In a sharp counterattack to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent address in West Bengal’s Alipurduar, chief minister Mamata Banerjee has challenged the PM to a live TV debate—teleprompter and all—and dared the BJP to call early elections in the state. Modi’s address, widely seen as the start of the BJP’s campaign for the 2026 Assembly elections, took aim at Mamata, branding her “Nirmam” (merciless) while highlighting recent communal violence in Murshidabad and Malda, the Supreme Court’s scrapping of teaching posts which left over 25,000 teachers jobless, and accusing her government of blocking Central government’s schemes. Hitting back, Didi accused the PM of engaging in “political Holi” at the expense of national interests. She dismissed his “Operation Bengal” remarks as an insult to the people of the state and pointed out that her nephew, TMC National General Secretary Abhishek Banerjee, was part of an MP delegation meeting global leaders—signalling her party’s commitment to protecting the nation’s interests internationally. Didi also slammed the Centre’s political motives behind naming the post-Pahalgam operation. She mocked Modi for his transformation from a self-proclaimed tea-seller to what she described as a “sindoor salesman,” a dig at his remarks that she interpreted as disrespectful to the women of Bengal. Mamata claimed that she had instructed her leaders to avoid commentary on “Operation Sindoor” despite its provocative nature. She accused the PM of spending more time on foreign trips than on India’s pressing issues and criticized what she called the erosion of federalism under Union Home Minister Amit Shah’s watch, branding him the country’s “acting Prime Minister.”

Recent political and diplomatic strains between India and Bangladesh have cast a ripple effect on cultural exchanges, especially in cinema — where both shared cultural heritage and creativity. Reportedly, disruptions have hit film projects and casting decisions across Tollywood and the Bangladeshi film industry. Though no official ban exists on Bangladeshi actors working in India, several have recently been denied Indian visas. This has forced producers into last-minute casting changes and even temporary halts on joint productions. While prominent actors like Jaya Ahsan, Chanchal Chowdhury, Shakib Khan, and Arifin Shuvoo continue to work in India due to long-term visas, others face hurdles. Actress Tasnia Farin was denied a visa despite being cast opposite Dev, prompting alternative casting. Similarly, Jeet’s collaboration with Bangladeshi director Raihan Rafi for Lion has stalled. SVF, a leading production house with deep cross-border ties, acknowledged temporary disruptions but confirmed collaborations are slowly resuming. Hoichoi released the Bangladeshi series Jimmi in March. SVF is co-producing Daagi with Afran Nisho and Tandob featuring Shakib Khan. However, Tandob will now be fully shot in Bangladesh due to visa issues affecting its crew. Visa unpredictability is making casting decisions risky. If actors can’t travel for shoots or promotions, entire projects suffer. Actor Ziaul Faruq Apurba couldn’t promote Chalachitro directed by Pratim D Gupta, while Chanchal Chowdhury missed promotions for Srijit Mukherji’s Padatik. Meanwhile, some projects remain unaffected. Jaya Ahsan’s Dear Maa by Aniruddha Roy Chowdhury is expected around July. She is also rumoured to star in Kaushik Ganguly’s upcoming Ardhangini 2.

In the wake of the Murshidabad killings and the terror attack in Pahalgam, Bengal’s political battleground has heated up, with both BJP and CPI(M) scrambling to secure the Hindu vote bank. While CPI(M) leaders like State Secretary Mohammed Salim and youth leader Minakshi Mukherjee visited Murshidabad post-violence, BJP’s Suvendu Adhikari downplayed the incident, claiming victims were targeted for being Hindu, and dismissed the CPI(M)’s recent Brigade rally, stating Hindus have distanced themselves from the party. This intensified BJP attack is part of a broader strategy to erode the Hindu support base that still aligns with the Left in certain pockets. BJP leaders believe converting this segment could significantly alter Bengal’s electoral dynamics. Despite failing to win any seats in recent elections, the Left’s 11% vote share — largely perceived to include Hindus — remains a target for the BJP, especially as the Trinamool-BJP vote gap stood at 7% in the last Lok Sabha polls. Senior CPI(M) leaders assert Adhikari’s focus reflects his intent to pull Hindu voters from the Left into the BJP fold. Salim countered, stating Suvendu’s attacks show BJP’s internal frustration, citing leaders like Dilip Ghosh distancing themselves from the party. Districts like Murshidabad, Nadia, Malda, Uttar Dinajpur, and Hooghly — once Left strongholds — have witnessed increasing communal tensions, providing a backdrop for BJP’s polarisation strategy. BJP finds Hindu voters aligned with the Left more reachable than TMC supporters, who are seen as bound by secular ideology or economic factors. However, a section of Bengal BJP leaders feel that after peaking in 2019, setbacks in 2021 and 2024, indicate that Hindu consolidation alone may not ensure success without strong momentum or triggering events.

In a notable shift in Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) student politics, the RSS affiliated Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) made significant gains in the recent student union elections. While the Left retained key positions, ABVP hailed its performance as “historic”. It now aims to expand its presence at Jadavpur University (JU). Aniruddha Sarkar, ABVP’s South Bengal State Secretary, called the JNU outcome a mandate for ideological change and declared the time had come to replicate it in JU. He emphasised that ABVP had disrupted Left dominance in JNU and would challenge the “Left ecosystem” in JU as well. ABVP has accelerated its activities at JU. Recently, it organized a Ram Navami puja at the university’s engineering gate placing a Hanuman image beside murals of Marx, Lenin, and Mao. While such acts had earlier triggered strong opposition, this time there was little protest, partly due to the Sunday holiday. Nonetheless, the event marked a symbolic assertion of right-wing presence in a traditionally Left-dominated campus. Srijan Bhattacharyya, an SFI All India leader and JU alumnus, who also contested the Lok Sabha Election 2024 on CPI(M) ticket, dismissed comparisons with JNU. He said JU’s ideological identity is fundamentally different and that a handful of non-Bengali-speaking engineering students would not enable ABVP to take over. He maintained that ABVP would remain on the periphery. However, ABVP leaders viewed the Ram Navami event as a breakthrough. One said it had given them the “oxygen” they needed and vowed to go further, framing future plans as a “surgical strike” on JU’s Left bastion — signalling a deepening ideological contest on Bengal’s premier campuses.

With just a year left for the West Bengal Assembly elections, the Bengal BJP is under pressure to finalise its new state president. Internal dynamics, however, have delayed the decision, pushing the central leadership to shift its approach — from finding a consensus candidate to identifying one without strong opposition. The central leadership recently met senior Bengal BJP leaders to discuss party programmes and key organizational issues. According to party sources, central observers Mangal Pandey and Amit Malviya also held one-on-one talks with leaders like Sukanta Majumdar, Suvendu Adhikari, Shantanu Thakur, five general secretaries, two organisation secretaries, Debasree Chaudhuri, Nisith Pramanik, Soumitra Khan, Manoj Tigga and Shamik Bhattacharya regarding the state leadership. Currently, the Bengal BJP suffers from multiple power centres — Majumdar, Adhikari, former president Dilip Ghosh, and two senior organizational figures — making it hard to present a unified front. Despite occasional friction, Majumdar and Adhikari have maintained a functional partnership for over three years, ensuring some organizational stability — something the central leadership values and is hesitant to disrupt. While Majumdar’s term is still ongoing, his induction into the Union Cabinet complicates matters due to the BJP’s “one person, one post” policy. Adhikari, being the Leader of the Opposition and not from the RSS, also presents a conflict. Various names have been proposed, including one from the RSS Bengal unit. Some Delhi-based leaders have preferences, but no clear consensus has emerged. Meanwhile, political survey agencies are influencing decisions, with a Karnataka firm submitting a unified leadership blueprint directly to Modi’s core team.

As the rift between the new-age directors of Tollywood and the Federation of Cine Technicians and Workers of Eastern India deepens, the Directors’ Association of Eastern India (DAEI) has been abruptly dissolved and replaced by the East India Motion Pictures Directors’ Association (EIMPDA), the older organisation, which has now been reinstated as the officially recognised directors’ guild by the Federation. This development unfolded swiftly after a video statement released on April 30 by directors Parambrata Chattopadhyay, Anirban Bhattacharya, Sudeshna Roy, Indranil Roychowdhury, Bidula Bhattacharya, and Kingshuk Dey, who addressed the ongoing year-long conflict between DAEI and the Federation which has also resulted in a legal battle. They emphasised their continued support for technicians and denied any divide between directors and technical crew. Recently the Federation president Swaroop Biswas, a Trinamool leader and brother of cabinet minister Aroop Biswas, conducted a closed-door meeting, excluding all DAEI representatives. Besides this, all mentions of DAEI, including names of its president Subrata Sen and secretary Sudeshna Roy have been removed from the social media handles of the Federation. Not only this, the internal communication of the organisation’s WhatsApp group was also restricted, allowing only the Federation president to post messages, effectively silencing all other guild representatives. Subrata Sen, however, acknowledged the developments, stating that DAEI remains a legal member of the Federation under West Bengal labour laws. He accused certain forces of attempting to create a rift between directors and technicians and confirmed that a legal case has been filed in the High Court. Meanwhile, Federation treasurer Shubham Das described the Federation meeting as a united front against harmful elements and declared the industry’s collective intent to ensure smooth operations. 

Tensions have erupted within the BJP West Bengal unit following senior leader and former state president Dilip Ghosh’s controversial appearance at the inauguration of the Jagannath temple in Digha where he shared the stage with chief minister Mamata Banerjee. The temple event had been boycotted by the BJP in light of recent communal tensions in Murshidabad. Ghosh’s presence — along with his wife Rinku Ghosh — was quickly disowned by the party’s current state leadership. BJP state president Sukanta Majumdar distanced the organisation calling it his “personal choice.” Others, including senior leaders Swapan Dasgupta and Soumitra Khan, launched more pointed attacks, with Dasgupta branding the move a “betrayal.” The backlash has reignited tensions between Dilip Ghosh and sections of the BJP leadership, especially those who joined the party after 2021. Ghosh accused defectors of sidelining long-time loyalists like him and also claimed that many grassroots workers have become disillusioned under the current leadership. Ghosh’s veiled remarks were seen as a dig at Suvendu Adhikari. Ghosh pointed out that many had once thrived under Didi’s leadership and lacked the credibility to question him. He urged the party to recall its past alliances with Banerjee during the Vajpayee-era. Despite the controversy, Ghosh reiterated his loyalty to the BJP but cautioned against internal sabotage, blaming leadership failures for the party’s declining momentum in Bengal. He highlighted his own role in the party’s past growth with 18 MPs winning during 2019 Lok Sabha Polls and 77 MLAs during 2021 Assembly Election and questioned why that progress had stalled since his exit from the top post.

Looks like the West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee is playing the balancing game. She has inaugurated the newly constructed Jagannath Temple, officially named “Jagannath Dham,” in Digha on the auspicious occasion of Akshaya Tritiya. Didi referred to the arrival of Jagannath in Bengal as “a long-awaited dream fulfilled.” A Vedic yagya commenced on April 25 at the temple, with offerings made to the guardian deity “Vastu Purush” to purify the temple and ward off evil. Mamata, who personally oversaw the final rituals and ceremonies in Digha on April 28, will serve as the ‘pradhan yajaman’ (chief patron) during the agni ritual, culminating in the ‘purnahuti’ — the final sacred offering. On April 30, she conducted the pran-pratishtha (ritual infusion of life into the deity) and performed the temple’s ceremonial opening, followed by the first aarti.  It may be recalled that Mamata boycotted the Ayodhya event. Now BJP and RSS leaders are dismissing the Digha temple as a mere “cultural center” with questionable spiritual legitimacy. Meanwhile, the TMC government headed by Mamata Banerjee feels that Digha will witness an economic surge in hospitality, transport and tourism, similar to Ayodhya. Roads have been improved, accommodations readied, and security strengthened. Looks like Didi is shaping a narrative that blends devotion with development ahead of the 2026 Bengal Assembly elections.

The recent Supreme Court order invalidating the West Bengal government’s 2016 appointment of more than 25,000 teachers and non-teaching staff triggered off sitting demonstrations and agitation in the state. During the course of agitation what came to the fore was, the Trinamool Congress’ (TMC) National General Secretary Abhishek Banerjee was not countering the attack from the front. He consciously stepped away from the frontline, raising serious questions about the cracks within the party’s top leadership. It is also obvious that Abhishek’s public appearances have been reduced to congratulatory social media posts for local football clubs and the occasional endorsement of police efforts in his constituency. His last major political intervention was a virtual meeting on March 15. Since then, his near-total disengagement from party affairs has triggered anxiety within TMC’s rank and file, many of whom now openly question the party’s leadership strategy. The official narrative claims Mamata Banerjee has asked Abhishek to focus on national politics. But Abhishek’s loyal followers say that he was deliberately being sidelined from talking on the school recruitment scandal. Instead the State President Subrata Bakshi was given the job of doing all the heavy weight lifting on this front. Sure enough, his exclusion has left his loyalists demoralised. Further, Abhishek’s social media activities, particularly his praise for Diamond Harbour police during communal tensions and earlier disapproval of police actions post the RG Kar Hospital incident, are being interpreted as subtle criticism of the state government’s performance. These posts have drawn further scrutiny and are being read by Opposition parties as indirect jabs at the administration led by Didi. 

In a strategic move ahead of the 2026 West Bengal Assembly elections, chief minister Mamata Banerjee has revived the ‘Mentor’ position within Zilla Parishads, a role previously discontinued after the last panchayat elections. The State Panchayat Department’s initiative has already been implemented in districts including Howrah, Hooghly, East Midnapore, Bankura, Birbhum, and Bardhaman. While officially recognised, the ‘Mentor’ designation was initially introduced by the Trinamool Congress (TMC) following their rise to power, primarily to accommodate influential leaders who could not be placed in formal governance roles. However, the role was quietly laid dormant after the 2023 panchayat polls. The revival of these positions is widely interpreted as a strategic move by Didi to strengthen the party’s grassroots organization. Party insiders suggest it serves to provide senior leaders with influential roles, potentially mitigating factional rivalries. Notable appointments have included figures such as former state minister Rajib Banerjee (Howrah), former minister Akhil Giri (East Midnapore), and former MLA Arup Khan (Bankura). However, objections have reportedly surfaced in at least two districts, with concerns that these mentors, despite lacking formal administrative authority, could become alternative power centres. This raised fears of potential disruptions to both Panchayat operations and internal party dynamics, given the mentors’ individual support bases. Some party leaders also believe the revival is a pre-emptive measure to manage the growing number of MLA ticket aspirants for the Assembly poll. Adding to the political complexity, the TMC has yet to implement a long-pending organizational reshuffle. Discussions indicate that Didi may soon expedite this process, which is expected to include changes within several party wings.

The electoral victory of former cricketer Yusuf Pathan from Baharampur rekindled the long-standing debate over whether celebrity status alone could shape an effective politician. Pathan, a political novice, was fielded by the Trinamool Congress (TMC)—reportedly at Abhishek Banerjee’s behest—and went on to defeat Congress heavyweight Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury. However, his silence during unrest in Murshidabad led to criticism of his political detachment. A social media post of him sipping tea amid tensions drew backlash, highlighting concerns about celebrity MPs’ lack of engagement. This reflected a broader trend of celebrities being fielded for name recognition or to balance party equations, often without expectations of long-term political commitment. While some like Kirti Azad transitioned successfully, others faded from active roles. TMC’s Satabdi Roy, Dev, June Maliah, Sayoni Ghosh, and BJP’s Locket Chatterjee, Agnimitra Paul showed sustained dedication. Conversely, Moon Moon Sen and Sandhya Roy won seats but failed to leave a mark. BJP stars Hema Malini and Sunny Deol also faced absenteeism charges. Among Pathan’s cricketing peers, Lakshmi Ratan Shukla exited politics; Manoj Tiwary, despite a ministerial post, remained largely inactive. BJP’s Ashok Dinda, however, stayed visible. Though TMC defended Yusuf, arguing that the unrest occurred in a Congress MP’s area, even party insiders admitted only a few celebrities remained actively engaged. BJP’s Dilip Ghosh remarked that most celebrities joined politics for perks, not service. CPM’s Mohammed Salim emphasized that real leadership demanded grassroots work and personal sacrifice—values rarely found overnight.

In a calculated political offensive ahead of the 2026 West Bengal Assembly elections, chief minister Mamata Banerjee has strongly opposed the Centre’s proposed Waqf (Amendment) Act 2025, positioning herself as a defender of minority rights. Speaking at a meeting with Muslim clerics and community leaders, she asserted that the bill threatens religious freedoms and undermines constitutional values. The move is widely seen as an attempt by the Trinamool Congress to solidify its traditional Muslim support base, which accounts for nearly 30% of the state’s electorate and holds sway in key districts like Murshidabad, Malda, and North Dinajpur. Banerjee framed the proposed law as part of the BJP-led government’s broader agenda to interfere in religious matters and weaken India’s pluralistic framework. However, internally, the TMC remains divided over the strategy. While some leaders view the issue as an opportunity to reinforce the party’s core vote bank amid the BJP’s intensifying Hindutva campaign, others express concern that an overt focus on religious identity could alienate moderate and secular voters. Meanwhile, Mamata’s remarks have drawn sharp criticism from the BJP, which accused the TMC of leveraging communal narratives for political mileage. On the other hand, Mamata’s ability to appeal to the Muslim vote comes at a cost for Congress and the Left, who have traditionally relied on Muslim support in Bengal. The Left, in particular, has faced criticism for failing to effectively challenge Mamata’s rising influence among the Muslim community.

Tollywood is undergoing a quiet revolution where septuagenarian heroines are taking centre stage, not as stereotypical grandmothers or mothers-in-law, but as leading characters driving the narrative. Breaking away from ageist casting norms and prosthetic disguises, directors are now turning to veteran actresses to bring authenticity, depth, and grace to stories that reflect lived experiences. Legendary actresses Sharmila Tagore and Rakhee Gulzar have made a grand return to the industry, not in nostalgic cameos but as the central protagonists of major upcoming films. Sharmila Tagore, whose last Bengali film was Antaheen in 2009, marks her comeback with Puratawn, directed by Suman Ghosh and produced by the National award-winning actress Rituparna Sengupta. Rakhee Gulzar returns after 22 years with Aamar Boss directed by the popular duo Nandita Roy and Shiboprosad Mukhopadhyay. Her last appearance was in Shubho Mahurat (2003), a film still remembered as one of Rituparno Ghosh’s finest. This return of the stalwarts isn’t a coincidence. Bengali filmmakers are now crafting stories with these legends in mind, placing elderly women in the spotlight — not as background figures, but as emotionally rich, complex leads. Suman for his Puratawn, believed in casting 79-year-old Tagore not for commercial reasons but because she perfectly embodied the character he had in mind. He felt no need to compromise authenticity by choosing a younger actress made up to look older for box office collection. Shiboprasad, co-director of Aamar Boss, slated to release in May, observed that films featuring veteran heroines as protagonists often yield better returns than those led by younger stars. Looks like Bengali cinema is embracing age with pride. 

A significant internal conflict within the Trinamool Congress (TMC) escalated, marked by the abrupt cancellation of a key disciplinary meeting in the West Bengal Assembly. This cancellation, despite prior notices, signalled a deepening party crisis, attributed to the burgeoning tensions and power struggles among senior MPs. The disciplinary committee meeting was intended to address the issue of absenteeism among MLAs, with threats of stern action against over 30 absentee MLAs, including ministers like Manoj Tiwari, during the final two days of the Budget Session.  The meeting, intended to address MLA absenteeism, was postponed indefinitely by chairman Shovandeb Chattopadhyay. The catalyst was a public attack by MP Kalyan Banerjee against Saugata Roy, Kirti Azad and Mahua Moitra accusing them of unethical conduct. Banerjee’s personal accusations referenced past controversies involving Roy’s involvement in the Narada sting operation and Moitra’s suspension from Parliament. Prior to Banerjee’s outburst, Moitra reportedly sent a complaint to party chief Mamata Banerjee. Kalyan Banerjee alleged Moitra attempted to have him arrested. Moitra’s camp denied this, claiming she sought security assistance after verbal harassment. Saugata Roy publicly supported Moitra, criticizing Banerjee for overstepping his authority. Banerjee retaliated, labelling Roy “a man with no character.” The disciplinary meeting’s cancellation was seen as a strategic retreat amid this chaos. Party sources acknowledged that disciplining MLAs would be counterproductive while MPs publicly flouted discipline. An insider stated that any action now would only embolden others to question the central leadership. All eyes are on Mamata Banerjee’s response, whether it involves public statements, suspensions, or internal reshuffling.

West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee and her party the Trinamool Congress (TMC) face a significant challenge following the Supreme Court’s decision to uphold the Calcutta High Court’s annulment of over 25,000 teachers and non-teaching staff appointments in West Bengal. The SC’s ruling, which cited a selection process “tainted beyond resolution” and mandated a fresh recruitment within three months, has prompted Banerjee to take immediate action. She has pledged to meet with affected individuals on April 7, promising comprehensive support. In her public address, Banerjee sought to deflect blame onto the CPI(M) and the BJP, while emphasizing the possibility of rectifying the situation through the mandated new recruitment process. She also highlighted the independence and efficiency of the newly formed School Service Commission (SSC) and drew parallels to the Vyapam scam, attempting to shift the narrative. However, the TMC is confronting a growing image problem, compounded by the recent R G Kar rape and murder case. Insiders express concern that further unfavorable court rulings, particularly regarding the Other Backward Classes (OBC) matter and another teacher-related case, could exacerbate the situation. Despite these challenges, some TMC leaders remain optimistic, citing the party’s resilience and the time available before the next Assembly elections. They point to the BJP’s reduced Lok Sabha seat count in West Bengal, despite the earlier High Court ruling, as evidence of limited electoral impact. Conversely, some academics suggest that the BJP’s approach might inadvertently bolster the Left’s standing, as aggressive criticism of the TMC could revive support for the Left.

Ram Navami celebrations in West Bengal have markedly increased in recent years. While the BJP officially disclaims organized events for April 6, the festival is strategically positioned to shape their upcoming political campaigns, particularly with the 2026 Assembly elections in mind. The Bengal BJP is strategically delaying major street protests until after Ram Navami, planning a significant show of strength during the festival, although publicly, they avoid explicit admissions. Leader of the Opposition, Suvendu Adhikari has alleged that TMC has selectively weeded out Hindu names from voter lists in Nadia and North 24 Parganas, and has vowed to protest post the Ram Navami celebrations. Likewise, BJP will also protest against the state government’s withholding of central funds, including NRLM funds for women’s self-help groups. Furthermore, the BJP plans to escalate its challenge against the state government’s OBC list reassessment which is already being challenged in the Calcutta High Court. Despite official disapproval, BJP spokesperson Shamik Bhattacharya acknowledged the festival’s emotional significance, attributing the party’s restraint to respecting devotee spontaneity. However, Adhikari’s hints of a grand display of power during Ram Navami and Hanuman Jayanti suggest a calculated political strategy. Insiders confirm that BJP cadre, alongside Sangh Parivar affiliates, are actively expanding Ram Navami rally scales. The party anticipates that a larger, more impactful celebration will galvanize its base for future political endeavours. 

West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s visit to Oxford University to showcase her vision for Bengal’s development seems to have backfired as the event was disrupted by members of the Communist Party of India’s student wing, the SFI. Speculation had been rife prior to the event that the SFI-UK would target Banerjee with pointed questions on several contentious issues. Among the topics that were expected to dominate the discussion were the RG Kar rape incident, the development of industry in Bengal, major investments in the state, and the fallout from the Tata Nano factory relocation from Singur. Despite the heckling Didi did not relent. During her address, Banerjee emphasized the importance of inclusive development and denounced societal divisions, asserting that such divisions were always detrimental to progress. She reiterated that her governance model strives to avoid discrimination, always prioritizing the welfare of all sections of society. However, the atmosphere became increasingly heated as students began interrupting her speech with sharp questions. One question focused on the sensitive RG Kar Medical College rape case, followed by inquiries about the treatment of Hindus in Bengal. The situation reached a climax when chants of “Go Back” echoed from the audience, further escalating the tension. In her response, Banerjee defended her government’s handling of the RG Kar case, stating that it was under judicial review with the central government, and urged the audience to keep politics out of the forum. She appealed to the students to raise their voices in Bengal if they wished to pursue political causes.

In a significant turn of events within the Trinamool Congress (TMC), West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has signalled a shift in political succession, distancing her nephew, Abhishek Banerjee, from the role of her heir apparent. Party insiders suggest the move is a strategic recalibration aimed at reinforcing her authority while reshaping the party’s leadership dynamics.  For years, Abhishek was considered the party’s ‘crown prince.’ However, tensions began to mount as Abhishek pushed for generational change, advocating for age limits in politics. Party veterans, many of whom have been with Didi since the party’s inception, viewed Abhishek’s assertiveness as a threat. Reports of his close aides reaching out to BJP leaders in Gujarat and Uttar Pradesh further deepened suspicions. This prompted Didi to publicly rebuke him and strip him of any assumptions of succession. Adding to the discord, Abhishek’s response to the RG Kar rape-murder case in August 2024 saw him challenge the administration’s inaction, pushing for decisive action. His direct engagement with Kolkata police further irked Mamata, reinforcing her belief that he was overstepping his boundaries. Interestingly, as Didi embarks on her UK tour on Saturday morning, set to return to Kolkata on the night of March 29, she has formed a task force comprising the party’s state president and senior leader, Subrata Bakshi, along with Abhishek, to oversee government affairs while also delegating party responsibilities in her absence. Political observers note that this move sends a strong message within the party, reinforcing the concept of “joint leadership” that balances both senior and young leaders.

The West Bengal CPI(M) is poised for a significant generational shift as several senior leaders are expected to retire from the central committee due to age restrictions. Key figures like Politburo member Surjya Kanta Mishra, along with Rabin Deb and Rekha Goswami, are expected to step down. The positions of Anju Kar (Burdwan) and Amiya Patra (Bankura) are also under discussion. These vacancies have sparked debates about potential replacements reflecting internal power dynamics. Minakshi Mukherjee, a prominent youth leader, is a leading contender for elevation. Some are advocating for women leaders like Kaninika Ghosh or Jahanara Khan, citing Kerala’s precedent of including women’s organization leaders in the central committee. Anju Kar has reportedly expressed a desire to make way for younger leaders. If she retires, either Kaninika or Jahanara could be included. However, if Minakshi replaces Rekha Goswami, Jahanara’s chances might diminish due to both being from West Burdwan, favouring Kaninika. For Amiya Patra’s potential vacancy, Kolkata district secretary Kallol Majumdar and tea garden workers’ leader Ziaul Alam are being considered. Additionally, North 24 Parganas district secretary Palash Das and Hooghly district secretary Debabrata Ghosh are in contention. Palash Das benefited from party intervention in his district appointment, while Debabrata Ghosh gained recognition for successfully organizing the state conference in Hooghly. The most critical decision involves the Politburo. With Surjya Kanta Mishra’s retirement, Srideep Bhattacharya is the frontrunner. However, Abhas Raychaudhuri’s recent prominence has led to discussions about his potential elevation. A minor faction also supports Sujan Chakraborty. The final decision will be made at the CPI (M) 24th Party Congress in Madurai, Tamil Nadu scheduled from April 2–6.

In Tollywood, filmmakers are moving from one group to another in a quiet but calculated migration that began as a conflict over policy and ideals. The Directors’ Association of Eastern India (DAEI) and the East India Motion Pictures Association (EIMPA) are two important organizations at the centre of this change. Once linked to legends like Satyajit Ray and Mrinal Sen, EIMPA is a legacy organization that has mostly lain dormant in recent years. Conversely, DAEI was established as a more modern substitute and has been associated with the Federation of Cine Technicians and Workers of Eastern India. It is ironic that the directors who led demonstrations against Federation rules are now favouring EIMPA. Last year, a disagreement between filmmaker Rahul Mukhopadhyay and the Federation resulted in a standoff. The Chief Minister had to step in as the tension turned into a complete work halt. Leading directors, including Parambrata Chatterjee, Raj Chakraborty, Kaushik Ganguly, Srijit Mukherji, and Shiboprosad Mukherjee, had publicly challenged the Federation’s management of industrial matters. When Federation president Swaroop Biswas controversially claimed that 60% of Tollywood’s directors were accused of sexual harassment, things took an unpleasant turn and further divided the Federation and DAEI. As a result, the Federation’s workers declined to work for Kaushik Ganguly’s film bringing production to a standstill. In response, Ganguly distanced himself from DAEI and settled his conflict with the Federation. Now, EIMPA has re-emerged as a significant entity led by president Anup Sengupta and Swaroop Biswas has been appointed as an advisor.  The central issue that emerges is whether these changes stem from authentic ideological shifts or is it survival instinct. A director revealed that the coercive strategies of stopping production have led filmmakers to fall in line. 

Bengal BJP is grappling with a significant internal crisis as it faces a series of resignations, defections, and internal dissent. Once boasting 77 MLAs after the 2021 state assembly elections, the party’s strength has now dwindled to 65, with concerns looming over the loyalty of several MLAs. The BJP’s legislative strength began to shrink soon after the 2021 assembly elections. Initially reduced to 75 MLAs when two elected members, also serving as MPs, resigned as the party had failed to secure power. Since then, eight more MLAs have defected, one passed away, and another resigned after winning a parliamentary seat in 2024. Tamluk MLA Tapasi Mondal’s defection to ruling TMC was particularly alarming as she belonged to BJP leader Suvendu Adhikari’s stronghold. In North Bengal, Kurseong MLA Bishnu Prasad Sharma has openly criticized the BJP’s leadership for failing to deliver on promises of special status for the Darjeeling Hills. In Nadia and North 24 Parganas, BJP MLAs in these regions, particularly those with ties to the influential Matua community, have kept the party anxious. Before the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, two MLAs were given parliamentary tickets to prevent them from defecting, yet both failed to win. The influence of regional leaders like Ananta Maharaj in North Bengal has complicated BJP’s internal dynamics. With the 2026 state assembly elections in sight, the BJP faces an urgent need to stabilize its ranks. The party’s ability to manage dissent, especially in politically sensitive zones like North Bengal and Matua-dominated regions, will be critical. While the TMC’s aggressive poaching strategy has played a role, the BJP’s own failure to manage internal grievances and regional dynamics has compounded its problems.

Despite the release of contemporary Bengali films, audiences in Kolkata are gravitating towards the re-released classics of Satyajit Ray. Mahanagar and Nayak, restored and re-released by RD Bansal Productions, have drawn huge crowds to theatres across Kolkata, Delhi, Mumbai, and Bengaluru. Uttam Kumar and Sharmila Tagore starring Nayak originally released on May 6, 1966, was Ray’s second original screenplay after Kanchenjungha (1962). Mahanagar, first released in 1963, offers a powerful depiction of Kolkata’s transition into a capitalistic society. The restored versions, presented in 2K and 4K, have not only enhanced their visual appeal but also reaffirmed their timeless relevance, attracting both nostalgic viewers and first-time audiences. In contrast, the re-release of Chander Pahar (2013), directed by Kamaleswar Mukherjee and starring Dev, saw a lukewarm response despite commemorating the 130th birth anniversary of author Bibhutibhushan Bandyopadhyay. Similarly, Shudhu Tomari Jonyo, a multi-starrer romantic drama produced by SVF, failed to garner significant attention. The success of Ray’s films has reignited interest in classic Bengali cinema, with discussions underway for re-releases of Joi Baba Felunath and other masterpieces. Meanwhile, Saat Pake Bandha (1963), starring Suchitra Sen and Soumitra Chatterjee and later adapted into Kora Kagaz (1974), is undergoing restoration. The resurgence of Mahanagar and Nayak in cinemas underscores the lasting impact of Ray’s storytelling, proving that masterful filmmaking continues to captivate audiences across generations.  

In a surprise move, the Left Front in West Bengal has decided to finalise the seat-sharing formula by April this year. The 2026 Assembly elections may be held between April and May. The one-year advance planning is to prevent any future complications. A senior leader from one of the Left’s allied parties revealed that all parties are expected to provide an update on their strength in each constituency by end March, detailing their ground-level presence and influence. At one time, the Forward Bloc dominated large areas of Cooch Behar, the CPI held sway over undivided Midnapore, and the RSP had strong organizations in South Dinajpur and areas like Joynagar and Kultali in South 24 Parganas. But the political landscape has drastically changed and the Left Front’s 34 years of uninterrupted rule was brought to an end by Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress some 14 years ago. According to Left Front sources, recently, in six by-elections to Assembly seats, the CPM contested only one seat on its own, in Taldangra, where it secured just over 10% of the vote. In other areas like Madarihat, the RSP, in Sitai, the Forward Bloc, and in Medinipur, the CPI garnered just 1-3% of the vote. This shift in support has prompted the Left Front to discard the seat-sharing formula that had been in place since the 1977 Assembly elections. However, as the Left Front navigates the altered political landscape, it has sought seat-sharing agreements with parties like Congress, the Indian Secular Front (ISF), and even smaller Left groups such as the CPM (Liberation), which had been outside the Front in recent times. Looks like the Left Front, particularly the CPI(M), is making serious attempts to adjust to new realities.

The selection of the next state president of the West Bengal BJP has sparked intense debate within the party. Multiple candidates are under consideration, with survey agencies playing a crucial role in the decision-making process. Traditionally surveys were used for selecting candidates during elections. Both Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah have relied on survey agencies to gauge the political climate across the states. In Bengal, such surveys were used to select candidates for the 2021 Assembly and 2024 Lok Sabha elections. Shah personally monitors the Bengal BJP unit, aided by the Ahmedabad-based political strategy firm. A major recommendation is to consolidate the party’s leadership without violating internal policies. Currently, different factions exist around state president Sukanta Majumdar, Leader of Opposition Suvendu Adhikari, and former president Dilip Ghosh. Additionally, the two leaders handling organizational matters have their own support bases. To resolve this, the survey agency suggests appointing a state president who won’t emerge as a rival power centre, possibly a MP from tribal or marginalized communities. Another suggestion is to establish a campaign committee, likely led by Suvendu, which would allow him to play a crucial role without violating the “one person, one post” rule. Former president Dilip Ghosh is expected to have an expanded role in reviving BJP’s presence in Rarh and Jangalmahal regions. Amit Shah’s upcoming visit to Bengal is expected to finalize the party’s electoral strategy. The selection process for the next president is critical, with names like Jyotirmoy Mahato, Samik Bhattacharya, and Subrata Chatterjee being considered. Chatterjee’s organizational expertise and RSS background make him a strong contender.

In a high-stakes display of political manoeuvring, West Bengal chief minister and Trinamool Congress chairperson Mamata Banerjee took center stage in a highly anticipated party meeting, reaffirming her command over the party. With the 2026 State Assembly election looming, Mamata made it clear that her party will come back to power with resounding victory for the fourth term garnering over 215 seats. All eyes were on the long-anticipated reunion between Didi and her nephew, TMC’s national general secretary Abhishek Banerjee. After months of speculation about internal rifts, their joint appearance was meant to silence whispers of discord. Abhishek, who had been conspicuously absent from key party affairs. So, Mamata’s strategic decision to place him as just a member of the critical 35-member voter list review committee—led by state president Subrata Bakshi—raised eyebrows. Adding to the intrigue, four relatively new MPs—Yusuf Pathan, Sagarika Ghosh, Kirti Azad, and Shatabdi Roy—were given speaking slots ahead of Abhishek, breaking the usual tradition where he directly precedes Didi at party events. The move hinted at a recalibration of hierarchy within the party, reinforcing Mamata’s supreme authority. Equally significant was Mamata’s shifting stance on I-PAC, the political consultancy firm long associated with Abhishek’s camp. Once wary of its influence, she had earlier instructed party members to withhold information from its representatives, leading to speculation that she was distancing herself from Abhishek’s strategies. However, recent meetings between Mamata and I-PAC’s current head, Pratik Jain, have reversed this perception. She has now warned against speaking negatively about the firm, a move seen by many as a sign of reconciliation—or at least, strategic necessity—in the run-up to 2026.

Days after West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee made it public about her discussions with Tata Sons Chairman N Chandrasekaran of launching direct flights from Kolkata to Europe at the Bengal Global Business Summit comes the news that Kolkata is set to lose its Air India base. The airline, it seems, is withdrawing operations from the city, citing insufficient demand for business and first-class seats, a move reminiscent of British Airways’ exit 16 years ago. While economy class sees steady demand, the lack of high-paying passengers has made Kolkata an unviable base for Air India. From March 31, the airline’s flights will be replaced by Air India Express, the Tata Group’s low-cost subsidiary, which operates an all-economy-class model. Once a crucial hub for Indian Airlines, Kolkata’s role in Air India’s operations has gradually declined. Pilots stationed in the city must now either resign and join Air India Express or relocate. Of approximately 150 pilots, some have moved to IndiGo or shifted to other cities, while 50–60 have opted for Air India Express. Tata Group is repositioning Air India as an international brand, focusing premium operations on major hubs while shifting domestic routes to Air India Express. Similar transitions are expected in Chennai and Hyderabad. Industry experts argue that if the investments announced at the Bengal Global Business Summit materialises, then demand for premium-class travel may eventually rise. Currently, Air India operates 26 flights daily from Kolkata, all of which will cease after March 31. 

The longstanding cultural tradition between India and Bangladesh surrounding International Mother Language Day faced an unexpected disruption this year due to political tensions. Just a year ago, the Vice-Chancellors of Dhaka University and St Xavier’s University, Kolkata were seen together at the historic Shaheed Minar in Dhaka, joined by students from both institutions. However, this year, the event had to be cancelled amid a charged political atmosphere in Bangladesh. The tradition dates back to 2011, during the 150th birth anniversary celebrations of Rabindranath Tagore. That same year, St. Xavier’s University introduced its Bengali Honors course. Since then, a torch, symbolizing linguistic unity, would be lit at Dhaka University’s Shaheed Minar days before February 21st and then carried across various universities in West Bengal, including St. Xavier’s campuses in Raghabpur, Siliguri, and New Town. The final ceremony used to take place at St Xavier’s University in Park Street on February 21st. However, this year, the torch was absent from Kolkata’s observance of the day. Ferdousul Hasan, honorary secretary of St Xavier’s alumni association confirmed the decision not to bring the torch from Dhaka this year due to political tensions. Hasan said the torch lit in Dhaka was taken to various institutions like Loyola College in Chennai, St. Joseph’s in Bengaluru among others. This interruption has underscored the impact of changing political landscapes on the cultural unity between the two Bengals. Even the Deputy High Commission of Bangladesh in Kolkata opted for a low-key, closed-door observance of February 21st this year, reportedly to avoid controversy. Meanwhile, West Bengal government-led celebrations took place at Deshapriya Park.

According to the West Bengal chief minister and Trinamool Congress super boss Mamata Banerjee, the absence of alliance between AAP and Congress is the main reason for the defeat of AAP by the BJP in the Delhi assembly elections. But nephew Abhishek Banerjee, party’s general secretary differs. He believes that even if such an alliance had been formed, it would not have made a significant impact. According to him, at best, the alliance could have influenced the results in four or five seats, but it would not have altered the overall outcome. After 27 years, the BJP has stormed to power in Delhi, winning 48 out of 70 seats. AAP secured 22 seats, while Congress for the third time failed to win any seat. Didi voiced that if Congress had been more flexible in seat-sharing with AAP, the results could have been different. She also cited Haryana as an example, arguing that just as AAP’s actions hurt Congress in Haryana, Congress did the same to AAP in Delhi. However, Abhishek maintained that public sentiment was the most crucial factor; Delhi voters wanted change, and AAP failed to effectively counter the BJP’s narrative. Referring to West Bengal’s example, Abhishek stated that when the BJP had claimed that the central government was sending funds, but the TMC was not distributing them to the people, TMC launched a counter-campaign, challenging the Centre to release a white paper on the funds. Although Didi blamed both Congress and AAP for the lack of an alliance, she made it clear that TMC would contest alone in Bengal and return to power with a two-thirds majority.

The Trinamool Congress (TMC) has reaffirmed its stance on party discipline, taking decisive action against three leaders whose public statements embarrassed the party. However, the party’s inaction against three prominent actor-turned-legislators and parliamentarians despite their controversial remarks has raised questions about a perceived selective approach to discipline. TMC’s disciplinary committee acted against MLAs Humayun Kabir, Narayan Goswami and Madan Mitra. Kabir’s call to appoint the party’s National General Secretary and Diamond Harbour MP Abhishek Banerjee as Deputy Chief Minister with control over the police department did not sit well with the leadership. Goswami faced scrutiny after making incoherent statements and singing at a public event. Mitra triggered controversy by accusing the party’s advisory agency, I-PAC, of extortion. All three leaders either faced show-cause notices or issued public apologies to mitigate the damage. However, the party has remained silent on controversial statements made by Chandipur MLA Soham Chakraborty and MPs Rachna Banerjee and Shatrughan Sinha. Soham contradicted the party’s official stance on the high-profile rape and murder case at R G Kar Medical College by suggesting that the convicted individual may not have acted alone. Sinha, on the other hand, stirred controversy by advocating for a nationwide ban on non-vegetarian food, aligning with the ideological stance of the BJP. The disciplinary committee’s swift response to one group of leaders while ignoring others raises questions about selective approach. Is the party hesitating to take action against its celebrity MPs due to their public appeal? Or is there an underlying strategy to maintain a delicate political balance?

RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat is set for an unprecedented 11-day visit to West Bengal from February 6 to 17, marking the longest stay of an RSS Sarsanghchalak in the state’s history. He will attend multiple programmes in Kolkata and Bardhaman, with two days reserved for the RSS’s top committee, the Akhil Bharatiya Toli’s meeting in Kolkata. Bhagwat’s extended stay comes amid reports of alleged atrocities against minorities in Bangladesh, fuelling speculation about its timing. Some analysts believe his prolonged presence is linked to these developments. However, RSS spokespersons deny any connection, emphasizing that the Sarsanghchalak’s schedule is set annually and isn’t influenced by external events. They clarified that Bengal is divided into three organizational regions — North, Central, and South — and Bhagwat will focus on South and Central Bengal, not staying in one place continuously. RSS functionaries downplayed the significance of the high-level meeting in Kolkata, calling it a logistical decision aligned with Bhagwat’s tour. Political observers however remain sceptical, noting a three-day gap between his engagements in South Bengal (ending February 10) and Central Bengal (starting February 14). He could have attended the meeting at the RSS headquarters in Nagpur or Delhi before returning but instead chose to stay in Bengal. Sources close to the RSS suggest that developments in Bangladesh have significantly impacted public sentiment in Bengal. They believe Bhagwat’s extended stay will help shape strategic responses while strengthening the RSS’s influence in the state. The organization is expected to leverage prevailing sentiments to expand its outreach.

West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s newly released book, Banglar Nirbachon O Amra (Bengal’s Elections and Us) has squarely blamed the Congress party for the BJP’s return to power in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. With the book’s release at the 48th Kolkata International Book Fair, it has become clearer that Didi has decided that her party TMC will go alone in the 2026 West Bengal State Election. In the book, Didi argues that the Opposition alliance, INDIA Bloc, failed due to the grand old party’s rigidity and weak leadership. She further claims that the Congress won its seats in 2024 only because of support from other INDIA Bloc allies. She accuses the Congress-Left alliance in West Bengal of secretly helping the BJP by creating a larger anti-TMC front, which ultimately benefited the saffron party in the state. The 2024 Lok Sabha elections saw the BJP losing ground in West Bengal. The party, which had secured 18 seats in the state in 2019, saw its tally reduced to 12 in 2024. On the other hand, TMC improved its performance, winning 29 out of 42 seats. The Congress managed to win only one seat, while the Left failed to open its account. Incidentally, Mamata has stuck to her policy of supporting the strongest party against BJP, by sending its MP, actor-turned-politician Shatrughan Sinha, to campaign for the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) in the upcoming Delhi Assembly elections. Political analysts see this as Mamata’s indirect message to Congress. TMC’s participation in AAP’s campaign indicates its commitment to the INDIA Bloc but also highlights the friction between the Opposition allies, especially after Didi’s criticism of Congress dominance within the coalition.

As the year begins, the Federation of Cine Technicians and Workers of Eastern India (FCTWEI) finds itself at the centre of a fresh controversy in Tollywood. Reports suggest that director Kaushik Ganguly’s upcoming film has encountered hurdles with the Federation, raising concerns about whether the shooting will commence as scheduled. Sources indicate that the shoot for Kaushik’s new project was set to begin on January 27 in North Bengal, however, complications over crew members have allegedly created friction between the director and the Federation. Rumours have also surfaced suggesting that the Federation has “blacklisted” Kaushik. This follows past disputes between Tollywood directors and the Federation, tracing back to July of last year, when director Rahul Mukhopadhyay faced a similar standoff, leading to the suspension of his Puja film’s shoot. Rahul’s case escalated tensions between the Federation and the Directors’ Guild, which was later mitigated by Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee after her intervention. Meanwhile director Joydeep Mukhopadhyay is facing similar issues as he prepares to start filming later this month. However, director Arindam Sil has got the green signal from the Federation even though he was suspended by the director’s guild over sexual harassment issue. Talk about selective treatment. Another layer to this controversy involves Federation President Swaroop Biswas’ earlier comments on workplace harassment. Last year, he claimed that 60% of directors faced allegations of sexual misconduct, coinciding with the city’s outcry over the rape and murder of a young doctor. Now, it is learnt that TMC minister Aroop Biswas, brother of Swaroop Biswas, might intervene to resolve the matter.

The suicide of Chandramouli Biswas, former bassist of the renowned Bengali band “Fossils”, has not only left Bengal’s music fraternity in shock but also opened a Pandora’s box about the challenges faced by Bengali musicians. Biswas was found hanging in his Kolkata residence and suicide note suggest the artist was battling depression. Sidhu, a member of the iconic band “Cactus,” lamented the lack of infrastructure in Bengal’s independent music scene. He noted that while the film industry has producers and structured promotion systems, independent musicians struggle to gain visibility. According to him, radio stations no longer play Bengali songs, and decisions about playlists are made by offices in Mumbai, sidelining local artists. Eminent singer Raghav Chattopadhyay added that the supply of music far exceeds the demand where gaining recognition in the music industry has become unpredictable, with some talented musicians struggling for opportunities while others achieve overnight fame without formal training. Another concern highlighted by contemporary musician Debdeep Mukhopadhyay is the lack of respect for instrumentalists. Chandramouli, according to his bandmate Mahul Chakraborty, was working on a new project, “Golok,” with plans to release an album before focusing on live performances. However, the lack of a producer and promotional support made the journey challenging. The lack of sustainable opportunities and acknowledgment for musicians has raised broader questions about the state of Bengal’s music industry. While legendary bands like “Fossils,” “Cactus,” and “Chandrabindu” paved the way, newer bands struggled to gain traction. The disparity between the thriving demand for international performances in Kolkata and the stagnation of local talent underscores the industry’s challenges.

Trinamool Congress General Secretary and MP Abhishek Banerjee’s recently launched healthcare initiative, Sebaashray, seems to have raised a lot of questions about the existing healthcare landscape in West Bengal. By introducing a programme that delivers free medical services at the grassroots level, Banerjee has not only demonstrated a proactive approach to addressing healthcare gaps but has also sparked debates on the adequacy and accessibility of state-run facilities. In a message via social media Abhishek said, “Administration cannot be run with words alone; it requires action. Actions that can transform lives.” The party’s second-in-command highlighted the impact of Sebaashray by sharing statistics on its beneficiaries. Launched on January 2, 2025, in his parliamentary constituency, the initiative has already served 341,000 people, drawing significant attention and popularity, with many traveling from distant areas to access its services. The programme’s success has also prompted scrutiny, particularly regarding the necessity of a separate initiative alongside the state government’s existing free medical services. Responding to such concerns, Abhishek clarified that the initiative is not intended to replace or compete with the state’s healthcare framework but to complement it. While acknowledging the state’s progress over the past 10-15 years in establishing primary health centres and super-speciality hospitals, he explained that his initiative focuses on delivering advanced treatment directly to villages through a cluster-based model. Abhishek said that similar programmes would be replicated across West Bengal over a period of time. The initiative, however, has not escaped criticism. CPI (M) leader Sujan Chakraborty argued that Sebaashray signals the inadequacy of the state government’s healthcare delivery at the local level.

The situation in Bangladesh has become a matter of grave concern, particularly for the Hindu community, which is reportedly facing severe persecution with alleged administrative complicity. In light of these developments, RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat along with nine senior leaders, is scheduled to visit Bengal for 10 days from February 7 to 16. This visit is being viewed as unprecedented, with no recent parallel in the state, according to sources inside the RSS headquarters. The RSS is celebrating its centenary this year, and officials have stated that the visit is primarily for organizational meetings and discussions on the various events organized across the country for the occasion. Bhagwat and other leaders will be in Kolkata for three days of closed-door meetings, followed by a visit to Bardhaman, where they will engage with regional leaders about the RSS’s activities in central Bengal, particularly in tribal and Kurmi-dominated areas. The visit has attracted significant attention from political analysts and international relations experts, especially given the current geopolitical dynamics. In neighboring Bangladesh, the Hindu community continues to face increasing violence, and the political instability has ramifications for India. Additionally, the presence of radical Islamic groups in eastern India has heightened concerns over internal security, leading to increased vigilance from central agencies. Inside RSS circles, however, some see this trip as addressing deeper concerns about the organization’s presence and influence in Bengal. A senior RSS member noted that while Hindu assertiveness has grown significantly in northern and central India, Bengal has lagged behind, prompting the leadership to focus on the state’s socio-political landscape.

Given the current strained relationship between India and Bangladesh, this move by CPI (M) has shocked everybody.  The Kolkata-headquartered party has invited Rezwana Choudhury Bannya, the noted Rabindra Sangeet artist from Bangladesh, as a special guest to inaugurate the “Jyoti Basu Social Studies and Research Center” on January 17, the death anniversary of former chief minister of West Bengal Jyoti Basu. CPI (M) state secretary Mohammed Salim explained the significance of inviting Rezwana, emphasizing the shared heritage between West Bengal and Bangladesh rooted in the ideals of the Liberation War. He also expressed concerns over recent attempts at religious polarization, stating that the event seeks to reinforce harmony and solidarity between the two Bengals. Rezwana, who has a long-standing connection with West Bengal as a former student of Visva-Bharati and a disciple of late legendary Rabindra Sangeet singer Kanika Bandopadhyay, is expected to perform during the programme.  As expected, the decision has drawn sharp criticism from the BJP. In the past too, Rezwana’s participation had sparked controversy; her planned performance at a municipal event in North 24 Parganas was cancelled following public protests against inviting a “Bangladeshi artist.” Despite the backlash, CPI (M) remains steadfast, viewing the invitation as a political statement. Within the CPI (M), the decision has sparked mixed reactions. While some members praise it as a stand against cultural narrow-mindedness, others question the party’s broader strategy regarding Bangladesh. Critics within the party argue that CPM’s perceived ambivalence toward addressing issues like the persecution of minorities in Bangladesh could further alienate Hindu voters.

Once a political powerhouse, CPI(M) is grappling with organizational crisis in Kolkata, as highlighted in the report presented at its district conference. The party now faces a stark disparity in its presence across South and North Kolkata, with the party nearly vanishing in several areas, particularly the slums. While select areas show some signs of organizational activity through fund collection, magazine sales, and event turnouts, the situation in the northern parts of the city is dire. The report describes South and North Kolkata as “two extremes” in terms of party strength. Neighborhoods with significant minority populations, such as Rajabazar, Kidderpore, and the port areas, have witnessed a sharp decline in CPM’s influence. In South Kolkata’s refugee colonies, the growing presence of the BJP further erodes the party’s traditional support base. However, the most concerning trend for the party’s district leadership is its diminished presence in slums across areas like Beleghata, Maniktala, Chetla, Ballygunge, and Park Circus. On the contrary, Trinamool Congress leaders and MLAs, such as Paresh Pal in Beleghata and Firhad Hakim in Chetla, have secured critical voter base in the slums. Efforts to revive the party’s presence through initiatives like the Slum Federation have yielded little success. A reluctance among the younger generation to engage in grassroots-level work has compounded the crisis. The party also faces significant challenges in attracting women and individuals under the age of 31. The report highlights systemic failures in promoting women within the organization contrasting sharply with the ruling Trinamool’s success. The findings underscore the deep-rooted issues facing the CPI (M) in Kolkata, from internal structural challenges to the changing political landscape dominated by the TMC and BJP.

Kolkata’s bustling winter markets, once a vibrant hub of Afghan and Kashmiri traders, are now grappling with a decline in traditional businesses. For decades, these traders have enriched the city’s seasonal economy with their exquisite dry fruits, handcrafted garments, and winter essentials. However, the changing tides of commerce, marked by the rise of e-commerce and increased costs, threaten to erode their livelihoods. Kashmiri vendors, particularly those from Budgaon, have been an integral part of Kolkata’s winter landscape for generations. From November to March, they bring a colourful array of shawls, blankets, and sweaters, woven with intricate patterns and warmth. But the bustling markets of yore are now a distant memory. Regular to Kolkata market, one of the Afghan traders, Rahmat Khan mentioned that he had been to the city for past three decades and the business was booming in contrast to the present day situation when it’s a constant struggle to make ends meet. Younger generations of Kashmiri traders are increasingly hesitant to carry on the family legacy. The convenience of online shopping has shifted consumer preferences, leaving traditional vendors struggling to compete. Afghan traders, known for their premium dry fruits, have fared slightly better due to consistent demand, they too face significant challenges but rising operational costs are eating into their profits.

West Bengal politics was set ablaze recently after a statement by Firhad Hakim, senior minister of Mamata Banerjee government. Addressing a gathering of minority students, Hakim, a trusted lieutenant of Didi remarked that minorities could soon become the majority, prompting sharp reactions from political circles and his own party, the Trinamool Congress. The TMC, quick to distance itself from Hakim’s remarks, faced an internal and external uproar. Party leaders expressed disapproval, with several calling the comments “unnecessary” and “potentially divisive.” Opposition parties, led by the BJP, accused Hakim of fuelling communal tensions and promoting a polarising narrative in the state. Hakim’s controversial statement marks another instance in a series of remarks that have landed him in trouble over the years. In 2016, he faced backlash for referring to the Garden Reach constituency as a “mini-Pakistan”. More recently, his description of a BJP candidate during a campaign as an “item” also drew severe criticism. Sources within the TMC revealed that Didi, who relies heavily on Hakim for political and administrative matters, has expressed dissatisfaction with his comments and reminded him of his past controversies that caused embarrassment to the party. In an unusually stern response, she advised him to exercise caution in his public statements to avoid further political damage. Hakim’s daughter Priyadarshini, a youth leader within the party, defended her father, asserting that his statement in Urdu had been misinterpreted. Political analysts say that TMC faces the dual challenge of containing the fallout from Hakim’s remarks while steering the focus back to governance and development in the run-up to crucial elections.

The massive success of Pushpa 2, has reignited the debate over screen allocation in West Bengal’s single-screen theatres. While the blockbuster continues to dominate the box office, its stronghold has created challenges for four Bengali films— Khadaan, Shontaan, Chaalchitro, and 5 No. Swapnamoy Lane—which targeted Christmas Day for their releases. The overlap has sparked a heated controversy over securing adequate slots in single-screen theatres, which remain a key audience base for Bengali cinema. Single-screen theatres across Bengal are grappling with the balancing act of accommodating these films while catering to the massive demand for Pushpa 2. Tollywood’s Christmas lineup has been significantly impacted, with producer-actor Dev expressing frustration on social media. He alleged that Khadan’s shows and advance bookings were disrupted due to the overwhelming presence of Pushpa 2. Arijit Dutta, owner of Priya Theatre, reported dividing slots among the films: Khadaan (two shows), Chaalchitro (one), 5 No. Swapnamoy Lane (one), and Pushpa 2 (one). However, veteran actor Mithun Chakraborty’s Shontaan was left out entirely, sparking outrage from its director Raj Chakraborty, who criticized the lack of consistent support for Bengali cinema. A distributor, speaking anonymously, blamed the simultaneous release of multiple Bengali films during the festive season, suggesting a lack of coordination among producers. He pointed to Bollywood’s strategy of staggering releases as a model Tollywood could emulate. Star Theatre owner Joydeep Mukherjee called for better planning within the Bengali film industry to avoid internal competition. Interestingly, allegations have resurfaced about Shontaan‘s producer, pressuring hall owners to prioritize its films. This history has led some distributors to side with independent producers in the current clash.

The Bengal unit of BJP is under fire for its repeated failures to meet membership targets. The latest membership drive, aimed at enrolling 1 crore new members in the state, has fallen drastically short, leading to severe reprimands from party heavyweights, including Amit Shah. It may be recalled that in the 2021 Assembly elections, the party had set an ambitious goal of winning 200 seats but won only 77. Subsequently, seven MPs crossed over to Trinamool Congress thereby reducing their numbers to 70. Recently, the party suffered a loss in the Madarihat bypoll, further dampening its prospects in the state. The current membership drive, which had a November 30 deadline, was a critical initiative to strengthen the party’s grassroots. However, Bengal BJP MPs and MLAs have failed to make significant progress, prompting the leadership to extend the deadline to December 31. At an emergency meeting in Delhi, Sunil Bansal, BJP’s central general secretary and in-charge of West Bengal, pulled up several Bengal MPs, including Shantanu Thakur, Jayant Roy, and Soumitra Khan. Reports suggest that none of them could enrol more than 50,000 new members, far below the 1-1.5 lakh target set for each MP. Bansal, a close ally of Amit Shah and a frontrunner for the position of BJP’s national president, has been tasked with rejuvenating the Bengal unit after the debacle in the 2021 elections. Internal assessments by the BJP indicate that the party’s organisational structure in Bengal is in disarray, with North Bengal—a former stronghold—facing significant challenges. 

To ensure the social welfare schemes reach the intended target group, West Bengal chief West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has rolled out a robust mechanism to ensure the effective implementation of socio-welfare schemes. This initiative aims to hold government officials accountable for supervising these projects and addressing inefficiencies that have marred progress in recent years. The state finance ministry has issued a notification, followed by the establishment of a dedicated help desk at Navanna to oversee information flow from block and sub-division levels. This initiative, aimed at curbing inefficiency and fraud, will require officials to physically visit project sites instead of submitting progress reports from office desks. The app will feature automatic geo-tagging, ensuring accurate location tracking of officials during field visits. During multiple administrative meetings chaired by CM, officials repeatedly failed to provide accurate updates on the status of ongoing schemes. This incomplete information has not only slowed down critical projects but also caused dissatisfaction among citizens. Officials, from BDOs to District Magistrates, must register using their mobile numbers. Reports will require OTP authentication and must include photographs of on-ground work. The app mandates regular updates, such as reporting issues in road construction, cleanliness, drinking water, and electricity services, along with distinguishing between simple and complex problems. The model draws inspiration from private sector practices, where geo-tagging apps track employee performance. The state’s new app is expected to enforce accountability among officials, address bureaucratic delays, and improve public service delivery.

In a move that may have surprised the Opposition BJP, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee appointed Radharamn Das, vice president of ISKCON Kolkata,to a 13-member board of trustees for the upcoming Jagannath Dham project in Digha. The temple, set to be a cultural and religious landmark on the shores of the Bay of Bengal, will be inaugurated on Akshay Tritiya on April 30, 2025. The Jagannath Dham Sanskriti Kendra, spanning 20 acres, is being developed under the supervision of HIDCO, an urban planning body under the state government. With an investment of Rs 250 crore, the project aims to replicate the grandeur of the Puri Jagannath Temple and serve as a significant pilgrimage and tourist attraction. This development comes amid ongoing political friction between Didi and BJP’s Opposition leader Suvendu Adhikari. It may be recalled that Nandigram where the temple is being built was the place where he had defeated Didi in the 2021 Assembly elections. Adhikari who is opposing the project on the ground that using public funds to construct religious structures is unconstitutional. He accused Mamata of attempting to win the Hindu vote bank as her minority appeasement has alienated Hindus. Mamata’s decision to include an ISKCON leader is seen as a strategic move, in light of recent attacks on Hindus in Bangladesh and the arrest of an ISKCON monk. Political analysts believe Didi is sending a message of solidarity to the Hindu community while subtly addressing concerns raised by the BJP over her government’s alleged minority appeasement policies.

West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has issued a stern directive to her party’s MLAs and leaders, instructing them not to share any information with political consulting agencies. Instead, she emphasized that they are welcome to communicate directly with the party’s senior leadership. The move comes against the backdrop of rising tensions within the TMC, which, according to party insiders, stem from party’s general secretary Abhishek Banerjee’s growing influence. Abhishek, Mamata’s nephew is perceived to be transitioning into a more prominent role within the organization, causing unease among party veterans and Mamata loyalists. At a recent meeting with TMC legislators, Didi made it clear that she remains the party’s ultimate authority. She noted that some political strategists conduct surveys from afar and manipulate results, asserting that electoral victories depend on grassroots workers, not consultants. Mamata also reportedly cautioned MLAs about sharing sensitive information over the phone. The divide within the TMC has deepened, with party veterans accusing political agency I-PAC of creating a parallel structure within the organization. Party sources suggest that she is planning further steps to consolidate her control, including possible reshuffles in her Cabinet and the state police. This comes after a recent reorganization of her home department and a directive for strict action against corruption “irrespective of political affiliations.” Meanwhile, speaking about the constant speculation of her successor, Didi has stated that the decision regarding her successor as the leader of the party would be a collective one, emphasizing that the party is not just about her.

Amid escalating communal unrest in Bangladesh targeting Hindu minorities and the arrest of an ISKCON monk, the RSS-affiliated Swadeshi Jagran Manch (SJM) has announced a campaign to boycott Bangladeshi products in India, starting with West Bengal. The campaign involves street protests, door-to-door advocacy, and identifying Bangladeshi goods in the market. The Manch plans to rally members of Sangh-aligned organizations, including the BJP, before extending the boycott call to the general public. It also aims to pressure the central government to halt imports of Bangladeshi goods, particularly textiles, and restrict the export of cotton and other essential materials to Bangladesh. Additionally, the group demands suspension of medical visas for Bangladeshi citizens. Amlankusum Ghosh, the SJM’s eastern sector leader, emphasized the urgency of the movement, stating, “History shows that unrest in Bangladesh impacts Bengal significantly. Given the current persecution of Hindus, Bengali Hindus must lead the protests. We urge a total boycott of Bangladeshi products in Bengal.” The movement is gaining momentum. Opposition leader Suvendu Adhikari has demanded the closure of trade routes like Petrapole.

Kolkata’s cultural calendar is abuzz as the 30th edition of the Kolkata International Film Festival (KIFF) approaches, set to run from December 4 to 11. However, this year’s celebration of cinema is overshadowed by controversies and protests within the Tollywood industry. The festival, showcasing 175 films from 41 countries with a spotlight on French cinema, has been relocated from the sprawling Netaji Indoor Stadium to the smaller Dhanodhanya Auditorium by chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s government. The shift in venue, coupled with a reduced guest list, reflects the tension brewing between Bengal’s film industry and TMC government. This uncurrent stems largely from the aftermath of the RG Kar hospital rape incident, which sparked a citizen’s movement involving many prominent Tollywood stars coming out in open against the government. Party insiders revealed that Didi expressed dissatisfaction with Tollywood, remarking that the stars’ involvement had fuelled public outrage. Adding to the friction, a faction of directors and producers is protesting against Swarup Biswas, president of the Federation of Cine Technicians & Workers of Eastern India, accusing him of running a “syndicate raj.” Legal disputes, including defamation cases have escalated tensions further alienating a significant section of the film industry. This year, a notable portion of Tollywood has reportedly boycotted the festival, marking a shift in its traditionally warm relationship with Didi. Over the years, Didi fostered strong ties with Tollywood, even nominating several actors to political office. Yet, the current unrest signals a growing rift, with critics suggesting the RG Kar protests lent momentum to public dissatisfaction with her administration. This has strained the once-strong bond between Didi and the industry.

Trinamool Congress (TMC) chief and West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has firmly reasserted her authority within the party, sidelining immediate plans for a leadership overhaul proposed by her nephew, Abhishek Banerjee. The decision follows TMC’s sweeping victory in the November 13 by-elections, which bolstered the party’s confidence under her stewardship. At a recent organisational meeting at Mamata’s Kalighat residence, the Chief Minister emphasized her role as the party’s ultimate decision-maker, effectively putting Abhishek’s youth-driven restructuring plans on hold. The rejig intended to replace underperformers and inject younger leaders into the party, was initially announced by Abhishek during the TMC’s annual Martyr’s Day rally in July. Abhishek announced that action would be taken within three months against underperforming leaders in TMC-run civic and rural bodies, as well as against organisational heads in regions where the party trailed the BJP in the general election. Incidentally, during the recent meeting, the party has established three disciplinary committees to oversee conduct: one for parliamentary leaders, another for state legislative assembly leaders, and a third for other party members. Interestingly, all leaders who are part of these three disciplinary committees are close to Mamata and that signals her intent to maintain the status quo. The committees have already issued show-cause notices to Abhishek loyalist and Bharatpur MLA Humayun Kabir and sidelined another loyalist Arup Chakraborty, indicating a crackdown on those challenging Mamata’s leadership. The developments underline Mamata Banerjee’s control over the party, with the old guard retaining key positions.

The Trinamool Congress (TMC) is witnessing an internal debate over a potential elevation of Abhishek Banerjee, the party’s National General Secretary and nephew of West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee for the position of deputy chief minister. With an organisational reshuffle looming, Abhishek has submitted a comprehensive report to Didi, sparking resistance from the party’s old guard. Prominent leaders, such as Bharatpur MLA Humayun Kabir, are openly advocating for Abhishek to be made deputy CM and Home Minister. Kabir cited recent law and order issues, RG Kar rape case and attack on Kolkata Municipal Corporation councillor as reasons for stronger leadership. However, veteran leaders like Saugata Roy expressed reservations about the Kolkata Police’s efficiency, a veiled critique of current governance. Firhad Hakim, a senior minister, clarified his stance, emphasizing unwavering support for Mamata’s leadership while defending his earlier comments. Hakim reiterated that Didi remains the cornerstone of TMC’s electoral success and governance credibility. This internal friction comes against the backdrop of TMC’s strong performance in the recently concluded bypolls. The party swept six constituencies, including Madarihat in North Bengal, a seat it won for the first time. The success has bolstered confidence in the leadership duo of Mamata and Abhishek, who jointly selected the winning candidates. A national working committee meeting at Mamata’s Kalighat residence on November 25 is expected to address the reshuffle issue. For TMC balancing generational aspirations with the experience of senior leaders remains a critical challenge.

In a bid to rejuvenate its electoral prospects following a string of disappointing results in Bengal, the CPI(M) has turned to professional expertise. The party recently posted a recruitment advertisement on social media, seeking applications for several key positions, including that of political analysts, mass communication writers, graphic designers, and digital marketing executives. CPI(M) State Secretary Mohammad Salim announced the move via Facebook, emphasizing that the party aims to adopt a more professional approach. People have seen CPM Digital for so long, this time CPM will look professional, and this is the beginning, Salim stated, indicating a strategic shift in the party’s functioning. The most notable position advertised is that of political analysts, drawing comparisons to the role played by prominent strategists like Prashant Kishor. However, the party has refrained from officially framing this move as a complete overhaul of its strategy. The decision comes in the wake of the CPI(M)’s dismal performance in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, where the party failed to secure any seats in Bengal. Despite forming an alliance with Congress, the party was sidelined by the bipolar contest between the Trinamool Congress (TMC) and BJP. Veteran leaders like Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury suffered losses, and only two CPI(M) candidates, including Salim himself, managed to save their deposits. Internal discussions within the party have highlighted the inability to adapt to modern electoral trends and lingering reliance on outdated strategies. By embracing professional inputs, the CPI(M) appears to be gearing up for the 2026 Assembly elections, signaling a departure from its traditional framework.

A major controversy has erupted in Tollywood as over 233 directors from films, TV and independent media have filed a defamation suit against Swarup Biswas, president of the Federation of Cine Technicians and Workers of Eastern India. The Rs 23-crore lawsuit follows Biswas’s contentious remarks alleging rampant sexual harassment in the film industry, with 60% of complaints purportedly against directors and producer-directors. The hearing will take place on January 10. Swarup, the younger brother of Aroop Biswas, Bengal’s Power and Housing Minister and a close aide of chief minister Mamata Banerjee, finds himself at the centre of an unprecedented protest by Tollywood’s creative community. This is, perhaps, the first time that Tollywood has publicly challenged the Federation. Directors and producers have also criticized what they call “red-tapism” and “arbitrary demands” imposed by the Federation, including its control over unit sizes, pay scales, working hours, and technician selection. At the Eastern India Motion Picture Association’s (EIMPA) recent AGM, Swarup Biswas proposed that producers deposit Rs 5 lakh each as security to ensure timely technician payments, citing Rs 50 lakh in pending dues. Producers have outright rejected the demand, questioning the Federation’s accountability and EIMPA’s silence on the matter. Veteran actor-director Aparna Sen has publicly questioned Swarup Biswas’s credentials, asking for proof of his contributions to the industry. Biswas holds an assistant director’s card, which is reportedly issued only to those involved in at least two films. Actor-politician Roopa Ganguly also criticized the Federation, accusing it of politicizing the industry and questioning why filmmakers often seek the CM’s intervention during crises.

In a significant political development, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has placed her trust in former cabinet minister and senior Left Front leader Abdus Sattar by appointing him as the chief advisor to her government on minority affairs. Sattar, an influential figure of CPI(M) who served as the Minister of State for Minority Affairs and Madrasah Education under the Left Front government. He has been tasked with addressing ongoing disputes related to Wakf properties and will advise the Department of Minority Affairs and Madrasah Education on initiatives for minority welfare. Interestingly, Sattar quit the Left Front way back in 2011 by joining the Congress before aligning with the TMC. This appointment, sources suggest, highlights TMC’s strategy to strengthen its appeal among the state’s educated minority communities. With the BJP’s growing influence in West Bengal and traditional opposition forces such as the Left and Congress losing traction, Sattar is seen as a critical asset for Banerjee’s administration, given his progressive reputation and deep organizational skills. A TMC leader pointed out that Sattar will complement prominent TMC leaders like Firhad Hakim and Siddiqullah Chowdhury. Interestingly, CPI(M) leader Sujan Chakraborty said that Didi’s appointment of Sattar reflects an acknowledgment of the developmental work undertaken during the Left Front regime and is also a rebuttal to TMC’s earlier narrative that the Left did nothing for minorities.