, election has not been called for the post, and this could be because the BCCI Constitution has adequate provisions for its Joint Secretary to perform the Secretary’s duties. The BCCI Constitution says: “The President shall, in the event of a vacancy or indisposition of an office bearer, delegate the functions to another office-bearer until the vacancy is duly filled up, or the indisposition ceases.” In this case the BCCI President Roger Binny has the right to assign duties to any other office-bearer. Shah who has been the Secretary from 2019 may be allowed a grace period to hand over the work to someone else. Next week is going to be hectic for the ICC to take a call on the format and venues of the ICC Champions Trophy 2025 (Feb-Mar) because the BCCI has conveyed to the ICC that India will not travel to Pakistan. The BCCI, nay Jay Shah, would like to see a finality to the Champions Trophy issue, in particular where India will play before he takes charge of the ICC. If the Champions Trophy has to take place, the Pakistan Cricket Board has to accept a hybrid model with one group (with India in it) playing league matches, most likely in Dubai and keeping the venue of the semi-finals and final, open. The PCB may not be in a position to lose the hosting rights and thereby with it a fee of around $ 70 million!
The ‘Satta Bazaar’ is betting down (dampened market sentiments) over Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) forming Maharashtra’s next government. A market player says, “Punters have never been wrong before. Dampened stock market spirits indicate the Mahayuti Alliance is unlikely to win notwithstanding sops galore unleashed by CM Eknath Shinde.” Differing with market pundits, BJP says, “Markets crashed after Foreign Portfolio Investors withdrew Rs 1.25 lakh crore in October (out of total Rs 71 lakh crore total stock investments in India) seeking better pastures after China announced stimulus. FPIs sold Rs 8700 crore stocks in April, Rs 25,600 crore in May then bought Rs 26,600 crore worth in June, Rs 32, 400 crore in July, Rs 7300 crore in August and Rs 57,700 crore in September before the big sell off in October. Already overleveraged NSE slumped, the subdued corporate sector quarterly results after much hype triggered a profit-booking mindset among investors.” Donald Trump’s ascendancy as the next U.S. president (previous tenure witnessed negative bias towards precious metals) bodes badly setting price corrections of gold and silver even as the U.S. dollar firms up, adding to Indian stock market woes. The BJP leader adds, “Maharashtra contributes around 14% to India’s GDP but even when MVA ruled for 2.5 years Modi-nomics ensured high buoyancy on Indian bourses despite stalling of bullet train project, Rs 14,000 crore cost escalation of Metro project.” The market punter, however, cites India’s financial capital Mumbai in Maharashtra that ensures most Indian business gravitates around the state while explaining the gloomy market mood over MVA’s likely win. November 23 will reveal the truth when the political bets are finally called out.
In a massive setback to AAP, Delhi’s transport minister and Jat leader Kailash Gahlot resigned from the party, citing “grave challenges” and “awkward” controversies in a letter to AAP convener Arvind Kejriwal months ahead of Delhi Assembly polls. He has joined the BJP. Gahlot’s exit is well timed in the sense that it comes days before Maharashtra goes to polls. AAP, an INDIA Bloc partner that has no stake in the state polls. But it must be said Gahlot’s exit was something that was in the works for some time now. It is believed that the seeds of discord between Gahlot and the AAP leadership were sown on August 15 over unfurling the national flag during the Delhi Govt’s I-Day celebrations. Delhi CM Arvind Kejriwal, who was in jail on charges linked to the alleged liquor policy scam, had wanted Education Minister Atishi to unfurl the flag. Delhi Lieutenant Governor VK Saxena however felt Gahlot was more suitable for the job as he held the Home Department. Meanwhile, Kejriwal indicated that Gahlot had quit as he was under pressure from the ED and IT. In his resignation letter, Gahlot pointed to how “Political ambitions have overtaken our commitment towards people, leaving many promises unfulfilled”. In an apparent swipe at Kejriwal, he referred to “many embarrassing and awkward controversies like the “Sheeshmahal” — a term used by the BJP to refer to the CM’s residence renovated during Kejriwal’s term costing the exchequer Rs 45 crore.
A major controversy has erupted in Tollywood as over 233 directors from films, TV and independent media have filed a defamation suit against Swarup Biswas, president of the Federation of Cine Technicians and Workers of Eastern India. The Rs 23-crore lawsuit follows Biswas’s contentious remarks alleging rampant sexual harassment in the film industry, with 60% of complaints purportedly against directors and producer-directors. The hearing will take place on January 10. Swarup, the younger brother of Aroop Biswas, Bengal’s Power and Housing Minister and a close aide of chief minister Mamata Banerjee, finds himself at the centre of an unprecedented protest by Tollywood’s creative community. This is, perhaps, the first time that Tollywood has publicly challenged the Federation. Directors and producers have also criticized what they call “red-tapism” and “arbitrary demands” imposed by the Federation, including its control over unit sizes, pay scales, working hours, and technician selection. At the Eastern India Motion Picture Association’s (EIMPA) recent AGM, Swarup Biswas proposed that producers deposit Rs 5 lakh each as security to ensure timely technician payments, citing Rs 50 lakh in pending dues. Producers have outright rejected the demand, questioning the Federation’s accountability and EIMPA’s silence on the matter. Veteran actor-director Aparna Sen has publicly questioned Swarup Biswas’s credentials, asking for proof of his contributions to the industry. Biswas holds an assistant director’s card, which is reportedly issued only to those involved in at least two films. Actor-politician Roopa Ganguly also criticized the Federation, accusing it of politicizing the industry and questioning why filmmakers often seek the CM’s intervention during crises.
If rising onion prices decided the election outcome in many states some decades ago, falling soybean prices could impact the outcome in around 70 assembly constituencies in Maharashtra. Hence, Prime Minister Narendra Modi as well as Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge, representing two ends of the political spectrum, are found promising farmers of much higher rates, but only after they are elected on 20 November. The sensitive constituencies are spread in Marathwada and Vidarbha regions, where cotton and soybean are the main cash crops. The current market rate of Rs 4000 per quintal is unacceptable to the growers though they have no choice but to sell the produce as it can’t be stored for long. The MSP is Rs 4800 but not enough stocks are lifted by the machinery. The ruling saffron alliance has been promising better tariffs. The government hiked the soybean import duty in a bid to jack up the prices but the hike was of only around Rs 400, still leaving a gap of the same amount. Sensing the distress and the government’s inability to make any major announcement, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi has promised Rs 6000 per quintal of the legume. To go a step further, Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge has pledged to pay Rs 7000. Shiv Sena leader Uddhav Thackeray has also joined the chorus. The two regions had by and large supported the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi during the Lok Sabha election. Hence, Mahayuti leaders are wary of saying anything that can dampen their prospects.
Are the re-runs slowly becoming a revenue model both for producers and exhibitors who have been grappling to bring back the audiences to cinema halls? Diwali turned out to be decent but then again we are gone back to re-release of films. Shah Rukh Khan’s Veer Zara re-release has been appreciated. Rakesh Roshan plans a re-release of Karan Arjun with a huge number of screens after 30 years of its release. This again has Shah Rukh Khan and Salman Khan coming together for the first time on screen. SRK’s Kal Ho Naa Ho and Pardes too are re-releasing in cinemas. Those in the trade feel that re-release of Tumbbad, Rehna Hai Tere Dil Mein and Laila Majnu have given courage to producers to cash on re-runs. The re-runs have stirred both excitement and curiosity. Traditionally, re-releases were reserved for timeless classics, but now more recent films are being revived, prompting questions: Is this trend purely nostalgic, or is there a deeper strategy at play? According to Trade Analyst Saurabh Varma, the re-release phenomenon is benefiting the cinema industry in multiple ways. For producers, re-releasing films is a cost-effective option. The marketing and distribution expenses are far lower than for new releases. Re-releases tap into the large fan bases of iconic films, giving long-time fans a chance to relive their favourite stories on the big screen. Furthermore, these revivals provide a unique opportunity for younger viewers who may have missed these films during their initial release. The combination of nostalgia and iconic music resonates deeply with audiences.
It’s a drivetrain solution provider for windmills and industry applications. Every one out of three drive train products installed across the globe bears the brand name of this one. Truly, this German major has traversed quite a long way and undergone a major metamorphosis in the process. One-and-a-quarter-century-old Bocholt-headquartered Flender has significant presence in India. Not surprisingly, the top management team of Flender was in Chennai a few days ago. The presence of the top honchos was more to reiterate the commitment of Flender to India. After all, it has been in India since 1961. It now has three production sites — one each at Kharagpur (WB), Chennai (TN) and Walajabad (TN). Around 10% of its nearly 9,000 skilled personnel across the globe are housed in India. And, it has been putting more money into this country since 2020. Why not? For one, India is the right choice for all those who are looking for the China Plus One option in the post-Covid era. For another, the focus world-over is now increasingly on sustainable development. The robust ecosystem — the presence of assorted turbine makers and a well-evolved supply chain — according to its India CEO Vinod Shetty, is ideal suited for Flender to aspire for a bigger role in driving energy transition in the country. Indeed, Flender is quietly expanding its India operations for a bigger role in its global game plan.
Tamil film producers and their financial backers are now rethinking this model — big money, big stars, big projects but no guarantee that it will reap profits. So the new strategy…safe and secure than spend thrift and sorry. Can small budget films do big business? A resounding yes to three of 2024s baby budget films that warmed the cockles of producers’ hearts. Three films of this year, Lover, Lubber Pandhu and Vaazhai have pulled in amazing profits and massive margins. Lover’s budget was a mere Rs 5 crore, and plus other expenses added the total cost to Rs 6 crore. Hold your breath! It made a profit of Rs 13 crore. But Lubber Pandhu (Rubber Ball), a title that would have gone unnoticed, made the biggest rake in for Prince Pictures who earned Rs 35 crore in TN gross alone — 300% profit. Vaazhai was no sneeze over either…it brought Rs 12 crore profits in TN. Film making costs and exhibition/promo expenses can zoom up dangerously, and after paying the incredible star salaries, if the film’s overflow is modest, stakeholders have no insurance cover to fall back on. Small is big is fast becoming the new open sesame for Kollywood to stay safe.
Veteran leader Sharad Pawar finds commonality between Vote Jihad and a particular section of the people voting for the BJP. Explaining his stand, the NCP founder said it was seen in Pune that the BJP was consistently supported by a certain segment (read Brahmin) in some areas. We expect this to happen though don’t call it Vote Jihad, he remarked. According to Pawar, if such voting patterns happen, it is the right of every community to vote as per its choice. He again charged that deputy chief minister Devendra Fadnavis had raised the issue of Vote Jihad. Pawar’s jab was directed at those specific areas of Pune where Brahmin population is dominant and mostly BJP candidates are elected from such localities. Time and again, Pawar has been accused of creating the bogey of caste with an eye on electoral gains by engineering a rift between sections of the electorate. In support of his contention, Pawar said slogans like ‘batenge toh katenge also fall in the same category as they have a communal shade. He alleged that the issue has been cropped up by the ruling dispensation as it is desperate at the bleak prospect in the assembly election, after the Lok Sabha rout. Fadanvis had condemned the Vote Jihad philosophy after cleric Sajjan Nomani released a list of the Maha Vikas Aghadi candidates and asked the Muslims to vote for them.
A major controversy has erupted in Tollywood as over 233 directors from films, TV and independent media have filed a defamation suit against Swarup Biswas, president of the Federation of Cine Technicians and Workers of Eastern India. The Rs 23-crore lawsuit follows Biswas’s contentious remarks alleging rampant sexual harassment in the film industry, with 60% of complaints purportedly against directors and producer-directors. The hearing will take place on January 10. Swarup, the younger brother of Aroop Biswas, Bengal’s Power and Housing Minister and a close aide of chief minister Mamata Banerjee, finds himself at the centre of an unprecedented protest by Tollywood’s creative community. This is, perhaps, the first time that Tollywood has publicly challenged the Federation. Directors and producers have also criticized what they call “red-tapism” and “arbitrary demands” imposed by the Federation, including its control over unit sizes, pay scales, working hours, and technician selection. At the Eastern India Motion Picture Association’s (EIMPA) recent AGM, Swarup Biswas proposed that producers deposit Rs 5 lakh each as security to ensure timely technician payments, citing Rs 50 lakh in pending dues. Producers have outright rejected the demand, questioning the Federation’s accountability and EIMPA’s silence on the matter. Veteran actor-director Aparna Sen has publicly questioned Swarup Biswas’s credentials, asking for proof of his contributions to the industry. Biswas holds an assistant director’s card, which is reportedly issued only to those involved in at least two films. Actor-politician Roopa Ganguly also criticized the Federation, accusing it of politicizing the industry and questioning why filmmakers often seek the CM’s intervention during crises.
In a significant political development, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has placed her trust in former cabinet minister and senior Left Front leader Abdus Sattar by appointing him as the chief advisor to her government on minority affairs. Sattar, an influential figure of CPI(M) who served as the Minister of State for Minority Affairs and Madrasah Education under the Left Front government. He has been tasked with addressing ongoing disputes related to Wakf properties and will advise the Department of Minority Affairs and Madrasah Education on initiatives for minority welfare. Interestingly, Sattar quit the Left Front way back in 2011 by joining the Congress before aligning with the TMC. This appointment, sources suggest, highlights TMC’s strategy to strengthen its appeal among the state’s educated minority communities. With the BJP’s growing influence in West Bengal and traditional opposition forces such as the Left and Congress losing traction, Sattar is seen as a critical asset for Banerjee’s administration, given his progressive reputation and deep organizational skills. A TMC leader pointed out that Sattar will complement prominent TMC leaders like Firhad Hakim and Siddiqullah Chowdhury. Interestingly, CPI(M) leader Sujan Chakraborty said that Didi’s appointment of Sattar reflects an acknowledgment of the developmental work undertaken during the Left Front regime and is also a rebuttal to TMC’s earlier narrative that the Left did nothing for minorities.
The CPI(M) in West Bengal is grappling with a challenging phase as several of its prominent leaders continue to quit the party and join rival parties like the Trinamool Congress (TMC) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Surprisingly, notable figures who previously held influential roles within the Left Front government have quit. Some like Abdus Sattar and Abul Rezzak Mollah stand out as former Left Front ministers who have now ascended to notable positions within the TMC. The BJP, too, has benefited from CPI(M) defections. Shankar Ghosh, a young leader from Siliguri, left the CPI(M) to join the BJP ahead of the 2021 polls, defeating his mentor and veteran CPI(M) leader Ashok Bhattacharya. Ghosh has since risen to become the chief whip of the BJP Legislative Assembly Committee. Former CPI(M) MLA Tapasi Mondal is now a BJP legislator from Haldia, her former constituency. CPI(M) State Secretary Mohammad Salim has attributed the trend to a “bankrupted political culture” fostered by the TMC-BJP nexus, emphasizing that true ideological commitment would prevent leaders from joining parties with opposing values. However, within the CPI(M), there is a growing realization that even efforts to rejuvenate the party with youth faces are not stemming the outflow of talent. Amidst these concerns, CPI(M)’s Bengal unit is re-evaluating its alliance with Congress for upcoming state elections. Although the two parties are long-time allies in West Bengal, their ideological differences remain stark, especially given their rivalry in states like Kerala. Clearly, CPI(M) leadership has a tough job on hand – to stop the exits and ensure that the party regains its pristine glory in West Bengal.
In a significant political development, the CPI(M) and CPI(ML) have formed an alliance ahead of the by-elections in six Assembly seats. The CPI(ML), known for its radical leftist stance and Naxalite roots, will contest the Naihati seat, which was left by CPI(M). This coalition marks a shift as CPI(M) has struggled in recent elections, seeing a steep decline in votes since 2011. In previous elections, CPI(M) had allied with Congress and ISF but has now partnered with CPI(ML) as Congress is contesting all six seats despite Biman Bose and former MP and Pradesh Congress chief Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury’s plea to continue with the alliance. The Left Front, which includes other leftist parties like Forward Bloc and RSP, was consulted on this move, and Left Front Chairman Biman Bose approved it. Debajyoti Majumdar of CPI(ML) has been fielded for the Naihati seat, with support from CPI(M) leaders. This alliance signals an attempt to revive leftist politics in Bengal, which has been in decline since the Left’s ouster from power in 2011. The CPI(M)’s previous alliances with Congress for the 2016, 2021 Assembly, and 2024 Lok Sabha elections did not yield significant results. The CPI(M) has been advocating for greater left unity for years, but its ties with CPI(ML) have been strained due to differences, particularly over CPI(ML)’s softer stance on the Trinamool Congress, which it prioritized over the BJP as the “big enemy.” CPI(M) leader Sujan Chakraborty emphasized the importance of assessing political realities in today’s context, stating that the revival of the Left is crucial to take forward the civil society-led movements.
The BJP is scheduled to undertake an ambitious membership drive in West Bengal, aiming to strengthen its base ahead of the crucial 2026 State Assembly elections. This initiative, part of the party’s nationwide membership campaign, holds particular significance for the Bengal unit as it seeks to regain momentum after a disappointing performance in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. It faced a similar setback in the 2021 State Assembly election. Insiders within the Bengal BJP unit reveal that the State BJP President Sukanta Majumder, along with the party’s 12 other MPs, has been tasked with enrolling at least 10,000 new members each. Meanwhile, all MLAs, including Leader of the Opposition Suvendu Adhikari, have been asked to gather a minimum of 5,000 members each. This aggressive membership push is scheduled to be completed by November 15. Though the membership drive officially began on September 2, following an inauguration by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, progress in Bengal had stalled due to the civil society protests over the tragic RG Kar Medical College incident. Now, the party is set to resume its efforts with renewed vigor. The drive will take place in three phases — October 26-30, November 1-7 and November 9-15. Union Home Minister Amit Shah is set to visit West Bengal on October 27 to inaugurate this membership campaign. His visit will be crucial, as it marks his first public appearance in the state since the BJP’s disappointing results in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. His address to the party cadre is expected to reinvigorate the base and chart out a strategic path for the 2026 State Assembly election.
For the first time in recent years, Tollywood has taken the Puja box office by storm in Bengal, outshining twin Bollywood releases. Three Bengali films — Srijit Mukherjee’s Tekka, starring and produced by superstar Dev, Shiboprasad Mukherjee-Nandita Roy’s Bahurupi, and Shastri, featuring veteran actor Mithun Chakraborty and Deboshree Roy—hit theatres on October 8 as a Durga Puja bonanza, and audiences flocked to cinemas, setting a new trend in festive box office dominance. Despite earlier scepticism, due to controversies and online trolls targeting Tollywood actors following the RG Kar incident, the three films delivered big time helping the industry recover from a difficult first half. It has been a tradition of releasing Bengali films during Durga Puja but RG Kar protests forced directors and producers to cancel trailer launches and promotions back in August. This led to disappointing collections for films like Raj Chakraborty’s Babli and Srijit’s Mrinal Sen’s biopic Padatik. The only notable box office success during that period was Prosenjit Chatterjee and Rituparna Sengupta’s 50th film, Ajogyo which crossed Rs 1 crore at national multiplexes. Bahurupi earned over Rs 3 crore in six days. In four days, Tekka achieved over 450 housefull shows making it the highest-grossing Puja release to date of Rs 2.75 crore. Trade analysts expect Tekka to surpass last year’s Puja hit, Dawshom Awbotaar which earned Rs3 crore in 10 days. Meanwhile, Shastri earned over Rs 1 crore. Bollywood’s two major releases Alia Bhatt’s Jigra and Rajkummar Rao’s Vicky Vidya Ka Woo Wala Video earned Rs 2.5 crore each, significantly less than their Bengali counterparts.
The upcoming by-election in six constituencies of West Bengal on November 13 is set to be a pivotal moment for the ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC), which faces growing unrest among civil society over the RG Kar hospital incident. According to TMC insiders, the party leadership is eager to assess whether it still has the same level of public support that led to its overwhelming victory in the general elections just four months ago. These elections coincide with widespread protests in the state, particularly the ongoing hunger strike by junior doctors in Kolkata, now in its 13th day. TMC is not only focused on retaining the five seats in its strongholds—but is also eyeing Madarihat, a stronghold of BJP, as well. Party insiders say that winning the bypoll could help mitigate the anti-government sentiment and diminish the political impact of the protests, which many in the TMC argue are primarily an urban movement. Senior TMC leader Kunal Ghosh indicated that the party sees this election as an opportunity to reassess its grassroots hold and signal that rural and semi-urban constituencies do not resonate with the anti-government sentiments that have surfaced in the cities. BJP spokesperson Rajarshi Lahiri is confident that RG Kar hospital will benefit his party gain ground in five of six constituencies but is less confident about Haroa, citing its Muslim-majority population vis a vis TMC. CPI(M) and Congress feel the protests’ impact are mostly Kolkata-centric.
The sudden demise of CPI(M) National General Secretary Sitaram Yechury has left the Left party grappling to find a suitable replacement. In a recent politburo meeting Prakash Karat was appointed as the ‘coordinator’ instead of naming him as ‘Acting’ General Secretary, indicating the party’s hesitance to rush into appointing a successor. Sources say, the CPI(M) is considering West Bengal State Secretary Mohammad Salim as Yechury’s replacement. Salim is reportedly being given time to consider the role ahead of the party congress in April 2025. Salim, who took over as the state secretary in 2022, has been instrumental in revitalizing the party in Bengal despite its diminishing grassroots presence. He played a key role in forming an alliance with the Congress in Bengal. Yechury’s demise has created a leadership vacuum, but Salim’s experience makes him a strong contender for the national post. A two-time Rajya Sabha MP, two-time Lok Sabha MP, and former state minister, Salim’s parliamentary experience is invaluable. Additionally, his fluency in Bengali, English, Hindi, and Urdu positions him well for the national role. With CPI(M) adopting a new age policy of 75 years, Salim, now 67, could potentially serve three consecutive terms, making him an ideal candidate to steer the party through its current crisis. If Salim ultimately accepts the offer, Bengal is likely to choose Sridip Bhattacharya, who is also the choice of present patriarch of Bengal CPI(M), Biman Bose to head the Bengal unit.
Amid the political chaos stemming from the RG Kar rape-murder incident, the West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee is now facing a fresh crisis from within her own party. It is learnt that TMC party leaders are shocked that Abhishek Banerjee, National General Secretary and second-in-command, has lodged a police complaint against the Officer on Special Duty (OSD) to Firhad Hakim, the Mayor of Kolkata and a senior cabinet minister, alleging misappropriation of funds. Party insiders believe the timing is significant, coming shortly after the TMC’s lacklustre performance in several Kolkata Municipal Corporation (KMC) wards during the Lok Sabha elections. Some sections within the party view the move as Abhishek’s way of pushing for the “one person, one position” policy which he has long advocated. Others see it as an effort to cleanse the party of corruption and enhance its image in the wake of mounting public criticism. According to sources, the complaint from Abhishek’s office alleged that the OSD has been extorting money by misusing Abhishek’s name. The allegation has led to an unprecedented escalation of tensions between Abhishek and Hakim, where both have reportedly voiced their displeasure to the party leadership. Hakim, widely regarded as one of Didi’s closest confidants, has expressed his willingness to resign from Mayor’s post but Didi has rejected it. Reportedly she conveyed her displeasure to senior party leaders as to how the situation spiralled out of control. Hakim’s dual role as the Mayor of Kolkata and Minister for Municipal Affairs and Urban Development has long made him one of the most influential figures in the state’s political landscape.
As Durga Puja, the most anticipated festive season in West Bengal, approaches, the Bengali music industry finds itself in a precarious position, haunted by memories of the Covid-19 pandemic. The recent RG Kar Medical College incident has sparked a wave of concern, resulting in the widespread cancellation of events and programmes. Several prominent singers, music bands, and musicians have voiced their worries as the festive period, usually a time of high earnings, now faces a grim scenario. One of the key voices from the industry, renowned singer Jojo, expressed her anguish over the unfolding situation. According to her, people often think that musical events are merely entertainment, not realizing that these shows provide income to a wide array of people—from backstage crew members to sound engineers and support staff. Echoing her sentiment, celebrated singer Lopamudra Mitra highlighted the impact on young musicians who often accompany established artists during live performances. She further mentioned that many budding talents rely on the festive season to showcase their skills and gain exposure. Veteran singer Rupankar Bagchi raised concerns about the inconsistency in policies, where television productions are continuing uninterrupted, with channels banking on new content for the festive period, but music and cultural shows are being singled out. It’s not just the music industry that’s bearing the brunt. The local theatre industry, popularly known as “Jatra,” is also witnessing a steep decline in sponsorship and participation. The Bengali music and cultural community is now grappling with the fallout of these developments, fearing long-term repercussions.
CPI(M) is poised for a significant transition in its leadership during the 24th Party Congress, set to take place in Madurai, Tamil Nadu, April 2025. This transition is likely to drop several senior leaders from the Politburo in accordance with the party’s age rule. As per the party’s new legislation, no leader above 75 years of age can remain in the Central Committee, from which Politburo members are elected. Possibly seven veteran leaders — Prakash Karat, Vrinda Karat, Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan, Tamil Nadu leader G Ramakrishnan, former Tripura Chief Minister Manik Sarkar, West Bengal’s Suryakant Mishra, and Suhasini Ali may be removed from the Politburo. The decision to implement the age restriction marks a pivotal moment for the party, which has long been deliberating a generational shift in its leadership ranks. However, West Bengal state secretary and Politburo member Mohammed Salim confirmed that this move was planned over a decade ago and this time, it will be implemented. However, there remains the possibility of exemptions, where the party may grant special permission for some leaders to continue despite surpassing the age limit. The names of replacements are already doing the rounds. For instance, in place of Brinda Karat and Suhasini Ali, names that are going rounds include CITU All India President K Hemalata and Mahila Samiti All India General Secretary Maryam Dhawale as potential female replacements in the Politburo.
In a significant move, Congress has appointed Subhankar Sarkar as the West Bengal State President, replacing veteran leader Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury. The decision marks a critical tactical shift in Congress’ approach to Bengal politics, signalling a recalibration of its relationship with both the ruling Trinamool Congress and CPI(M). Sarkar is known for his softer stance toward TMC supremo and chief minister Mamata Banerjee in contrast to Adhir Ranjan who was a vocal critic of Didi. The appointment comes amid speculation that Congress is keen on easing tensions with the TMC. The timing of Sarkar’s appointment is significant, particularly for the CPI(M). The party is still reeling from the recent death of its National Secretary, Sitaram Yechury, who played a key role in navigating the delicate relationship between Congress and the Left in Bengal. Yechury had close ties with Congress leader Rahul Gandhi, and his absence leaves a void in the CPI(M)’s ability to engage directly with the Congress high command. A senior CPI(M) leader has remarked that it is a double blow for the party as they lost Yechury, who was instrumental in maintaining dialogue with Congress. Now, with Adhir replaced, it’s clear that the Congress is moving towards a more TMC-friendly stance. Despite the growing concerns within CPI(M) ranks, the party leadership at Alimuddin Street has remained largely silent on the issue. Many believe that the leadership is still assessing the long-term implications of Congress’ strategic shift.
The ongoing RG Kar Medical College protests have cast a shadow over the Bengali film industry, with many in the fraternity struggling to return to work amid constant backlash and online trolling. While several actors, directors, and singers actively participated in the protests, some have gone back to work sparking mixed reactions from the public. The situation intensified after West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s call to “return to festivities”. This statement was widely criticized. Amidst this political tension, prominent figures in the Bengali entertainment industry have found themselves facing undue criticism from netizens. Celebrities like singer Iman Chakraborty, actors Swastika Mukherjee, and Sohini Sarkar, all of whom supported the protests, became targets of online trolling. Swastika faced particular backlash after promoting her upcoming film Tekka, despite her regular attendance at protest rallies. Dev, who stars in Tekka and is also a Trinamool Congress MP, defended his stance, supporting the movement while stressing that livelihoods, especially during Durga Puja, should not be affected. He pointed out that marginalized groups, such as dhakis, decorators, and vendors, depend on the festive season. Singer Shilajit, another victim of online criticism, echoed similar sentiments. He defended the importance of continuing work, noting that events contribute significantly to artists’ earnings. Director Raj Chakraborty expressed concern over how easily celebrities become targets for trolls, leading many to avoid social media. Amid this growing tension, promotions for upcoming Puja releases, such as Bohurupi and Shastri, have been toned down to avoid further controversy. The Bengali film industry continues to navigate these challenging times with caution.
The Communist Party of India (Marxist) in Bengal is grappling with a significant leadership void following the sudden demise of Sitaram Yechury, the party’s General Secretary since 2015. Known for his pivotal role in steering the CPI(M) through turbulent political waters, Yechury’s death has left a profound impact, particularly on the Bengal State Committee, with which he had close ties. His demise has now triggered discussions within the party regarding his successor, with sources close to Alimuddin Street indicating that the Bengal faction is seeking someone aligned with its interests. Among the names being floated for the interim general secretary position are Brinda Karat and Prakash Karat. However, sources close to the party’s leadership in Bengal suggest that Brinda Karat has the edge, primarily due to her past association with Bengal. She was nominated to the Rajya Sabha by CPI(M) Bengal secretary Anil Biswas, further solidifying her connection with the state’s leadership. As there are also whispers about Maryam Alexander Baby, a former Kerala minister, as a possible successor to Yechury, in the upcoming Central committee meeting, the state unit is likely to push hard for a leader with pro-Bengal sentiments to take up the national leadership role owing to Yechury’s Bengal connections. Mohammad Salim, the current Bengal State Secretary, is another figure whose name has been suggested for a possible elevation to the national level. If Salim were to step up, the Bengal unit would need to find a new state secretary..
The rape-murder of RG Kar hospital doctor has led to a wave of revelations in the Bengali film industry. Women across all levels have come forward with allegations of sexual harassment against influential figures, including directors and producers. In response to these allegations, the Federation of Cine Technicians and Workers of Eastern India (FCTWEI) recently announced the formation of a special 15-member committee, named ‘Suraksha Bandhu,’ aimed at safeguarding women in the industry. However, the formation of the committee has sparked controversy, with the Directors Association of Eastern India (DAEI) questioning the legitimacy of the new body. Director Sudeshna Roy representing DAEI criticized the FCTWEI for not adhering to a proper process when selecting committee members. She also challenged the Federation’s statement that claimed 60% of directors and 40% of producers were implicated in the complaints. Roy pointed out that the technician’s association is led by Swaroop Biswas, brother of state minister Aroop Biswas, and alleged that Swaroop made the sole decision to constitute the women’s protection committee without consulting other key stakeholders. She argued that the Federation is not the industry’s sole regulatory body and questioned its authority to unilaterally form such a committee. In contrast, DAEI has proposed the creation of a new committee, ‘Women’s Forum of Screen Workers Plus,’ which would be tasked with addressing complaints of sexual harassment. It may be recalled that celebrated director Arindam Sil was banned by the Directors Guild following multiple complaints of sexual harassment. The ban will remain in effect until Sil is proven innocent, signalling that the industry is taking the allegations seriously.
Amid a series of electoral failures, including a hat-trick of zero wins in major elections, the CPI(M) in Bengal is facing growing internal pressure to reconsider its approach and hire an external political strategist. Alimuddin Street, party’s headquarters, has received feedback that the organization’s current state is “disgraceful” and it must consider “alternatives.” Most political parties – BJP, Cong, TMC, AAP and DMK — have from time to time roped in political strategists/consultants. For instance, the Trinamool Congress’s 2021 victory was largely credited to IPAC, led by Prashant Kishor. Likewise Congress party has benefited from strategic insights provided by Sunil Kanugolu. CPI(M) State Secretary Mohammad Salim stated that though the party cannot afford to hire a professional agency, professionalism must be increased. The party had hoped that its alliance with Congress for the Lok Sabha polls would increase its vote share. Leaders had predicted a three-way contest between Trinamool, BJP, and the Left-Congress combine. However, the reality was a two-way fight between Trinamool and BJP, leaving CPI(M) without a seat, and Congress lost key constituencies like Baharampur, where five-time MP Adhir Chowdhury was defeated by TMC’s Yusuf Pathan. Party insiders have highlighted organizational failures, including an inability to deploy agents in polling stations. Again, in the RG Kar incident relating to rape-murder of doctor, where the CPI(M) youth wing DYFI, led protests in Kolkata, the party failed to mobilize at the district levels. Also, it has alienated women voters in the state by terming the Lakshmi Bhandar scheme as “alms”.
In the wake of the horrific rape-murder of a trainee doctor at RG Kar Medical College and Hospital, Kolkata has been rocked by widespread protests. This disturbing incident has had a profound impact on the business landscape, leading to a significant decline in consumer activity. From the traditional pottery artisans of Kumortuli to the bustling marketing hubs, sweetmeat shops, and restaurants, the city’s economic pulse has noticeably weakened. The usual pre-Puja rush, which begins usually at this time, is notably absent and instead of shopping bags, people are holding placards demanding justice. The usually bustling Kumortuli, the heart of Durga idol creation in Kolkata, has fallen into an unusual quiet this year unlike previous years. Karthik Pal, Secretary of the Kumartuli Potters Association, attributed this change to the recent tragic incident, stating that the usual influx of enthusiastic photographers, young people with cameras, crowding the place even on weekends, has dwindled. Further, there has been less number of buyers for the upcoming Ganesh Chaturthi and Vishwakarma Puja this month. The food and restaurant businesses have seen a decline of 15% in August and if protest continues September could losses of upto 30% says Sagar Daryani, All India Vice President of the National Restaurant Association of India. Dhiman Das, state president of the traders’ organization Mishi Udyog and director of KC Das & Sons, said that from Vishwakarma Puja to Diwali, the profit from this period sustains businesses for the rest of the year. However, if the agitation continues, the industry is fearing a 70% drop in business.
The recent brutal rape-murder of a trainee doctor at RG Kar Medical College and Hospital in Kolkata has put Mamata Banerjee’s government under immense pressure, marking perhaps one of the most significant challenges of her political career. The Supreme Court which took up the issue suo moto saw veteran advocate representing West Bengal government Kapil Sibal facing a barrage of questions. Throughout Didi’s three-term tenure, cases of rape have periodically ignited outrage in Kolkata. In 2012, only a year into her tenure, she dismissed the Park Street gangrape as a “shajano ghotona” (fabricated incident). Similarly, the 2013 Kamduni gangrape saw delayed police action, prompting Mamata to respond only after protests erupted. Recently, the Sandeshkhali incident ahead of Lok Sabha elections, where several women accused local TMC strongmen of sexual harassment. Despite these controversies, TMC saw its seat share increase. This time it seems, public’s ire is particularly directed at her, given that she holds both the Home and Health portfolios—two areas central to the incident. Internal discord within TMC is becoming evident. Party’s general secretary Abhishek Banerjee, Mamata’s nephew privately expressed deep dissatisfaction with the state government’s handling of the case, criticizing the internal politics of the health administration. Additionally, veteran leader Sukhendu Sekhar Roy tweeted about the police’s role, leading to a brief controversy with Kolkata Police summoning him. However, after the party’s senior leaders — Sudip Bandopadhyay and Subrata Bakshi– intervention, Roy deleted his tweet. In a significant move, both Mamata and Abhishek called for strict anti-rape laws, urging swift and harsh punishment for perpetrators within 50 days of such crimes.
The Bengali film industry has been hit hard by Bangladesh crises and the tragic rape and murder of a trainee doctor at RG Kar Medical College & Hospital in Kolkata. The turmoil has led to the postponement of film releases, teaser launches, and promotional events, causing significant setbacks to the industry as it gears up for the festive season. As a mark of respect for the Kolkata tragedy, popular actor Dev has postponed the teaser release of his highly anticipated Pujo film Khadaan. Acclaimed director Srijit Mukherjee’s film Padatik has also been affected. Despite having a strong connection to Bangladesh through its lead actor, Chanchal Chowdhury, the film was only released in West Bengal, and the Bangladesh premiere has been indefinitely postponed. Chowdhury, a celebrated Bangladeshi actor, was unable to attend the Bengal premiere. Director Raj Chakraborty’s film Babli managed to hit the screens, but notably, no promotional events were organized. Another director Shiboprasad Mukherjee has announced that his film Bahurupi will not be released during Durga Puja. Similarly, the music launch of celebrated actor Sashwata Chatterjee’s much awaited movie Jamalaye Jibanta Bhanu, a tribute to yesteryear Bengali comedian Bhanu Bandopahdya was postponed. The Bengali film industry is now at a crossroads, with major films release date delayed and promotional activities scaled back. Tollywood which has strongly supported the rape victim and called for justice, is still facing backlash from netizens on social media. Raj remarked that the entertainment industry has become an easy target, with some people expressing their frustration online despite the industry’s protests and solidarity with the “Night Reclaim” movement.
The rape and murder of a trainee doctor at RG Kar Medical College in Kolkata has sparked unprecedented protests across West Bengal and the country and in the process pushed the West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee into a corner. Citizens and political parties, including the CPI(M) and BJP, have taken to the streets, criticizing the state government for its handling of the case. In an uncharacteristically defensive stance, Didi lashed out at her political rivals, accusing them of exploiting the tragedy for “cheap politics” where instead of standing with the family, they think they can do “a Bangladesh” here and even spreading fake information about the case using artificial intelligence (AI). Interestingly, she has refrained from directly attacking the Congress, even after Rahul and Priyanka Gandhi voiced their concerns over the incident. The controversy took a new turn when the Calcutta High Court ordered a CBI investigation into the case bypassing the state police. While a section of the ruling TMC sees this as a potential “relief” from the escalating crisis, others within the party view it as a clear sign of dissatisfaction with the state police’s role in the investigation. In a bid to downplay the CBI’s involvement, TMC leaders have questioned the agency’s track record, citing past failures such as the unsolved cases of Taapsee Malik’s rape and murder, the death of Rizwanur Rahman, and the theft of Rabindranath Tagore’s Nobel Prize. As doctors strike continue it’s the patients across the state who are suffering from a lack of medical care. Political experts are asking whether Didi, known for her ability to turn adversity into advantage, will be successful this time around.
CPI(M), once a dominant force in West Bengal, is finding it increasingly difficult to connect with the masses in the current political landscape. After the party’s significant loss in the 2011 state elections, the presence of veteran leader Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee at rallies and public gatherings continued to provide a semblance of continuity. However, as Bhattacharjee’s health began to fail, the CPI(M) had to adapt modern ways to send out his messages. During the recent Lok Sabha election 2024 campaigns, the party relied on his video statements and even experimented with AI-based videos to keep his message alive. It may be recalled that Bhattacharjee’s controversial land acquisition policies in Singur (Hooghly district) and Nandigram (Purba Medinipur district) remain a significant blot on his legacy. These events, which led to widespread protests and violent clashes, symbolized the disconnect between his vision for industrial development and the concerns of the rural populace. Ironically, the same party that once criticized Bhattacharjee for his “perform or perish” attitude and his opposition to the bandh culture promoted by the Left’s trade union wing, CITU, has repeatedly turned to him in times of crisis. His televised video and audio addresses to the masses, particularly his call for a judicious decision to defeat the “undemocratic” Trinamool Congress and the “communal” BJP in the 2021 assembly elections, were seen as efforts to resurrect the party’s dwindling influence. As the CPI(M) navigates a rapidly changing political environment, the challenge of connecting with the masses without the charismatic presence of Bhattacharjee looms large after his death on August 8.
With Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina resigning and fleeing the country, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee finds herself in a tough spot. Known for her sympathetic stance towards refugees, Mamata is now confronted with the daunting challenge of managing the influx of people. Hasina’s departure has thrown Bangladesh into a state of uncertainty, prompting many to seek refuge in West Bengal. This surge in refugees could disrupt the state’s already fragile demographic balance. It may be noted that during the Annual Martyr’s Day Rally on July 21, Didi had declared that she will welcome any person coming from Bangladesh due to the ongoing turmoil. Her announcement was not only criticised by the Central government, but even the erstwhile Hasina government as they felt it was sending the wrong signal to Bangladeshis. Mamata has been facing the heat from BJP about sheltering illegal Bangladeshi immigrants and giving them official recognition in order to increase her minority vote bank. However, deviating from her soft stance, Didi has sent out a strict directive to her party leaders to not make any provocative statements on the Bangladesh crisis. Political observers state that if Didi is not careful about the influx of refugees, it is likely to disturb the delicate balance of religious diversity of the state, which has a Muslim population of 27%. BJP leader and LoP in Bengal Suvendu Adhikari is claiming that the state is set to witness the entry of 1 crore Bangladeshi Hindus who are likely to face discrimination and hostility in the Muslim dominant districts of Bengal.
Journeying from Kolkata to London might not raise many eyebrows, but doing it entirely by car certainly will. This extraordinary adventure has been meticulously organized by anesthesiologist Dr Debanjali Ray and businessman Kaushik Roy. The 64-day expedition, spanning an impressive 18,000 km, is set to begin on August 24 and conclude on October 25 and joining them on this ambitious journey are 15 travel enthusiasts. It is a journey of the Old Silk Route — the Sindhu Civilisation — that will see them traversing through 23 different countries across minor Asia and Europe. The adventurous route will traverse through Nepal, China, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Iran, Armenia, Georgia, Turkey, Greece, Bulgaria, Serbia, Hungary, Czechia, Poland, Slovakia, Germany, Switzerland, Liechtenstein, Austria, and France before reaching the final destination in London. As part of a cultural exchange, the team will be collecting water from major rivers such as the Ganga, Brahmaputra, Indus, and Yangtze on their way to London. This collected water will be used in the ritual observance of Durga Puja. Interestingly, this expedition is a tribute to the former Kolkata-London bus service, which was once the longest bus route in the world. Operating from 1957 until the 1970s, this historic bus service had a journey duration of approximately 50 days (NOT 132 DAYS??). By completing their journey in 64 days, the Ray-Roy duo not only honours this historical landmark but also establishes a new one. And they will end their long drive by partaking at the Thames Durga Puja Parade Carnival in London.
In a significant political development, the Congress high command is considering reassessing its relationship with Trinamool Congress (TMC) supremo and Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee following the departure of former Baharampur MP Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury as the Pradesh Congress state chief. Chowdhury’s tenure was marked by notable discord with the Congress leadership’s coordination and support extended to TMC at the state level, despite Mamata Banerjee’s strong relations with Congress leaders Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi. It has been learned that Chowdhury expressed extreme displeasure during a recent meeting in New Delhi when Congress West Bengal in-charge Ghulam Ahmad Mir referred to him as “former” and sought the opinions of other Bengal leaders. Close associates of the former MP stated that the resignation was supposed to be formally announced by INC President Mallikarjun Kharge. Instead, Mir highlighted it in an open forum, adding to the tensions within the party. As Congress prepares for a leadership change, the future of its alliance with TMC remains uncertain, with potential implications for the party’s strategy and its position within the broader political landscape of West Bengal and the nation.
There are persistent allegations of corruption within the Trinamool Congress (TMC) where the party supremo Mamata Banerjee, once celebrated as one of the most honest chief ministers, has found herself at the centre of the Opposition attacks. For a considerable period, Banerjee seemed to dismiss the corruption allegations, often asserting, “In a big party, one or two people may be corrupt, but that does not make the whole party bad.” Despite her statements, the recent electoral setbacks, particularly in Kolkata, where the TMC is trailing in wards that were previously strongholds, have forced a re-evaluation of the party’s stance. The decline in urban voter support is largely attributed to the perceived corruption and misrule within the TMC. The party is trailing in crucial wards, including those of the Mayor and Deputy Mayor, signalling a significant shift in voter sentiment. In response, Didi and her nephew, Abhishek Banerjee, the second-in-command of the party have made clear their intentions to rectify the situation with an eye on the 2026 Assembly elections. However, reports indicate internal differences between the two leaders regarding the reshuffling of party functionaries. Interestingly, party sources said that while Abhishek advocates for comprehensive changes in areas where the TMC is trailing with respect to all opposition parties, Didi favours making changes in areas where the party has a significant loss to BJP. A senior party member revealed that Didi is considering a 30-40% change, contingent upon discussions with other senior members. Also, it is learnt that several members who allegedly collaborated with the BJP during the Lok Sabha polls are under scrutiny, with reports being submitted to Abhishek’s office.
The Bengali film industry is seeing a faceoff between the Directors’ Guild and the Federation of Cinema Technician Workers of Eastern India (FCTWEA) leading to political interventions to resolve the issue. The trigger was a 3-month shooting ban on Tollywood director Rahool Mukherjee for commencing shoot without requisite permissions from Directors’ Guild and FCTWEA. Notably, FCTWEA is led by Swaroop Biswas, the brother of Trinamool Congress minister Aroop Biswas. The situation has intensified with several high-profile Tollywood figures speaking out against the ban. Directors Parambrata Chattopadhyay, Kamaleshwar Mukhopadhyay, and Kaushik Ganguly, along with TMC MLA and director Raj Chakraborty, and actor-turned-MP Dev, have condemned the restriction. On July 26, the Directors’ Guild gave green signal to Mukherjee to start shooting of his film starring Prosenjit Chatterjee and Anirban Bhattacharya. However, FCTWEA refused to lift the ban and permitted Mukherjee only to serve as a creative director. This decision led to a fiasco on July 27 when several technicians failed to show up for the scheduled shoot. Prosenjit pointed out that such a situation is detrimental for the Bengali film industry. Dev expressed strong disapproval of the Federation’s stance, while Parambrata Chattopadhyay accused Federation officials of leveraging their position to impose their own crew members, despite having sufficient staff already in place. The issue has stirred concerns about the influence of political figures on the film industry, with allegations of muscle-flexing by the Federation at the behest of Minister Aroop Biswas’s family. Director Rahool Mukherjee is keen that the whole situation is resolved amicably in the interest of Tollywood. Will the West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee who enjoys a cordial relationship with Tollywood personalities intervene and resolve the conflict?
West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has affirmed her participation in the upcoming NITI Aayog meeting in New Delhi, despite INDIA bloc leaders deciding to boycott the event. Sources close to the TMC leader indicate that Didi’s attendance underscores her commitment to securing Bengal’s financial interests within the framework of federal relations. While aligning with the INDIA bloc, Banerjee is keen to assert her state’s autonomy, signalling a nuanced approach separate from opposition alliances. Political analysts interpret Banerjee’s move as a strategic assertion rather than a rupture in opposition unity, emphasizing her intent to voice for Bengal’s dues amounting to Rs 176,000 crore, including the allocation under Awas Yojana and MGNREGA schemes. Party insiders say that the NITI Aayog forum is a perfect platform for Banerjee to raise her state’s pressing fiscal concerns. In a pre-departure statement, Mamata voiced her objections to what she described as discriminatory practices by the Central government towards Bengal. She termed the Centre’s actions as a method to divide the eastern region economically and geographically. It may be noted that speculations were rife that Didi might drop from NITI Ayog meet to avoid controversy. It may be mentioned that Mamata did invite Samajwadi party chief Akhilesh Yadav to her Martyrs’ Day rally which underscores her strategy to strengthen regional political fronts independent of Congress.
The Trinamool Congress (TMC) is contemplating significant changes within the party and the administration following the conclusion of annual ‘Martyrs’ Day’ Rally on July 21. This move is seen as a strategic necessity in preparation for the 2026 assembly elections. The party’s national general secretary Abhishek Banerjee who kept away from all meetings for “medical reasons” is also expected to join the rally. Party insiders say that changes to be announced in August will affect Panchayats, Municipalities, and State Cabinet as the focus will be on appointing “proactive and effective individuals” to key positions. Despite a notable success in the recent state elections, the party’s leadership has pinpointed several organizational shortcomings. The vote share in urban areas has seen a decline, and while rural areas fared better, there is still a pressing need for organizational improvements. The TMC leadership is not fully confident in the level of spontaneous public support across various regions, prompting discussions about introducing new faces into the party’s organizational structure. According to a senior leader of the party, in close circuit, Didi has been clear in stating that although the government scheme benefited people vis a vis win for TMC yet there is a need for organizational overhaul. A particular focus of the reshuffle will be North Bengal. While TMC secured victories in the Cooch Behar Lok Sabha seat and the Raigunge Assembly seat in recent bypolls, overall progress in the region has been limited. Consequently, the party is meticulously reviewing its organizational setup in these areas to ensure more robust performance in future elections.
A significant rift within the Bengal BJP has surfaced, highlighted by recent statements from top party functionaries during the ongoing assessment of the Lok Sabha and Assembly bypoll election results in West Bengal. Union Minister and Bengal BJP President, Sukanta Majumdar, advised party workers against relying on actions by the CBI and ED to secure election victories. Instead, he urged them to focus on strengthening the party organization. This remark is widely interpreted as an indirect jibe at Suvendu Adhikari, BJP’s Leader of the Opposition for referencing dates of central agency raids against TMC leaders. This exchange has further fuelled tensions within the party, with Adhikari controversially suggesting that the BJP should abandon Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s inclusive slogan, “Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas, Sabka Vishwas, Sabka Prayas,” and do away with its minority wing. He proposed a new slogan: “Jo humare saath, hum unke saath.” Majumdar quickly distanced the party from Adhikari’s statement, labelling it as a personal view. Under pressure from the BJP high command in Delhi, Adhikari later issued a social media statement claiming his comments were taken out of context. The BJP’s failure to meet its target of 25 seats in the recent Lok Sabha polls, securing only 12 compared to 18 in 2019, and losing three of its four seats in the Assembly bypolls, reducing its tally from 77 to 71, has intensified internal blame-game. Political observers see these exchanges as indicative of deepening internal conflicts within the state BJP leadership.
Following Anusuya Sengupta’s acclaimed win as Best Actress in the ‘A Certain Regard’ category for her film ‘Shameless’ at the 77th Cannes Film Festival, questions have arisen concerning the notable absence of Indian Bengali cinema at prominent international film festivals like Cannes, Berlin, and Venice. Acclaimed Director Goutam Ghose, a recipient of numerous awards at prestigious global film festivals, highlighted a disparity in enthusiasm towards festivals among Bengali master filmmakers of yester years. While luminaries such as Satyajit Ray and Mrinal Sen actively engaged with these platforms, celebrated figures like Tarun Majumder and Tapan Sinha were less inclined, despite their films receiving recognition. Ghosh noted fluctuating preferences among festival organizers favouring films from different countries at different times, including periods where Iranian, Korean, and occasionally Indian cinema gained prominence. Film researcher and professor Sanjay Mukhopadhyay observed that films like Debaki Kumar Bose’s ‘Sita’ might have won accolades in Venice due to their westernised portrayal of Indian women. He acknowledged a decline in Bengali cinema’s international visibility post the era of Ray, Sen, and Ritwik Ghatak. Director Atanu Ghosh, whose works have been honoured at international festivals, acknowledged the current scarcity of Bengali films on the global stage. Interestingly, according to director Sekhar Das even Russian films are not being able to make their mark even with these famous directors like Tarkovsky or Sokurov. The same is true for Bengali movies.
In a significant political development, the Indian National Congress is poised to replace Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury, president of the West Bengal Pradesh Congress following his defeat in the Lok Sabha polls. Despite being a trusted lieutenant of the Gandhi family, Chowdhury’s electoral defeat has intensified concerns about the party’s performance in West Bengal, even after forming an alliance with the CPI(M) in the recently concluded Lok Sabha elections. Party insiders reveal that the Congress High Command has shortlisted four leaders to replace Chowdhury. They are: Nepal Mahata, Shankar Malakar, Subhankar Sarkar and Abdus Sattar, a former Left minister who joined the Congress a couple of years ago. Notably, Chowdhury himself is reportedly backing Nepal Mahata as his replacement. A crucial meeting with the Pradesh Congress to discuss the leadership change was scheduled but was postponed due to Congress scion Rahul Gandhi’s visit to Manipur. In addition to the four, the name of senior Congress leader Deepa Dasmunshi, widow of the late Priya Ranjan Dasmunshi, has also been doing the rounds. However, there is scepticism within the AICC regarding her candidacy due to her current role as the general secretary of AICC Telangana and Lakshadweep. Amidst the leadership transition, local Congress leaders have proposed creating two separate units for West Bengal, similar to the organizational structure in Maharashtra. This would mean establishing one unit for the state and another specifically for Kolkata.
In a bid to revitalize its political strategy following recent electoral setbacks, the Bengal CPI(M), has broadened its outreach to include public opinion outside traditional party lines. The Left party recently made a public appeal to share their perspectives via email, an initiative that quickly garnered significant attention. Although the specific contents of these messages remain confidential, sources within the district CPI(M) have revealed that the feedback highlights several critical issues such as concerns about organizational weaknesses, structural problems, leadership fragmentation, and inefficiencies in booth-level operations. Additionally, there is growing discontent regarding disconnect between the youthful representation at the state level and its effectiveness in grassroots activities. This outreach initiative underscores the party’s commitment to introspection and its efforts to address internal challenges by engaging directly with the public. Despite reserved positions for an age group of under-31 members in Area Committees aimed at youth inclusion, numerous committees across the state have struggled to fill vacancies even after three years, prompting widespread lower-level discontent. A CPI(M) member expressed concern that while the party organizes social media campaigns at the state-level, there is a disconnect at the booth level. A senior CPI(M) district leader questioned why state-level leaders are not more active at the grassroots, lacking awareness of local constituents, despite booth-level workers engaging with senior leaders on social platforms. Furthermore, allegations have surfaced alleging ‘understanding’ between local leadership and the Trinamool in various areas, reaching the attention of Alimuddin Street, the headquarters of the Left. Senior state leaders have acknowledged in internal discussions that they lack awareness of the true organizational dynamics at the booth level.
In a recent state cabinet meeting, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has expressed her frustration with several ministers and leaders over allegations of corruption and non-performance. Giving stern warning to her cabinet, she has made it clear that she will not tolerate any lapses in governance, particularly in addressing civic issues and ensuring the general functioning of the government. It is speculated that her dissatisfaction with her ministers stems from a deeper analysis of the Lok Sabha election results. Despite the TMC securing a decisive victory by winning 29 out of Bengal’s 42 Lok Sabha seats, a closer examination reveals underlying vulnerabilities in the party’s standing. While the TMC won both parliamentary seats in Kolkata, the party’s performance in the city’s municipal wards indicated a less dominant position. The TMC led in 93 wards under the Kolkata Municipal Corporation, but the BJP’s significant presence, leading in 48 wards, highlighted growing opposition strength in urban areas. The BJP’s lead extended beyond Kolkata, with notable inroads in several civic bodies across the state. Didi’s displeasure is rooted in reports of corruption, inefficiency, and lack of responsiveness by local leaders. Such issues have eroded public trust and provided the BJP with an opportunity to gain ground. The CM’s stern reaction towards her ministers appears to be linked to her nephew, Abhishek Banerjee’s, critical assessment of the government’s performance. As the party’s national general secretary, Abhishek has been vocal about issues like corruption and inefficiency within the administration.
The defeat of five-time Congress MP Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury to Trinamool Congress seems to have not only relegated Chowdhury to the status of a state leader but also triggered speculations about a potential alliance between the Congress and TMC during the upcoming Monsoon session of Parliament. Chowdhury’s loss is seen as a significant political shift. His vocal opposition to TMC supremo and West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee had been a major factor in the “unwritten distance” between the Congress and TMC during parliamentary activities. His defeat is expected to change the dynamics, as many TMC MPs have pointed out that his presence was a barrier to cooperation between the two parties. With Rahul Gandhi known for his excellent rapport with Didi, the possibility of a Congress-TMC alliance seems more likely. Now, with Chowdhury’s diminished role, there is a newfound optimism about smoother collaboration between the two parties. On the other hand, Chowdhury has maintained that he was the first among Opposition leaders to support TMC MP Mahua Maitra during the cash-for-query scandal and her subsequent expulsion from the House.
After yet another disappointing performance in West Bengal, the state BJP’s post-poll analysis has underscored the pivotal role of women voters and the influence of Trinamool Congress (TMC) supremo Mamata Banerjee. The BJP believes that schemes like Lakshmi Bhandar have further solidified the allegiance of women voters to Didi, making it challenging for the BJP to make inroads in the state. A section of BJP leaders has acknowledged that Banerjee’s targeted social schemes — such as the Widow Pension, Swasthya Sathi, Kanyashree, and Roopashree — have resonated strongly with the female electorate. The BJP’s internal dynamics are also set for a change, where current state president, Sukanta Majumdar, who is also the MP for Balurghat, has been inducted into the Modi government as a junior minister. This development has spurred discussions about his successor, especially since the central leadership has expressed dissatisfaction with the results under Majumdar’s leadership. With the West Bengal State Election slated for 2026, the BJP is keenly aware that winning over women voters is crucial to reversing its fortunes. Speculations are rife that the BJP may appoint a woman as the state president to counter Banerjee’s influence effectively. Names like Locket Chatterjee, Agnimitra Paul, Debasree Chaudhuri, and Malti Rava Roy are being considered, with former Hooghly MP Locket Chatterjee emerging as the frontrunner. However, the race for the state presidency is not limited to female leaders. Leader of the Opposition Suvendu Adhikari and former state president Dilip Ghosh are also in contention.
The internal rift within the Bengal BJP is deepening as prominent leaders continue to point fingers at Opposition Leader Suvendu Adhikari for the party’s disappointing performance in the recent Lok Sabha elections. The political discord is escalating, with senior leader and former state president Dilip Ghosh indirectly accusing Adhikari of orchestrating the candidate selection process that led to the party’s downfall. Ghosh has suggested that his own transfer from the Medinipur constituency to the Bardhaman-Durgapur constituency was part of a deliberate strategy to undermine his chances. Under Ghosh’s leadership, the BJP achieved its best-ever results in Bengal, winning 18 seats in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections and securing 77 seats in the 2021 State Assembly polls, making the party the principal opposition force. In response to the criticisms, Adhikari has maintained that his role was limited to campaigning for the party and not interfering in organizational decisions. He has refrained from engaging in public debates about internal party issues. The unrest has spurred some party members to call for Ghosh’s reinstatement as state president, especially since the current president Sukanta Majumder has been made a minister at the Centre. Supporters of Adhikari argue that he remains a potent force against the Trinamool Congress (TMC), citing his significant victory over TMC leader Mamata Banerjee in Nandigram during the 2021 elections. Adhikari’s recent absence from a critical state party meeting on June 15, opting instead to be in Cooch Behar to support victims of post-election political violence, has added fuel to the internal controversies.
At a time when Trinamool Congress is celebrating its second best Lok Sabha poll results there is a manifestation of simmering discontent within the party’s top leadership. The trigger seems to be a tweet by the party’s national general secretary and second-in-command Abhishek Banerjee about taking a short break from politics. The timing seems to have given grist to the rumour mills about the real reason for this break. Abhishek stated that he is going for medical reasons. But, a section of party insiders say Abhishek is unhappy on several fronts. First, with the functioning of the state government as it fails to deliver the promises made by the party to the people. Second, he has expressed his displeasure over the names of the candidates nominated for the bypoll elections for four Assembly seats. One of the high profile seats of Maniktala is going to be contested by the former state minister Sadhan Pandey’s widow Supti Pandey. Since this does not meet his approval, he is likely to keep away from canvassing for her. Third, he seems miffed that his selected candidate Shahnawaz Ali Raihan, an Oxford scholar lost Malda south seat. He blames this loss on party workers not doing their best. Fourth, there is a continuous undercurrent between old vs new guard. For instance, Didi’s close aide Firhad Hakim has been sent to Siliguri to look into reasons for the poll defeat of North Bengal which was overseen by Abhishek. Finally, despite the fact young candidates selected by Abhishek won the elections, the party Supremo has once again reposed her faith in Sudip Banerjee and Kalyan Banerjee by making them chief whips of the party in the Parliament.
Post the poll debacle, West Bengal CPI-M is wary of its position in the Politburo. It is learnt that at the first Politburo meeting that was held on June 9, to analyse the poll performance of the CPI-M, there was no mention of the Bengal unit in the statement released after the meeting. Incidentally, top leaders from Bengal have expressed serious concerns over this stating that they are somewhat shocked at this and cannot recollect anything similar like this has happened in the past. Interestingly, CPI-M politburo mentioned in the meeting that while BJP has failed to match its tallies of 2014 and 2019, INDIA bloc has performed quite well to stop the BJP. It further stated that although Left parties have managed to improve their tally with eight MPs (CPI-M – 4, CPI -2, CPI-ML-2), it is disappointed with the performance of the Kerala unit. What has surprised the Bengal leaders is that there has been no mention of Bengal’s performance or an analysis of allying with the Congress in the state. Politburo member Nilotpal Basu said that the politburo knew Bengal’s situation was much more unfavorable than in Kerala. The Politburo congratulated Bengal for fighting against these difficult conditions. However, in Bengal speculations are rife that absence of mention of Bengal in the Politburo statement is a sign of loss of importance.” The Politburo has three members from Bengal — Mohammed Salim, Ramachandra Dom and Suryakanta Mishra. As Mishra’s term comes to an end owing to his age, the state CPM leaders fear that the ‘quota’ of Bengal in the Politburo may be reduced with no one replacing Mishra. Bengal CPI-M committee will hold its poll review meeting on June 19-20.
With a win of 29 Lok Sabha seats in West Bengal, party supremo and chief minister Mamata Banerjee has once again proved that she is a very tough opponent to crack. Beleaguered by the Sandeshkhali controversy, Teachers Recruitment scam, arrest of senior TMC ministers and leaders put Didi on the backfoot. But, her astuteness came to the fore in choosing candidates to stop what seemed a BJP’s juggernaut. She not only chose surprise faces such as former cricketers Kirti Azad and Yusuf Pathan, actress Rachana Banerjee, she even put forward her trusted lieutenants and cabinet ministers such as Partha Bhowmick, Biplab Mitra to contest the seats. Her decision to increase the expenditure for the Lakshmir Bhandar initiative touched the women voters across the state. Sources say that Didi is scheduled to meet her newly elected MPs on June 8 and one could expect a major ‘shuffle’ in the organisation based on the results of the Lok Sabha polls — where the party failed and where the margin dropped. Not only in the party but also at the panchayat and municipal levels, there may be several reshuffles. Sources also said, the evaluation work is going on at all three levels of the Panchayat by the poll strategy body IPAC. Close-aide of Didi have confirmed that the meeting has made it categorical to her nephew Abhishek Banerjee that the party should start preparing for the 2026 assembly polls. Interestingly, 2024 marks Mamata’s 40 years in politics, this covers her journey as a mercurial leader to a Mamata Magic, from unseating CPI(M)’s veteran, late Somnath Chatterjee to joining and leaving hastily both Manmohan Singh and Vajpayee governments to routing CPI(M) citadel in 2011 after 34 years of rule.
Trinamool Congress once again managed to derail BJP by winning 29 Lok Sabha seats against BJP’s mere 12 against 18 in 2019. With such good tidings, the party supremo Mamata Banerjee seems to indirectly indicate that her nephew Abhishek Banerjee, who made this big win possible, will succeed her. Didi’s magic and Abhishek’s poll strategies made sure that TMC’s win. As for his own win, Abhishek won by a record seven lakh plus votes. Didi announced at the press conference that Abhishek will be her representative at the I.N.D.I.A. front meetings and decision making processes. It was Abhishek’s strategy to give the impression that the BJP intended to halt benefit initiatives by Mamata’s government, if BJP comes to power. Earlier, he had undertaken several protest programmes including a dharna at New Delhi to protest against the Modi government for not releasing MNREGA funds. Despite the youth-senior conflict within TMC, the Opposition’s jabs at ‘corruption’ and ‘nepotism’, Abhishek’s strategy appealed to Bengali voters. He also played an important role in the campaign plan, selection of slogans, and holding meetings with party leadership across the state. According to Trinamool sources, the main slogan of the party in the Lok Sabha elections is the brainchild of Abhishek. Mamata’s remarks at a press conference following the election fuelled further speculations. She said, praising Abhishek’s efforts demonstrated amazing leadership and determination. Although she did not formally designate him as her successor, the endorsement was interpreted that eventually he will step into her shoes.
In the sixth phase of Lok Sabha polls on May 25, West Bengal is headed for a dramatic showdown in eight seats — Bankura, Jhargram, Purulia, Bishnupur, Medinipur, Tamluk, Kanthi and Ghatal. Significantly, five of these seats are held by BJP and the remaining three — Tamluk, Kanthi and Ghatal are with ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC). However, Kanthi and Tamluk were held by Opposition leader Suvendu Adhikari’s father Sisir Adhikari and his younger brother Dibyendu Adhikari who have also moved from TMC to BJP. While BJP has fielded Soumendu Adhikari, another brother of Suvendu from Kanthi, the saffron camp has given a surprise ticket to retired judge Abhijit Ganguly. Ganguly has been the fiercest critic of Didi who gave ruling against the TMC government in the Teacher’s Recruitment Scam. Both Kanthi and Tamluk have special attention as former being the hometown of Adhikaris and Tamluk also has Nandigram Assembly segment which is held by the Opposition leader. It may be recalled that Didi was defeated by her former ally Suvendu in the 2021 Assembly election at the Nandigram seat. Meanwhile, BJP is up for Ghatal seat, where TMC’s star candidate and incumbent MP Dev Dipak Adhikari is contesting against BJP’s MLA Hiranmoy Chatterjee. There was a war of words when Adhikari accused Dev of taking money and expensive gifts from a relative of a cattle smuggling accused. Dev, however, denied these allegations stating that he had only taken a loan from a firm for his film production in 2022, which he has repaid, and denied receiving any gifts from third parties. It is clear that this penultimate phase of polling is a matter of survival for Didi while for Suvendu it is all eight wins.
The controversial statement by West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee against Hindu saints seems to have raised the political temperature in Kolkata. A section of saints have decided to walk bare feet in protest of the statement. The rally will take place on May 24, ahead of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s roadshow in Kolkata for the seventh phase of polling. According to Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP) sources, sadhus, saints will undertake ‘Sant Swabhiman Yatra from Girish Avenue in North Kolkata to Swami Vivekananda’s ancestral home. Incidentally, the rally takes place in Kolkata North seat, which is being contested by BJP’s Tapas Roy against his arch rival and TMC veteran Sudip Bandopadhyay. During a recent campaign in Hooghly, Didi questioned Bharat Sevasram Sangha’s monk of Murshidabad Chapter – Kartik Maharaj (or Swami Pradiptananda) for his political comments of not allowing TMC agents during elections. She even stated that a section of saints from ISKCON, Bharat Sevashram Sangha are working on behalf of BJP. While, VHP head here in Kolkata Sachindranath Singh claimed that the Yatra is apolitical programme, the ruling Trinamool said that VHP which is part of RSS and BJP hence it is a way to use saints for political campaigning. Meanwhile, Didi found surprising support from her bitter critic — Pradesh Congress President Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury, who also said that Kartik Maharaj does not have the qualities of a saint and is known to people as a political figure.
The high-voltage Lok Sabha Election 2024 is witnessing several eye-catching claims, dialogues and then taking a complete u-turn from those. None other than Prime Minister Narendra Modi who has been making statement after statement saying that he has never used “muslim polarisation” as his crux of any poll speech. Now joining him is Trinamool Congress supremo and West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee back tracking from her statement of “outside support” to the I.N.D.I.A government if voted to power within 24 hours. Didi has made it clear that her statement has been misinterpreted since she’s the one who created the Bloc, hence there is no room for outside or inside support since she’s part of it. However, her statement explains that Mamata wants the attention of the Bloc, maybe an invitation to lead it, after giving it the cold shoulder for months. Congress choosing Left over her in Bengal left Didi miffed which led her to distancing from the Bloc. Further, she was also angry that Rahul Gandhi’s Nyay Yatra passed through Bengal without informing her. However, Didi’s comments can be influenced by the state’s 2026 assembly election, with Congress and CPI-M becoming formidable opponents. She must prepare to tackle the anti-incumbency campaign and stop BJP’s 77 MLAs, and potential Left revival, which could increase their vote shares. Having said so, not to be forgotten that Mamata like many veteran politicians has an eye on the PM’s chair.
As South Bengal gears up for remaining phases of ongoing Lok Sabha elections, a new controversy has emerged with accusations that the BJP is fielding dummy candidates to upset the electoral calculations of Trinamool Congress. Reportedly, the BJP which has no muslim candidates in Bengal’s 42 constituencies, has indirectly fielded Mumtaz Ali, as a ‘dummy’ candidate in the high profile south Kolkata constituency which has dominant muslim votes. BJP’s own candidate is Debasree Chaudhuri. This is a prestige seat for the Trinamool as it is the home turf of the party supremo Mamata Banerjee. She used to contest from here; now it is being contested by her loyalist Mala Roy. Similarly, at the Jadavpur seat, three dummy candidates — Arun Sarkar, Shankar Mandal and Avanikumar Mandal have been fielded by BJP making room for its nominated candidate Anirban Gangopadhyay and dent vote share of TMC’s Saayoni Ghosh. In the same manner, the BJP candidate for Barasat Lok Sabha constituency, Swapan Majumdar, has fielded an experienced BJP worker, Sumay Hira as a dummy candidate against TMC’s veteran and Didi loyalist, Kakoli Ghosh Dastidar. However, at Trinamool ‘strongholds’ like Basirhat, Mathurapur, Uluberia, Jayanagar seats names of independent candidates are not being announced by the BJP. BJP leader Abhijit Das (Bobby) who’s contesting against Trinamool scion Abhishek Banerjee at Diamond Harbor seat is not revealing the names of dummy candidates for the fear of he/she may be attacked.
As the voting process now enters into South Bengal beginning from the fourth phase, now it is a straight fight between the ruling Trinamool Congress and the BJP. Heavyweight candidates from BJP like Dilip Ghosh, SS Ahluwalia, Rajmata Amrita Roy are fighting TMC candidates Kirti Azad, Shatrughan Sinha and Mahua Moitra respectively. It may be noted that Ghosh was shifted from his Midnapore constituency to Bardhaman-Durgapur. The outgoing BJP MP Ahluwalia who is now contesting from Asansol against Shatrughan Sinha, managed to win by slender 3000 votes in 2019. It is likely to be a tough battle for Ghosh since post 2019 Lok Sabha loss TMC has won all assembly seats barring one in 2021. At Asansol seat, TMC MP’s candidate Shatrughan Sinha may have an edge even though it is the home ground of Ahluwalia. Incidentally, on polling day Rajmata’s body language was not that encouraging and she said that “politics is not her cup of tea”. Mahua Moitra is confident of winning by a lakh margin. It is a tough battle for former cricketer Yusuf Pathan fighting on a TMC ticket from Baharampur against Pradesh Congress president Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury. Meanwhile, all eyes are on Barrackpore, Hooghly, and Serampore Bongaon. Incumbent BJP MP former actor Locket Chatterjee from Hooghly faces her industry colleague Rachana Banerjee. TMC is keen to wrest back the seat. Similarly, both BJP and TMC are going all out to win the Matua community dominated seats of Bongaon and Barrackpore. Bongaon may be tough for TMC with incumbent BJP MP Shantanu Thakur, a representative of Matua Thakurbari, likely to win the Barrackpore seat. TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee has been tirelessly campaigning for Bongaon candidate Biswajit Das and Barrackpore’s Partha Bhowmick.
Barrackpore Lok Sabha seat under North 24 Parganas has garnered much attention with both Trinamool Congress and BJP pressing their top leaders Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee and Prime Minister Narendra Modi to campaign for their parties’ candidates. While BJP is fighting it out to retain the seat, TMC is desperate to gain it back since a major Assembly chunk under this LS seat belongs to TMC. The battle will be fought between TMC’s minister and Didi’s trusted lieutenant Partha Bhowmick and TMC turncoat Arjun Singh who jumped ship ahead of 2019 and 2024 Lok Sabha elections after being denied ticket by Didi. PM Modi will be holding his rally for Singh in Jagatdal at 11 am on Sunday ( May 12) Didi will hold hers at 2 pm at Shantinagar ground of Palta under Noapara Assembly, home turf of TMC. However, Mamata will be holding another rally on Monday (May 13) at Amdanga, another stronghold of TMC under Barrackpore Lok Sabha constituency. Incidentally, Amdanga Assembly seat belongs to TMC and has a majority of minority votes. Interestingly, this LS seat comprises seven Assembly seats of which six were won by TMC in 2021 Assembly polls. According to political analysts, Barrackpore which is a Hindi-speaking belt has an added advantage for Arjun Singh. On the other hand Bhowmick will have to rely majorly on the minority belts of Amdanga and part of Naihati, which he represents as an MLA. It may be noted that PM Modi campaigned for Singh during 2019 elections and latter enjoys a great rapport with Union home minister Amit Shah.
Once known for its archaic outlook, CPI-M is going all out using an AI-generated video of ailing former Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharya to usage of AI-generated news anchor and whistleblowing Bollywood dialogues to revive the Left Front’s fortunes in West Bengal in this Lok Sabha Election. But, can it counter Trinamool Congress and BJP’s political binary in the state? CPI-M recently created buzz with a teaser post “aei bhabe-o phire asha jay” (this way can also be returned) before releasing Bhattacharjee’s message urging voters to vote for the Left and secular forces. The video shows the former CM addressing a spectrum of concerns spanning from Sandeshkhali to unemployment and accusations of corruption in West Bengal, criticising the ruling TMC. The video also scrutinised the BJP-led Centre on demonetization, electoral bonds, and inflation by saying “Who is Narendra Modi? Who is Mamata Banerjee? Don’t give them a chance to ruin our country, our state.” Incidentally, questions have been raised about missing star campaigners. Countering it, Srijan Bhattacharya from Jadavpur Lok Sabha constituency has garnered significant attention with his inverse statement of the famous SRK dialogue from Jawan — Bete ko haath lagane se pehle baap se baat kar to Baap ko haat lagane se pehle bete se baat karna parega. It may be noted that CPI-M since 2019 Lok Sabha and 2021 State Assembly polls has failed to open any accounts. Though candidates such Bhattacharya, Saira Shah Halim from Kolkata South and Dipsita Dhar from Serampore are trying to revive the Left Front’s fortunes in Bengal. But, it certainly seems like an uphill task.
The Calcutta High Court judgement of nullifying the appointments of 25,000 teachers in the Teachers’ Recruitment Scam seems to have impacted the fortunes of the political parties particularly the ruling Trinamool Congress in West Bengal. It has dealt a severe blow to the credibility of TMC supremo and chief minister Mamata Banerjee-led government. Not only has it tarnished the image of the Trinamool government but raised questions about its commitment to transparency and meritocracy. The party is now grappling with the fallout from the scam. The cancellation of such a large number of teaching jobs has not only sparked outrage among the affected candidates but has also fueled discontent among voters in Bengal. Prime Minister Narendra Modi during his rallies in Bengal on May 3, reassured the youth of Bengal that those responsible for their distress would face severe consequences. He encouraged the BJP Bengal to set up both a legal cell and a social media platform to support the victims of the scam. Incidentally, several people blamed the CPI-M’s Rajya Sabha MP and senior leader Bikash Ranjan Bhattacharya as well as BJP for the verdict as their main aim was to gain power and not think about common people. The verdict’s implications extend beyond the immediate loss of jobs for thousands of aspiring teachers; it has become a focal point in the broader political contest for power and legitimacy.
BJP, it seems, is leaving no stones unturned to ensure that the Trinamool Congress leader Mahua Moitra who was expelled from the Parliament in a cash-for-query case loses her Krishnanagar Lok Sabha seat. According to BJP sources, Prime Minister Narendra Modi is expected to hold a rally at Krishnanagar on May 3 in favour of BJP candidate Amrita Roy, daughter-in-law from Krishnanagar Royal Family. Mahua Moitra who came into public glare for her fiery speeches and strong political stance has been a strong critic of the BJP-led Central government. She has been going hammer and tongs over the Adani issue. When she was expelled from the Parliament, her future seemed a question mark but TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee went all out to back her by renominating her. Before Modi, Union Home Minister Amit Shah was scheduled to address a gathering in Krishnanagar on April 30 but the meeting got canceled at the last moment. Interestingly, this constituency has several religious places like Shantipur, Nabadwip and Mayapur and it is easy for BJP to mobilise Hindu voters for public gathering. Besides, BJP is banking on the Matua and Namasudra community votes. Local BJP leaders admitted that there is a panic in these areas over NRC and if the PM can clear the doubts on this front in his speech it will help. Modi’s decision to personally campaign for the BJP candidate in Krishnanagar underscores the party’s determination to clinch victory and also an opportunity to embarrass Mahua vis a vis Didi. If Mahua wins and returns to Parliament then it could be a face loss for BJP. But June 4 will decide which way the wind is blowing.
In the run up to the Lok Sabha Election, Trinamool Congress supremo and West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s absence from the major meeting of I.N.D.I.A. bloc is seen as her desperate attempt to continue consolidating her grip over the minority section that hold a chunk of her vote bank. The “Muslim math” continues to remain one of the significant vote shares eyed not only by ruling TMC but also Congress and CPI-M who are jointly opposing both TMC and BJP in Bengal. Sources within TMC admitted that with decline of political hold of Congress and CPI-M, Didi is now attempting to seize the bulk of minority vote share. Experts believe that one of the main reasons is that Mamata and her nephew Abhishek, are avoiding the large national gatherings of the I.N.D.I.A. bloc is because of their focus on the Muslim vote bank. Out of 42 Lok Sabha seats, 14 to 15 seats have more than 30% Muslim population. Both CPI-M and TMC have a history of securing sizable Muslim votes. So too Congress which has always dominated Muslims belt like Murshidabad, Malda, and parts of Birbhum districts. Didi seems to be looking at the combination of an absolute consolidation of Muslim votes and an extra 10-12% of “anti-BJP” votes to win majority seats. Hence, for Didi, publicly shaking hands with the Congress may run the risk of confusing her supporters and hurting her party’s chances of winning.
It is a big question mark but that does not preclude West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee making it categorical that her party will be playing a significant role if I.N.D.I.A front is voted to power. In her recent poll campaigns, Didi dismissed the claims of NDA winning 400 plus Lok Sabha seats by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah. She stated that the claims seemed to be a reflection of nervousness of both leaders. Expressing her assessment of the political landscape, Banerjee emphasized her belief in the resilience of Opposition parties against the ruling BJP. According to her calculations, Bengal goes to TMC, AAP will be the majority in Punjab, Samajwadi Party will garner maximum seats in Uttar Pradesh and DMK will clinch Tamil Nadu. Denying the claims of exiting the I.N.D.I.A front, Didi made it categorical that she’s the one who coined the alliance name. However, TMC supremo criticised the CPI-M and Congress alliance in the state in opposing TMC Is indirectly helping the BJP. Banerjee claimed that the alliance between the two opposition parties is splitting the anti-BJP vote, thereby benefiting the saffron camp. It is for this reason she did not attend several I.N.D.I.A. meetings but maintained relationships by sending her representatives. In her campaign speech, Didi has been driving home the point that if I.N.D.I.A front forms the government then they will do away/relook into NRC, Citizenship Amendment Act and Uniform Civil Code. The Alliance will repeal all discriminatory laws implemented by the BJP.
TRENDS & VIEWS
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