As Bengal gears up for the 2026 Assembly elections, Nandigram has once again returned to the political spotlight. The constituency, which staged the dramatic face-off between Mamata Banerjee and Suvendu Adhikari in the last polls, is already buzzing with speculation and strategy. The controversy from the previous election still lingers. Trinamool Congress (TMC) had accused the BJP of manipulating votes through orchestrated power cuts, and the case continues in court. Yet, long before a verdict, the battlefield is being readied for the next round. The central question remains whether Mamata Banerjee would contest from Nandigram in 2026 or not. The BJP seems convinced. Pralay Pal, Tamluk district vice-president, declared on social media that “confidential sources” and a “secret report” by TMC’s National General Secretary and Mamata’s nephew Abhishek Banerjee, confirm the West Bengal chief minister’s candidature from Nandigram in 2026. He went further, asserting that the BJP would repeat its victory. The TMC camp, however, is striking back with confidence. However, Bappaditya Garg, president of Nandigram Block 1 TMC, dismissed the BJP’s claims and stressed that the party’s candidate would be revealed in due course. Yet, he was emphatic on one point: Suvendu Adhikari will not fight from Nandigram again. Garg buttressed his claim with electoral data—TMC’s win in Adhikari’s own booth at Nandanayekbari during the cooperative polls, a 412-vote lead in his locality in the Lok Sabha election, and a 2,500-vote lead from Panchayat Samiti voters in the same.

Once again filmmaker Vivek Agnihotri has been mired in controversy. This time it’s over his soon-to-be-released The Bengal Files. Since the launch of its trailer in Kolkata, it has been locked in legal disputes, political allegations, clarifications from lead actors and objections from freedom fighter Gopal Mukherjee’s grandson. Agnihotri has accused the Mamata Banerjee government of trying to stall the release. He claimed actors Saswata Chatterjee and Sourav Das were compelled by Didi’s government to issue media statements. The Bengali actors distanced themselves, saying they were unaware of the full script and were only briefed on their roles. Saswata Chatterjee, who plays the antagonist, clarified his role was limited to acting, with no involvement in political or historical debates. He admitted he had not read the complete script—describing this as common in the industry—and learned of the title change from The Delhi Files to The Bengal Files only after shooting ended. Santana Mukherjee, grandson of freedom fighter Gopal Mukherjee (Gopal Patha), filed a FIR objecting to the portrayal of his grandfather as a butcher. He described this as distortion, stressing that Patha, a member of Anushilon Samity, owned two goat-meat shops, was a wrestler, and had taken up arms in 1946 to protect civilians from Muslim League attacks. He alleged misrepresentation without consulting the family. Sourav Das, who plays Gopal Patha, distanced himself too, saying he was only briefed on his role. Amid the uproar, National award-winning filmmaker Goutam Ghose released a video statement, noting Bengal’s pioneering role in India’s independence but also its scars from Partition. Ghose insisted films on Partition or communal riots must rest on rigorous research rather than political or emotional motives.

In West Bengal the Leader of the Opposition Suvendu Adhikari has challenged chief minister Mamata Banerjee once again, stating that he is prepared to contest against her in the next Assembly election, even from Bhabanipur. Referring to the ongoing “special intensive revision of electoral rolls,” Adhikari claimed that several names would be struck off the voter’s list. BJP sources indicated that Adhikari has initiated a survey in Bhabanipur to assess the voter base, booth-level details, and party performance. There is also speculation that he may establish a separate office in the constituency. Meanwhile, TMC national general secretary Abhishek Banerjee has shifted focus to Nandigram, Adhikari’s constituency. Over the past few weeks, he has held meetings with district-level leadership across several organisational units. Abhishek met leaders from the Barasat and Tamluk districts. According to party sources, Abhishek stated during the discussions that he would convene a separate meeting dedicated to Nandigram. Booth presidents, local leaders, and functionaries of different party wings from the constituency are expected to be part of the deliberations. Though the date of the meeting has not been finalised, the constituency is set to receive additional attention in Trinamool’s electoral preparations. In the 2021 Assembly election, Nandigram witnessed a high-profile contest between Didi and Suvendu, who won by 1,956 votes. The outcome remains under judicial review. Political sparring between the two parties has continued since then, with the TMC describing Adhikari as the “load-shedding Leader of Opposition,” while the BJP refers to Mamata as the “compartmental chief minister.”

Amid Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s recent call for a “Language Andolan” after alleged assaults on Bengali-speaking migrants outside the state — and her accusation that the BJP is targeting Bengalis through citizenship and voter list revisions — West Bengal’s film fraternity has revived its long-standing demand for primetime slots for Bengali films in all theatres. Leading actor-producers Rituparna Sengupta and Dev, filmmakers Kaushik Ganguly and Srijit Mukherji, SVF heads Shrikant Mohta and Mahendra Soni, among others, wrote to Banerjee alleging that distributors and exhibitors push single-screen theatres and multiplexes to give primetime to Bollywood films sidelining Bengali releases. They noted that such bias is absent in southern states or Punjab, where local films dominate prime slots. The state government has responded with a directive: all cinema halls and multiplexes in West Bengal, except GTA areas, must screen at least one Bengali film in primetime (12 noon–9 pm) for 120 days a year. Filmmaker Aniket Chattopadhyay called it timely, but Eastern India Motion Pictures Association chairman Ratan Saha warned that some theatres could face losses where Bengali viewership is low. The move coincides with Tollywood’s united front ahead of the August 14 release of Dhumketu starring Dev and Subhashree Ganguly. The industry claims distributors of Hrithik Roshan–Kiara Advani’s War 2 have pressured halls to allot all four shows to the Bollywood release during the lucrative Independence Day weekend. This sparked outrage from the Bengali film industry which petitioned Banerjee for fair screen sharing. Clearly, the fight is about survival of Bengali cinema for the next decade. With Dhumketu and War 2 set to collide, Tollywood vows this battle will redefine Bengal’s box-office rules. 

In a significant political shake-up, West Bengal chief minister and Trinamool Congress (TMC) supremo Mamata Banerjee has appointed her nephew and party’s national general secretary, Abhishek Banerjee, as the leader of the TMC Parliamentary Committee. He replaces veteran leader Sudip Bandyopadhyay who has been ailing for some time now. The move comes as Mamata appears to brace for anti-incumbency ahead of the upcoming state assembly elections after three terms in office. Simultaneously, Mamata replaced senior advocate and Sreerampore MP Kalyan Banerjee as Chief Whip with Barasat MP Dr Kakoli Ghosh Dastidar. Birbhum MP Shatabdi Roy has been promoted as Deputy Leader of the party in Parliament. The reshuffle underscores the TMC’s need for stability and strategic leadership at the national level as Parliament becomes a key platform for the Opposition to confront the BJP. Sources say Kalyan’s removal stems from his inability to contain a prolonged feud with Krishnanagar MP Mahua Moitra. At a recent internal meeting, Mamata expressed anger over some MPs damaging the party’s image, sharply criticising Kalyan for poor coordination and for not stepping up during the absence of leaders like Sudip Bandyopadhyay and Saugata Roy. An incensed Kalyan tendered his resignation and questioned Mamata’s understanding of Parliament’s workings. Despite Abhishek urging him to remain quiet until the INDIA bloc dinner hosted by Rahul Gandhi on August 7, Kalyan continued to attack both Mamata and Mahua publicly. While Mamata initially resisted accepting his resignation, persistent defiance left her and Abhishek with no choice. The overhaul also signals Abhishek’s growing influence and a generational shift within the TMC, long marked by tension between the old and new guards.

Having remained silent and absent from the INDIA Bloc’s public engagements for a while, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has made her stance unmistakably clear — she’s aligned with regional parties in the broader national agenda to defeat the BJP in upcoming assembly elections.  Acting on Mamata’s suggestion, Opposition parties are set to gherao the Election Commission of India’s office in New Delhi on August 8 calling out widespread allegations of irregularities in the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls. With elections due this year in Bihar, as well as next year in non-BJP-ruled states such as West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, and Kerala, the issue is rapidly gaining traction as a national political flashpoint. Ahead of the protest, top leaders from the INDIA Bloc will convene in New Delhi on August 7 to finalise the gherao strategy. According to party sources, TMC national general secretary Abhishek Banerjee will attend the meeting and also dinner hosted by Rahul Gandhi. Discussions may include not only the logistics of the EC gherao but also preparations for the Vice-Presidential election scheduled for August 9.  It may be recalled that on July 21, Didi warned the TMC would not hesitate to gherao the EC if the names of legitimate voters were found to be removed from Bengal’s electoral rolls under the SIR. In effect, Mamata has reasserted her political clout within the INDIA Bloc — not just through participation, but by driving the narrative on what she sees as a fundamental threat to democracy through electoral roll manipulation.

Kolkata-based tech giant RS Software (India) Ltd has taken its first step into developing a global payments integration platform to ease international trade flows, following its pivotal role in building India’s Unified Payments Interface (UPI) in 2015. The company is set to invest over Rs 100 crore over the next five years to further strengthen its payments network across India — an ambitious move aligned with India’s rising influence in the fintech space. With the government entering into several bilateral agreements to enable members of the Indian diaspora to use UPI for payments abroad, RS Software is actively working with the National Payments Corporation of India (NPCI) to integrate these international payment systems. The integration of bilateral payment platforms is currently underway across 10 countries, including the UAE, Singapore, and France. RS Software MD & CEO Raj Jain confirmed the development, noting that UPI’s growing global footprint has opened the door for India to collaborate with other nations on digital payment interoperability. According to Jain, RS Software has been instrumental in executing many of these bilateral integrations alongside NPCI. The company sees immense opportunity in addressing longstanding challenges in cross-border transactions, which in 2024 reached a total value of $162 trillion. These transactions often suffer from high fees, sluggish settlement times, and lack of transparency. Jain feels there is the need to make low-value cross-border payments simpler and more efficient. To closely focus on the next phase of development, the company recently appointed Samik Roy as COO. Roy will be overseeing the integration of international digital payment systems and expanding the company’s global footprint. 

West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee announced a substantial 30% hike in honorarium for community Durga Puja organisers, raising the amount from Rs 85,000 last year to Rs 1.10 lakh per club. Playing high on Hindutva card, with approximately 45,000 clubs organising community pujas across the state, the move will cost the state exchequer an estimated Rs 495 crore. Didi also urged electricity supply companies to offer an 80% rebate to puja committees on power usage. The announcement, coming just months before the State Assembly elections, sparked sharp criticism from the Opposition parties, which termed the hike a “bribe” by the ruling Trinamool Congress. Emphasising the cultural and emotional significance of Durga Puja in Bengal, the CM urged organisers to prioritise safety and crowd control over competition. She encouraged clubs to deploy more volunteers and maintain separate entry and exit routes in pandals. She also appealed to the puja committees to support returning migrant workers who, she claimed, have faced mistreatment in BJP-ruled states. This year’s Durga Puja festivities will take place in the last week of September, followed by the annual carnival on October 5.

On the death anniversary of “Mahanayak” or Great Hero of Bengali cinema Uttam Kumar, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee issued a strong statement against what she described as “language terror” targeting Bengali speakers in various parts of the country. Speaking at the annual Mahanayak Samman ceremony organised by the state government since 2012 to honour artists and technicians from the world of Bengali cinemas, Didi appealed to the industry stakeholders to defend Bengali language, warning that if necessary, a new language movement must begin to protect mother tongue. Bengali is the fifth most spoken language in the world and second in Asia, with nearly 300 mn speaking it worldwide. Mamata made it categorical asking not to insult the Bengali language. Didi’s remarks followed recent incidents where Bengali-speaking migrant workers were allegedly harassed, detained or even deported from other states after being branded “Bangladeshis.” She had earlier addressed the issue on July 21 at the Martyrs’ Day rally, accusing the BJP of targeting Bengalis. She said that this language which gave birth to Rabindranath Tagore, Bankimchandra Chattopadhyay, Kazi Nazrul Islam reminded everybody that the country’s national anthem was written in Bengali.

After Bihar, the Election Commission of India (ECI) will begin an intensive revision of the voter list in West Bengal. Sources in the West Bengal State Election Commission’s office indicate that the groundwork has already begun. According to sources, the survey in Bengal is expected to begin in the first week of August. However, the final decision hinges on the proceedings of a case pending in the Supreme Court concerning the revision of the electoral roll in Bihar. The matter is scheduled for hearing on July 28. If the Apex Court does not intervene, the process of revision will be set in motion in Bengal. With Durga Puja festivities scheduled to begin in the last week of September, officials say it is imperative to wrap up the process beforehand. Otherwise, the exercise will have to be postponed until the end of November or early December. On condition of anonymity a senior official from the West Bengal State Election Commission said that all preparations are in place. The office is only awaiting the official notification from the Commission, which could be issued any day soon. The Commission’s move comes amid controversy in Bihar, where around 52 lakh names are expected to be deleted from the electoral roll. The issue has sparked uproar in national politics, with Opposition parties staging daily protests in Parliament. Amid this backdrop, Bengal has witnessed a surge in applications for inclusion and corrections in the voter list. In the past week alone, over 75,000 applications have been submitted. Sources say that the rate of voter registration and corrections has increased significantly in recent days, especially in districts along the state’s border.

West Bengal chief minister and Trinamool Congress (TMC) supremo Mamata Banerjee has made it official that her party will take on BJP in the run-up to the State Assembly polls based on Bengali Asmita. Addressing a massive Martyrs Day rally in Kolkata she accused BJP of unleashing linguistic terrorism and Mamata made it categorical that another Bhasha Movement will be embarked upon to safeguard Bengali pride. She claimed that more than 1,000 Bengali-speaking individuals have been detained and jailed in BJP-ruled states such as Odisha, Chhattisgarh, Rajasthan, and Madhya Pradesh. TMC supremo stated that terror has been unleashed on the Bengali language and described the BJP’s actions as a massive conspiracy against Bengali identity. She warned that if linguistic profiling of Bengalis does not stop, the resistance movement will be taken to the national capital. Mamata also announced a statewide protest campaign against what she described as the ongoing oppression of the Bengali language. Directly attacking Assam chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, Didi said he is unable to manage his own state but continues to interfere in West Bengal’s affairs. Interestingly, she went a step further in her political critique, claiming that the present Indian government is being remotely controlled by U.S. President Donald Trump. Significantly, during the rally, Mamata introduced the gathering to the father of Jhantu Ali Sheikh and a family member of Bitan Adhikari—both victims of the Pahalgam terror attack earlier this year.

The Kolkata-based Hindustan Motors Ltd plant which once rolled out the iconic Ambassador cars has been leased out by the West Bengal government to Titagarh Rail Systems Ltd to manufacture rail coaches. The 40 acres of its long-defunct land has been leased out for 99 years. The Rs 126-crore deal will see the plant produce Vande Bharat and Metro train coaches. Hindustan Motors, part of CK Birla Group, began operations in 1957, producing both the Landmaster and Ambassador cars. The latter becoming a symbol of Indian roads for decades. The plant, which ceased operations in 2014 after a “suspension of work” notice post-Lok Sabha elections, struggled for survival amid growing competition and dwindling production; from 700-750 cars per month to 250-300.  Even though the then Left Front government supported by making it mandatory, the use of Ambassador cars as taxis it failed to revive the plant. Titagarh Rail Systems, already operating a wagon unit nearby, has bagged major contracts to manufacture Vande Bharat and Metro coaches. And this plant’s strategic location — just 3 km from Delhi Road and close to rail lines — makes it an ideal expansion site. During the company’s 25th anniversary three years ago, chief minister Mamata Banerjee had hinted at land allocation, which has now received official cabinet approval. However, concerns persist over legal and compensation issues for former workers. The Supreme Court recently upheld a Calcutta High Court verdict allowing the state to reclaim 395 acres from Hindustan Motors for public use, including this project. This development brings a ray of hope to Hooghly, a district that has witnessed major industrial exits over the years—from Tata’s Nano in Singur in 2008 to Hind Motors shutdown in 2014 and Dunlop’s closure in Sahaganj.

West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has once again invoked the powerful sentiment of Bengali Asmita ahead of the 2026 Assembly elections. In a move reminiscent of her successful 2021 campaign, Banerjee accused the Centre of systematically targeting Bengali-speaking individuals and migrants across BJP-ruled states, painting it as part of a larger political design to marginalise Bengalis. This protest comes just days ahead of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s scheduled rally in Durgapur on July 18 and the TMC’s annual Martyrs’ Day on July 21. The TMC supremo led a protest rally on July 16, alleging that the Union government had secretly issued a notification permitting detention of individuals — especially Bengali speakers — on mere suspicion of being illegal migrants from Bangladesh. Walking alongside her nephew and party’s National General Secretary, Abhishek Banerjee — amid speculations of a strained relationship — Mamata projected a message of unity and communal harmony by notably including a Buddhist monk and a Muslim cleric, underlining inclusivity in the face of alleged divisive policies. She raised concerns over Bengalis being labelled as Bangladeshis despite having Aadhaar and PAN cards. She pointed out that over 1.5 crore migrant workers from other Indian states are working in Bengal with dignity, unlike the treatment meted out to Bengalis elsewhere. Didi cautioned that if Bengalis are detained, Bengal will politically detain the BJP through the ballot box. Political observers believe that the choice of location for the PM’s rally on July 18 in Durgapur is strategic as it will encompass the two key Lok Sabha constituencies of West Bardhaman district — Bardhaman-Durgapur and Asansol. In both constituencies BJP was defeated in 2024 Lok Sabha polls. Modi’s address is expected to clarify BJP’s stance — whether it will continue with a Hindutva-driven approach or pivot toward inclusive development.

An increasing number of Bengali actors are heading to Mumbai, reflecting a growing trend of migration from Tollywood to Bollywood. Over the past few years, noted actors like Saswata Chatterjee, Jisshu Sengupta, and Parambrata Chattopadhyay have featured in several Hindi films and web series. Even big names such as Prosenjit Chatterjee and Jeet have stepped into Bollywood. Meanwhile, many TV stars from Bengal are also seeking roles in Hindi serials, hoping to make it big in Mumbai. Casting directors like Mukesh Chhabra have gained prominence, especially with the rise of social media. Known for discovering Sushant Singh Rajput, Chhabra is considered a star-maker. He recently visited the sets of Raktabeej 2 and reportedly selected Mimi Chakraborty to play Dona Ganguly in the upcoming Sourav Ganguly biopic. He recently conducted a three-hour workshop in Kolkata which was hosted by Pritimoy Chakraborty, who runs the Kolkata studio. This open-to- all workshop generated widespread interest, especially among Tollywood actors like Tota Roychowdhury, Debdut Ghosh, Debleena Dutta, and Dibyajyoti Dutta. The initiative aimed to build confidence among Bengali actors. He noted that many actors face challenges in diction and presentation, which are crucial in Mumbai’s competitive industry. The workshop addressed how to audition, develop mental strength, and present oneself effectively. Debleena Dutta stated that Kolkata’s work opportunities have visibly shrunk with nepotism affecting casting decisions. Debdut Ghosh highlighted that TV serials in Kolkata have dropped from 40–50 to around 20, and films have declined from 70–100 to around 20. Likewise, investment has halved from Rs 1,200 crore earlier.

Despite recent efforts at mending fences, internal rifts in the Bengal BJP have resurfaced after senior leader and former state president Dilip Ghosh reignited controversy with remarks seemingly soft on West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee. This comes even after Ghosh’s meeting with newly appointed state BJP chief Samik Bhattacharya and a visit to Delhi where he met BJP national joint general secretary Shiv Prakash. Ghosh stated again that Mamata herself is not named in any corruption cases, blaming those around her instead — a comment that runs contrary to the BJP’s aggressive anti-Mamata narrative and has triggered discontent within state ranks. Without naming him, Ghosh also appeared to take aim at Leader of the Opposition Suvendu Adhikari, saying that some recent entrants into the party are trying to stoke divisions — a likely reference to criticism he faced after attending the inauguration of Digha’s Jagannath Temple on Mamata’s invitation. Ghosh later insisted he was merely stating facts, not giving Mamata a “clean chit.” In an effort to contain the damage, state president Samik Bhattacharya met Ghosh at the party office and publicly reaffirmed his place in the BJP, declaring, “He was in BJP, is in BJP, and will remain in BJP.” Tensions date back to Ghosh’s April 30 Digha’s Jagannath temple visit, which drew flak from Adhikari and then-state chief Sukanta Majumdar. Ghosh was subsequently sidelined from key meetings, including on leadership selection, and complained of deliberate alienation—even being denied a chair during meetings. His latest remarks, though intended to reaffirm party ties, have once again unsettled the BJP ahead of the 2026 Assembly elections.

As tensions escalate between a section of Tollywood’s directors and the Federation of Technicians, a pertinent question looms large over the Bengali film industry—can it afford to lose celebrated talents like Parambrata Chatterjee, Anirban Bhattacharya, Aritra Sen, Subrata Sen, Sudeshna Roy or heavyweight producers like SVF if this deadlock continues? Anirban, one of the industry’s most respected actor-directors, who also worked opposite Rani Mukherjee in her Chatterjee Vs Norway has openly expressed his frustration over the prevailing impasse. Despite recently wrapping up the shoot of Raghu Dakat, the actor revealed that he hasn’t received any new work offers in weeks. He was unable to shoot for the second part of the song Hooliganism for his band. He pointed out that while there are rumours of a boycott, there has been no official written or verbal statement. He now wonders if continued silence over the next few months might signal the end of his screen career altogether. This unofficial ban is not unique to Anirban.  Thirteen directors who had moved court against the Federation are being blocked from work. So too their close collaborators. Director Aritra Sen, an associate of Parambrata Chatterjee, has seen his projects stalled, while Souvik Mondal’s TV serial was halted due to his association with one of the 13 filmmakers. Although the Calcutta High Court has clearly stated that the Federation cannot interfere with the directors’ work or autonomy, filmmakers claim the reality defies the ruling.

The BJP has appointed Kolkata-centric and RSS-backed Samik Bhattacharya as the president of its West Bengal unit, marking a strategic departure from its previous leadership patterns. Bhattacharya, known for his clean image and strong ties with party stalwarts including outgoing state president and Union minister Sukanta Majumdar, LoP Suvendu Adhikari, and even sidelined party veteran Dilip Ghosh, is seen as the party’s attempt to build cohesion ahead of the crucial 2026 assembly polls. Political observers suggest this move is also a subtle endorsement of Adhikari as BJP’s projected face against chief minister Mamata Banerjee. With smooth coordination between Bhattacharya and Adhikari—both sharing a cordial rapport—the party aims to enter the electoral battlefield with a unified front. Sources indicate Bhattacharya’s urban, middle-class image could help the BJP strengthen its hold in key regions like Greater Kolkata and Durgapur. His long standing role as BJP spokesperson, with consistent media engagement, has lent him the acceptability required for a high-visibility opposition leader—a trait Suvendu is often criticised for lacking. His rise, however, comes after years of inner-party marginalization, reportedly due to both electoral surprises and internal resistance. Despite winning the 2014 bypoll in Basirhat South and staying loyal through political highs and lows, Bhattacharya was never fully empowered—possibly due to his independent success unsettling the power structure. His elevation comes amidst the BJP’s acknowledgment of the “Kolkata factor.” After successive non-Kolkata-based leaders like Dilip Ghosh and Sukanta Majumdar, the party now bets on the historical trend where successful state leaders like Jyoti Basu, Didi and Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee all had strong urban roots. Now a Rajya Sabha MP, Bhattacharya has sounded the election bugle stating that this election is Bengal’s final chance to stop brain drain and save the identity of Hindu...

After a quiet spell, Tollywood is finally finding its rhythm again. The first half of 2025 has brought a surge in film releases like Binodini: Ekti Nadir Naam, Kilbil Society, Puraton, Amar Boss, Batsarik, Raas, Grihoprobesh to name a few. Despite fears of a downturn due to geopolitical tensions like the Pahalgam incident and Indo-Pak conflict, two films entered the crore club at national multiplexes: The Eken: Benarasey Bibhishika (Rs 3.12 cr in five weeks, outpacing Dev’s 2023 hit Khadān) and Amar Boss (Rs 1.42 cr). In broader earnings, The Eken grossed Rs 7 cr, Amar Boss Rs 4 cr, Kilbil Society Rs 2.5 cr, Puraton Rs 1.5 cr and Satyi Bole Satyi Kichhu Nei Rs 1.3 cr. Other films’ earnings were anywhere between Rs 18 lakh and Rs 96 lakh. According to Shiboprosad Mukherjee, director and actor of Amar Boss, consistent releases have kept audiences engaged. He pointed out 2025 as more promising than 2024, citing steady performance in single screens and varied content preventing viewer fatigue. Upcoming releases like Dear Maa, Mrigaya and Bhootpurbo are expected to maintain this momentum. Director Saurav Palodhi’s Ank Ki Kothin, a low-budget, star-less film, found success through word-of-mouth. He stressed that commercial hits like The Eken and Amar Boss are vital to support smaller films.  Distributors like Shatadeep Saha and Bablu Damani agreed the industry isn’t in crisis. Saha noted that consistent film output over three years, and Damani highlights Raas touching Rs 50 lakh without major studio backing.

Whispers within Bengal’s political circles are growing louder that the former BJP state president Dilip Ghosh may launch a new political party — possibly named Paschimbanga Hindu Sena (PHS). Reports suggest a senior BJP leader chaired a closed-door meeting, allegedly attended by nearly 25 BJP leaders and ex-functionaries, to discuss the formation of a new Hindutva-oriented outfit. Sources claimed preparations are underway to submit registration documents to the Election Commission. The appearance of PHS-branded T-shirts in parts of South Kolkata has only intensified speculation. Interestingly, several names of leaders who will join Ghosh are doing the rounds. They are: former BJP general secretary Sayantan Basu, ex-vice president Rajkamal Pathak and the currently suspended Ritesh Tiwari. Though none have confirmed it. Ghosh, BJP’s most successful former Bengal president, has been increasingly sidelined within the party which has become evident from his absence from key events including those of PM Modi and Amit Shah. His appearance at Digha’s Jagannath Dham inauguration by the West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee provided grist to the rumour mills of him launching a new party. While subtly critical of Suvendu Adhikari’s faction, Ghosh denies any split, reaffirming his decades-long role in building the BJP and rejecting splinter politics. However, Bengal BJP sources claimed that the party HQ is enquiring about a close-door meeting that took place, after the party lost Kaliganj bypoll, by some of the disgruntled leaders who feel they have been sidelined ever since Suvendu Adhikari entered the scene.

In terms of absolute growth, the country’s mutual fund industry has grown at a scorching pace. Its AUM has grown from Rs 21 lakh crore in 2017 to Rs 72 lakh crore in 2025, monthly SIP from Rs 4,000 crore to Rs 26,600 crore and investor’s count has grown five times — from 1 crore to 5 crore. Yet, the investor’s numbers is poor given the size of the population. This poor investor number indicates low awareness and thereby poor penetration level. Though the industry’s Sahi Hai campaign has transformed the space from a high-net-worth niche to a retail-driven engine, more needs to be done. At the 17th ICC Mutual Fund Summit, regulator SEBI has urged the industry to use digital tools for wider access. To help the MF industry, SEBI has undertaken a comprehensive review of the sector’s regulations to ease business operations and introduce flexible scheme design, and recategorize schemes. SEBI feels that innovation and strong governance must go hand in hand, and any missteps would invite regulatory action. Interestingly, AMFI has positioned financial well-being — not just access—as the next frontier. However, AMFI lamented the fact that even though 33% of household disposable income is saved, 66% goes into gold and real estate and only 34% into financial assets. And mutual funds form a small portion of this, though their share of bank deposit equivalents has risen from 10% to 32%. India’s AUM-to-GDP ratio stands at 20%, compared to 65% globally and over 100% in developed markets. To deepen penetration, AMFI is expanding financial literacy drives in various states. Despite 80% general literacy, financial literacy remains at only 27%. This is the gap AMFI aims to close.

The West Bengal government’s action is once again under scrutiny after political cartoonist Manjul received a takedown notice from Cyber Crime wing of the state police.  News website, The Wire, reported that the notice targeted two 2019 cartoons featuring chief minister Mamata Banerjee; one depicting defections from TMC to BJP, and the other on chit-fund scams under her regime. The state police cited alleged legal violations behind the notice. Earlier in March, FIRs were filed against CPI(M)’s Mohammad Salim and BJP IT cell head Amit Malviya for sharing a video showing a woman being flogged by a TMC leader in North Dinajpur’s Chopra. The post led to public outrage, prompting police to seek content removal. These instances reflect a long-standing pattern. In 2012, Jadavpur University professor Ambikesh Mahapatra was arrested for forwarding a cartoon featuring Banerjee; his case dragged on for a decade. Farmer Shiladitya Chowdhury was branded a “Maoist” by Banerjee after questioning fertiliser prices, then detained and legally pursued. In 2019, Sanmoy Banerjee, ex-Congress spokesperson, was arrested for criticising the chief minister’s nephew. In June 2022, YouTuber Roddur Roy was arrested from Goa for allegedly abusing Banerjee and her nephew. In 2023, advocate and former Congress spokesperson Kaustav Bagchi was also detained for allegedly derogatory remarks about Banerjee. Both later joined the BJP. Notably, during protests over the rape and murder of a junior doctor at Kolkata’s RG Kar Medical College in August 2023, artists criticised the state’s response. In retaliation, the TMC initiated a cultural boycott led by Kunal Ghosh, backed by MP Kalyan Banerjee and Education Minister Bratya Basu.

West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has targeted the BJP for distorting Bengal’s contribution to India’s freedom movement through the recently released film Kesari Chapter 2, starring Akshay Kumar, R Madhavan and Ananya Panday. Banerjee and the ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC) have accused the filmmakers of deliberately altering the names of iconic Bengali revolutionaries, alleging that this was done with political intent, as Kumar is known to be close to PM Narendra Modi and the BJP. According to Didi, the BJP had been consistently targeting the state and its rich cultural heritage. The film, directed by Karan Singh Tyagi, released in theatres on April 18 and later on OTT platform JioCinema, has now landed in controversy. A formal police complaint has led to a FIR under multiple sections of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) for allegedly insulting freedom fighters and misrepresenting historical facts. Ranjit Biswas, a resident of Nabapalli Sector IV in Bidhannagar South, filed the complaint, claiming that the courtroom scene in the film related to the Muzaffarpur Conspiracy Case misrepresents revolutionaries Khudiram Bose and Barindra Kumar Ghosh. In the movie, they are portrayed as ‘Khudiram Singh’ and ‘Birendra Kumar’ from Amritsar, which Biswas called an “insult to Bengal’s martyrs.” Following the complaint, the police have registered a case under BNS Sections 352 (intentional insult), 353(1)(c) (public mischief), and 353(2) (dissemination of false information). The TMC has demanded an apology and correction, accusing the film of whitewashing Bengal’s revolutionary history.

In a move reflecting deeper shifts within the Trinamool Congress’ internal power dynamics, national general secretary of the party and Mamata Banerjee’s nephew Abhishek Banerjee, it seems, voluntarily opted out of being featured on posters for the TMC’s Annual Martyr’s Day Rally to be held on July 21.  This decision underscores Didi’s continued projection as the sole face of the party amid ongoing debates over leadership prominence. According to party veteran Sudip Bandyopadhyay, Abhishek has conveyed the decision to exclude his image from the posters. Sudip further clarified that the posters for the programme, provided by Abhishek’s office on a pen drive, contained only Didi’s image. The absence of Abhishek’s image in posters in the past had sparked off debates. In the November 2023 Netaji Indoor rally, party spokesperson Kunal Ghosh publicly questioned nephew’s omission. The controversy resurfaced in early 2024 and now in 2025 over the party’s New Year calendar, which featured both leaders but with Abhishek’s photo noticeably larger, prompting the leadership to recall it. February’s rally this year also showed only Mamata’s image. Incidentally, Mamata has repeatedly asserted in party meetings that she is the final authority in both government and organisation, even declaring that she will continue leading the party for the next 10 years. Significantly, Sudip also highlighted the importance of this year’s rally, which is being viewed as a precursor to the 2026 Assembly elections.

In a rare and increasingly confrontational political climate within the West Bengal Assembly, Leader of the Opposition (LoP) Suvendu Adhikari has set an extraordinary record with multiple suspensions and breach of privilege motions against him over the past four years. From chief minister Mamata Banerjee labelling him as a “limitless opposition leader”, the Assembly passed yet another breach of privilege motion against BJP leader Adhikari, the eighth since 2021. Reminding that he had defeated the CM in Nandigram, Adhikari has already faced suspension from the Assembly four times over the past four years and maintains that the government would not be able to take any effective action against him as he had never claimed any medical bills since 2006 and had not drawn his salary during suspension periods. He argues that these motions are attempts to silence his voice. Dismissing the claim, TMC Chief Whip Nirmal Ghosh and senior cabinet minister Chandrima Bhattacharya explained that the party had repeatedly approached the Speaker due to various statements made publicly by the LoP. Assembly records show that no previous LoP since 1957 has faced as many disciplinary actions as Adhikari. Former opposition leaders such as CPI(M)’s Surjya Kanta Mishra and Congress leader Abdul Mannan also faced privilege motions during Didi’s tenure but not to this extent. Veteran leaders noted that even former CM and CPI(M) patriarch Jyoti Basu, who served as Opposition Leader from 1957–67 and again from 1971–72, did not face such a record. Congress leader Abdul Mannan viewed that the situation was unprecedented adding that while strong opposition is important, lawmakers must remain mindful of their language.

In recent times, the release of politically nuanced films ahead of elections has become a pattern too deliberate to ignore. Movies like Uri or The Kashmir Files, The Accidental Prime Minister or Mein Atal Hoon’s releases were timed so as to stir public sentiment during elections time. Now, with West Bengal’s assembly elections scheduled next year, acclaimed Bengali filmmaker Arindam Sil is on overdrive to get his film Karpoor, released this December. A politically charged mystery thriller it could test the boundaries between art and electoral influence. Karpoor is based on Dipanwita Roy’s novel Antardhaner Nepathye, which draws from the real-life disappearance of Manisha Mukhopadhyay, a former Assistant Controller at the University of Calcutta. Her vanishing in 1997, amid an alleged education scam, rocked Bengal’s academic and political landscape and triggered accusations against the then-ruling CPI(M) regime. Nearly three decades later, Sil revisits the unsolved case, threading it through dual timelines — 1997 and 2019 — with veteran actress Rituparna Sengupta leading the cast. The film is already generating buzz, not just for its sensitive storyline but also for its notable ensemble, which includes several political figures stepping into acting roles. Trinamool Congress spokesperson Kunal Ghosh makes his screen debut in a role reportedly inspired by the late CPI(M) heavyweight Anil Biswas. Minister and theatre stalwart Bratya Basu portrays the lead investigator, while TMC councillor Ananya Bandopadhyay takes on the role of a powerful media editor. Despite the presence of figures aligned with West Bengal’s ruling party, Sil has firmly denied any deliberate political messaging. The film’s content and timing could reignite and provoke fresh political discourse in the state.

This Durga Puja, Bengali movie buffs are in for a treat as three highly anticipated films — Debi Chowdhurani, Raktabeej 2 and Raghu Dakat –will hit the silver screen promising a blend of history, drama, and star-studded performances. Director Subhrajit Mitra’s Debi Chowdhurani based on Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay’s classic novel, explores the anti-British Sannyasi Rebellion and features Srabanti Chatterjee in the titular role alongside Prosenjit Chatterjee as Bhavani Pathak. Initially slated for an Independence Day release, the film, produced by Aparna Dasgupta’s Edited Motion Pictures, is now locked for a Puja debut. Subhajit points out that Big-budget films are typically reserved for Puja—it gives us time for extensive promotions. Meanwhile, acclaimed director duo Nandita Roy and Shiboprosad Mukherjee have commenced shooting for Raktabeej 2, the much-anticipated sequel to their 2023 hit Raktabeej. With Abir Chatterjee, Mimi Chakraborty, and Kanchan Mullick in key roles, the film promises a captivating blend of drama, emotion, and gripping storytelling—hallmarks of the duo’s work. The original film left a deep impact with Victor Banerjee’s portrayal of the former president, Late Pranab Mukherjee, highlighting socio-political tensions and real-life incidents. Adding to the festive buzz, Dhrubo Banerjee’s Raghu Dakat, starring Dev in the lead, aims to bring history alive with thrilling action and drama. Backed by Dev Entertainment Ventures and SVF, the film chronicles the life of the legendary Robin Hood-like figure who emerged during Bengal’s turbulent times. The ensemble cast includes Anirban Bhattacharya, Sohini Sarkar, and the much-awaited return of Roopa Ganguly.

In a sharp counterattack to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent address in West Bengal’s Alipurduar, chief minister Mamata Banerjee has challenged the PM to a live TV debate—teleprompter and all—and dared the BJP to call early elections in the state. Modi’s address, widely seen as the start of the BJP’s campaign for the 2026 Assembly elections, took aim at Mamata, branding her “Nirmam” (merciless) while highlighting recent communal violence in Murshidabad and Malda, the Supreme Court’s scrapping of teaching posts which left over 25,000 teachers jobless, and accusing her government of blocking Central government’s schemes. Hitting back, Didi accused the PM of engaging in “political Holi” at the expense of national interests. She dismissed his “Operation Bengal” remarks as an insult to the people of the state and pointed out that her nephew, TMC National General Secretary Abhishek Banerjee, was part of an MP delegation meeting global leaders—signalling her party’s commitment to protecting the nation’s interests internationally. Didi also slammed the Centre’s political motives behind naming the post-Pahalgam operation. She mocked Modi for his transformation from a self-proclaimed tea-seller to what she described as a “sindoor salesman,” a dig at his remarks that she interpreted as disrespectful to the women of Bengal. Mamata claimed that she had instructed her leaders to avoid commentary on “Operation Sindoor” despite its provocative nature. She accused the PM of spending more time on foreign trips than on India’s pressing issues and criticized what she called the erosion of federalism under Union Home Minister Amit Shah’s watch, branding him the country’s “acting Prime Minister.”

Recent political and diplomatic strains between India and Bangladesh have cast a ripple effect on cultural exchanges, especially in cinema — where both shared cultural heritage and creativity. Reportedly, disruptions have hit film projects and casting decisions across Tollywood and the Bangladeshi film industry. Though no official ban exists on Bangladeshi actors working in India, several have recently been denied Indian visas. This has forced producers into last-minute casting changes and even temporary halts on joint productions. While prominent actors like Jaya Ahsan, Chanchal Chowdhury, Shakib Khan, and Arifin Shuvoo continue to work in India due to long-term visas, others face hurdles. Actress Tasnia Farin was denied a visa despite being cast opposite Dev, prompting alternative casting. Similarly, Jeet’s collaboration with Bangladeshi director Raihan Rafi for Lion has stalled. SVF, a leading production house with deep cross-border ties, acknowledged temporary disruptions but confirmed collaborations are slowly resuming. Hoichoi released the Bangladeshi series Jimmi in March. SVF is co-producing Daagi with Afran Nisho and Tandob featuring Shakib Khan. However, Tandob will now be fully shot in Bangladesh due to visa issues affecting its crew. Visa unpredictability is making casting decisions risky. If actors can’t travel for shoots or promotions, entire projects suffer. Actor Ziaul Faruq Apurba couldn’t promote Chalachitro directed by Pratim D Gupta, while Chanchal Chowdhury missed promotions for Srijit Mukherji’s Padatik. Meanwhile, some projects remain unaffected. Jaya Ahsan’s Dear Maa by Aniruddha Roy Chowdhury is expected around July. She is also rumoured to star in Kaushik Ganguly’s upcoming Ardhangini 2.

In the wake of the Murshidabad killings and the terror attack in Pahalgam, Bengal’s political battleground has heated up, with both BJP and CPI(M) scrambling to secure the Hindu vote bank. While CPI(M) leaders like State Secretary Mohammed Salim and youth leader Minakshi Mukherjee visited Murshidabad post-violence, BJP’s Suvendu Adhikari downplayed the incident, claiming victims were targeted for being Hindu, and dismissed the CPI(M)’s recent Brigade rally, stating Hindus have distanced themselves from the party. This intensified BJP attack is part of a broader strategy to erode the Hindu support base that still aligns with the Left in certain pockets. BJP leaders believe converting this segment could significantly alter Bengal’s electoral dynamics. Despite failing to win any seats in recent elections, the Left’s 11% vote share — largely perceived to include Hindus — remains a target for the BJP, especially as the Trinamool-BJP vote gap stood at 7% in the last Lok Sabha polls. Senior CPI(M) leaders assert Adhikari’s focus reflects his intent to pull Hindu voters from the Left into the BJP fold. Salim countered, stating Suvendu’s attacks show BJP’s internal frustration, citing leaders like Dilip Ghosh distancing themselves from the party. Districts like Murshidabad, Nadia, Malda, Uttar Dinajpur, and Hooghly — once Left strongholds — have witnessed increasing communal tensions, providing a backdrop for BJP’s polarisation strategy. BJP finds Hindu voters aligned with the Left more reachable than TMC supporters, who are seen as bound by secular ideology or economic factors. However, a section of Bengal BJP leaders feel that after peaking in 2019, setbacks in 2021 and 2024, indicate that Hindu consolidation alone may not ensure success without strong momentum or triggering events.

In a notable shift in Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) student politics, the RSS affiliated Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) made significant gains in the recent student union elections. While the Left retained key positions, ABVP hailed its performance as “historic”. It now aims to expand its presence at Jadavpur University (JU). Aniruddha Sarkar, ABVP’s South Bengal State Secretary, called the JNU outcome a mandate for ideological change and declared the time had come to replicate it in JU. He emphasised that ABVP had disrupted Left dominance in JNU and would challenge the “Left ecosystem” in JU as well. ABVP has accelerated its activities at JU. Recently, it organized a Ram Navami puja at the university’s engineering gate placing a Hanuman image beside murals of Marx, Lenin, and Mao. While such acts had earlier triggered strong opposition, this time there was little protest, partly due to the Sunday holiday. Nonetheless, the event marked a symbolic assertion of right-wing presence in a traditionally Left-dominated campus. Srijan Bhattacharyya, an SFI All India leader and JU alumnus, who also contested the Lok Sabha Election 2024 on CPI(M) ticket, dismissed comparisons with JNU. He said JU’s ideological identity is fundamentally different and that a handful of non-Bengali-speaking engineering students would not enable ABVP to take over. He maintained that ABVP would remain on the periphery. However, ABVP leaders viewed the Ram Navami event as a breakthrough. One said it had given them the “oxygen” they needed and vowed to go further, framing future plans as a “surgical strike” on JU’s Left bastion — signalling a deepening ideological contest on Bengal’s premier campuses.

With just a year left for the West Bengal Assembly elections, the Bengal BJP is under pressure to finalise its new state president. Internal dynamics, however, have delayed the decision, pushing the central leadership to shift its approach — from finding a consensus candidate to identifying one without strong opposition. The central leadership recently met senior Bengal BJP leaders to discuss party programmes and key organizational issues. According to party sources, central observers Mangal Pandey and Amit Malviya also held one-on-one talks with leaders like Sukanta Majumdar, Suvendu Adhikari, Shantanu Thakur, five general secretaries, two organisation secretaries, Debasree Chaudhuri, Nisith Pramanik, Soumitra Khan, Manoj Tigga and Shamik Bhattacharya regarding the state leadership. Currently, the Bengal BJP suffers from multiple power centres — Majumdar, Adhikari, former president Dilip Ghosh, and two senior organizational figures — making it hard to present a unified front. Despite occasional friction, Majumdar and Adhikari have maintained a functional partnership for over three years, ensuring some organizational stability — something the central leadership values and is hesitant to disrupt. While Majumdar’s term is still ongoing, his induction into the Union Cabinet complicates matters due to the BJP’s “one person, one post” policy. Adhikari, being the Leader of the Opposition and not from the RSS, also presents a conflict. Various names have been proposed, including one from the RSS Bengal unit. Some Delhi-based leaders have preferences, but no clear consensus has emerged. Meanwhile, political survey agencies are influencing decisions, with a Karnataka firm submitting a unified leadership blueprint directly to Modi’s core team.

As the rift between the new-age directors of Tollywood and the Federation of Cine Technicians and Workers of Eastern India deepens, the Directors’ Association of Eastern India (DAEI) has been abruptly dissolved and replaced by the East India Motion Pictures Directors’ Association (EIMPDA), the older organisation, which has now been reinstated as the officially recognised directors’ guild by the Federation. This development unfolded swiftly after a video statement released on April 30 by directors Parambrata Chattopadhyay, Anirban Bhattacharya, Sudeshna Roy, Indranil Roychowdhury, Bidula Bhattacharya, and Kingshuk Dey, who addressed the ongoing year-long conflict between DAEI and the Federation which has also resulted in a legal battle. They emphasised their continued support for technicians and denied any divide between directors and technical crew. Recently the Federation president Swaroop Biswas, a Trinamool leader and brother of cabinet minister Aroop Biswas, conducted a closed-door meeting, excluding all DAEI representatives. Besides this, all mentions of DAEI, including names of its president Subrata Sen and secretary Sudeshna Roy have been removed from the social media handles of the Federation. Not only this, the internal communication of the organisation’s WhatsApp group was also restricted, allowing only the Federation president to post messages, effectively silencing all other guild representatives. Subrata Sen, however, acknowledged the developments, stating that DAEI remains a legal member of the Federation under West Bengal labour laws. He accused certain forces of attempting to create a rift between directors and technicians and confirmed that a legal case has been filed in the High Court. Meanwhile, Federation treasurer Shubham Das described the Federation meeting as a united front against harmful elements and declared the industry’s collective intent to ensure smooth operations. 

Tensions have erupted within the BJP West Bengal unit following senior leader and former state president Dilip Ghosh’s controversial appearance at the inauguration of the Jagannath temple in Digha where he shared the stage with chief minister Mamata Banerjee. The temple event had been boycotted by the BJP in light of recent communal tensions in Murshidabad. Ghosh’s presence — along with his wife Rinku Ghosh — was quickly disowned by the party’s current state leadership. BJP state president Sukanta Majumdar distanced the organisation calling it his “personal choice.” Others, including senior leaders Swapan Dasgupta and Soumitra Khan, launched more pointed attacks, with Dasgupta branding the move a “betrayal.” The backlash has reignited tensions between Dilip Ghosh and sections of the BJP leadership, especially those who joined the party after 2021. Ghosh accused defectors of sidelining long-time loyalists like him and also claimed that many grassroots workers have become disillusioned under the current leadership. Ghosh’s veiled remarks were seen as a dig at Suvendu Adhikari. Ghosh pointed out that many had once thrived under Didi’s leadership and lacked the credibility to question him. He urged the party to recall its past alliances with Banerjee during the Vajpayee-era. Despite the controversy, Ghosh reiterated his loyalty to the BJP but cautioned against internal sabotage, blaming leadership failures for the party’s declining momentum in Bengal. He highlighted his own role in the party’s past growth with 18 MPs winning during 2019 Lok Sabha Polls and 77 MLAs during 2021 Assembly Election and questioned why that progress had stalled since his exit from the top post.

Looks like the West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee is playing the balancing game. She has inaugurated the newly constructed Jagannath Temple, officially named “Jagannath Dham,” in Digha on the auspicious occasion of Akshaya Tritiya. Didi referred to the arrival of Jagannath in Bengal as “a long-awaited dream fulfilled.” A Vedic yagya commenced on April 25 at the temple, with offerings made to the guardian deity “Vastu Purush” to purify the temple and ward off evil. Mamata, who personally oversaw the final rituals and ceremonies in Digha on April 28, will serve as the ‘pradhan yajaman’ (chief patron) during the agni ritual, culminating in the ‘purnahuti’ — the final sacred offering. On April 30, she conducted the pran-pratishtha (ritual infusion of life into the deity) and performed the temple’s ceremonial opening, followed by the first aarti.  It may be recalled that Mamata boycotted the Ayodhya event. Now BJP and RSS leaders are dismissing the Digha temple as a mere “cultural center” with questionable spiritual legitimacy. Meanwhile, the TMC government headed by Mamata Banerjee feels that Digha will witness an economic surge in hospitality, transport and tourism, similar to Ayodhya. Roads have been improved, accommodations readied, and security strengthened. Looks like Didi is shaping a narrative that blends devotion with development ahead of the 2026 Bengal Assembly elections.

The recent Supreme Court order invalidating the West Bengal government’s 2016 appointment of more than 25,000 teachers and non-teaching staff triggered off sitting demonstrations and agitation in the state. During the course of agitation what came to the fore was, the Trinamool Congress’ (TMC) National General Secretary Abhishek Banerjee was not countering the attack from the front. He consciously stepped away from the frontline, raising serious questions about the cracks within the party’s top leadership. It is also obvious that Abhishek’s public appearances have been reduced to congratulatory social media posts for local football clubs and the occasional endorsement of police efforts in his constituency. His last major political intervention was a virtual meeting on March 15. Since then, his near-total disengagement from party affairs has triggered anxiety within TMC’s rank and file, many of whom now openly question the party’s leadership strategy. The official narrative claims Mamata Banerjee has asked Abhishek to focus on national politics. But Abhishek’s loyal followers say that he was deliberately being sidelined from talking on the school recruitment scandal. Instead the State President Subrata Bakshi was given the job of doing all the heavy weight lifting on this front. Sure enough, his exclusion has left his loyalists demoralised. Further, Abhishek’s social media activities, particularly his praise for Diamond Harbour police during communal tensions and earlier disapproval of police actions post the RG Kar Hospital incident, are being interpreted as subtle criticism of the state government’s performance. These posts have drawn further scrutiny and are being read by Opposition parties as indirect jabs at the administration led by Didi. 

In a strategic move ahead of the 2026 West Bengal Assembly elections, chief minister Mamata Banerjee has revived the ‘Mentor’ position within Zilla Parishads, a role previously discontinued after the last panchayat elections. The State Panchayat Department’s initiative has already been implemented in districts including Howrah, Hooghly, East Midnapore, Bankura, Birbhum, and Bardhaman. While officially recognised, the ‘Mentor’ designation was initially introduced by the Trinamool Congress (TMC) following their rise to power, primarily to accommodate influential leaders who could not be placed in formal governance roles. However, the role was quietly laid dormant after the 2023 panchayat polls. The revival of these positions is widely interpreted as a strategic move by Didi to strengthen the party’s grassroots organization. Party insiders suggest it serves to provide senior leaders with influential roles, potentially mitigating factional rivalries. Notable appointments have included figures such as former state minister Rajib Banerjee (Howrah), former minister Akhil Giri (East Midnapore), and former MLA Arup Khan (Bankura). However, objections have reportedly surfaced in at least two districts, with concerns that these mentors, despite lacking formal administrative authority, could become alternative power centres. This raised fears of potential disruptions to both Panchayat operations and internal party dynamics, given the mentors’ individual support bases. Some party leaders also believe the revival is a pre-emptive measure to manage the growing number of MLA ticket aspirants for the Assembly poll. Adding to the political complexity, the TMC has yet to implement a long-pending organizational reshuffle. Discussions indicate that Didi may soon expedite this process, which is expected to include changes within several party wings.

The electoral victory of former cricketer Yusuf Pathan from Baharampur rekindled the long-standing debate over whether celebrity status alone could shape an effective politician. Pathan, a political novice, was fielded by the Trinamool Congress (TMC)—reportedly at Abhishek Banerjee’s behest—and went on to defeat Congress heavyweight Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury. However, his silence during unrest in Murshidabad led to criticism of his political detachment. A social media post of him sipping tea amid tensions drew backlash, highlighting concerns about celebrity MPs’ lack of engagement. This reflected a broader trend of celebrities being fielded for name recognition or to balance party equations, often without expectations of long-term political commitment. While some like Kirti Azad transitioned successfully, others faded from active roles. TMC’s Satabdi Roy, Dev, June Maliah, Sayoni Ghosh, and BJP’s Locket Chatterjee, Agnimitra Paul showed sustained dedication. Conversely, Moon Moon Sen and Sandhya Roy won seats but failed to leave a mark. BJP stars Hema Malini and Sunny Deol also faced absenteeism charges. Among Pathan’s cricketing peers, Lakshmi Ratan Shukla exited politics; Manoj Tiwary, despite a ministerial post, remained largely inactive. BJP’s Ashok Dinda, however, stayed visible. Though TMC defended Yusuf, arguing that the unrest occurred in a Congress MP’s area, even party insiders admitted only a few celebrities remained actively engaged. BJP’s Dilip Ghosh remarked that most celebrities joined politics for perks, not service. CPM’s Mohammed Salim emphasized that real leadership demanded grassroots work and personal sacrifice—values rarely found overnight.

In a calculated political offensive ahead of the 2026 West Bengal Assembly elections, chief minister Mamata Banerjee has strongly opposed the Centre’s proposed Waqf (Amendment) Act 2025, positioning herself as a defender of minority rights. Speaking at a meeting with Muslim clerics and community leaders, she asserted that the bill threatens religious freedoms and undermines constitutional values. The move is widely seen as an attempt by the Trinamool Congress to solidify its traditional Muslim support base, which accounts for nearly 30% of the state’s electorate and holds sway in key districts like Murshidabad, Malda, and North Dinajpur. Banerjee framed the proposed law as part of the BJP-led government’s broader agenda to interfere in religious matters and weaken India’s pluralistic framework. However, internally, the TMC remains divided over the strategy. While some leaders view the issue as an opportunity to reinforce the party’s core vote bank amid the BJP’s intensifying Hindutva campaign, others express concern that an overt focus on religious identity could alienate moderate and secular voters. Meanwhile, Mamata’s remarks have drawn sharp criticism from the BJP, which accused the TMC of leveraging communal narratives for political mileage. On the other hand, Mamata’s ability to appeal to the Muslim vote comes at a cost for Congress and the Left, who have traditionally relied on Muslim support in Bengal. The Left, in particular, has faced criticism for failing to effectively challenge Mamata’s rising influence among the Muslim community.

Tollywood is undergoing a quiet revolution where septuagenarian heroines are taking centre stage, not as stereotypical grandmothers or mothers-in-law, but as leading characters driving the narrative. Breaking away from ageist casting norms and prosthetic disguises, directors are now turning to veteran actresses to bring authenticity, depth, and grace to stories that reflect lived experiences. Legendary actresses Sharmila Tagore and Rakhee Gulzar have made a grand return to the industry, not in nostalgic cameos but as the central protagonists of major upcoming films. Sharmila Tagore, whose last Bengali film was Antaheen in 2009, marks her comeback with Puratawn, directed by Suman Ghosh and produced by the National award-winning actress Rituparna Sengupta. Rakhee Gulzar returns after 22 years with Aamar Boss directed by the popular duo Nandita Roy and Shiboprosad Mukhopadhyay. Her last appearance was in Shubho Mahurat (2003), a film still remembered as one of Rituparno Ghosh’s finest. This return of the stalwarts isn’t a coincidence. Bengali filmmakers are now crafting stories with these legends in mind, placing elderly women in the spotlight — not as background figures, but as emotionally rich, complex leads. Suman for his Puratawn, believed in casting 79-year-old Tagore not for commercial reasons but because she perfectly embodied the character he had in mind. He felt no need to compromise authenticity by choosing a younger actress made up to look older for box office collection. Shiboprasad, co-director of Aamar Boss, slated to release in May, observed that films featuring veteran heroines as protagonists often yield better returns than those led by younger stars. Looks like Bengali cinema is embracing age with pride. 

A significant internal conflict within the Trinamool Congress (TMC) escalated, marked by the abrupt cancellation of a key disciplinary meeting in the West Bengal Assembly. This cancellation, despite prior notices, signalled a deepening party crisis, attributed to the burgeoning tensions and power struggles among senior MPs. The disciplinary committee meeting was intended to address the issue of absenteeism among MLAs, with threats of stern action against over 30 absentee MLAs, including ministers like Manoj Tiwari, during the final two days of the Budget Session.  The meeting, intended to address MLA absenteeism, was postponed indefinitely by chairman Shovandeb Chattopadhyay. The catalyst was a public attack by MP Kalyan Banerjee against Saugata Roy, Kirti Azad and Mahua Moitra accusing them of unethical conduct. Banerjee’s personal accusations referenced past controversies involving Roy’s involvement in the Narada sting operation and Moitra’s suspension from Parliament. Prior to Banerjee’s outburst, Moitra reportedly sent a complaint to party chief Mamata Banerjee. Kalyan Banerjee alleged Moitra attempted to have him arrested. Moitra’s camp denied this, claiming she sought security assistance after verbal harassment. Saugata Roy publicly supported Moitra, criticizing Banerjee for overstepping his authority. Banerjee retaliated, labelling Roy “a man with no character.” The disciplinary meeting’s cancellation was seen as a strategic retreat amid this chaos. Party sources acknowledged that disciplining MLAs would be counterproductive while MPs publicly flouted discipline. An insider stated that any action now would only embolden others to question the central leadership. All eyes are on Mamata Banerjee’s response, whether it involves public statements, suspensions, or internal reshuffling.

West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee and her party the Trinamool Congress (TMC) face a significant challenge following the Supreme Court’s decision to uphold the Calcutta High Court’s annulment of over 25,000 teachers and non-teaching staff appointments in West Bengal. The SC’s ruling, which cited a selection process “tainted beyond resolution” and mandated a fresh recruitment within three months, has prompted Banerjee to take immediate action. She has pledged to meet with affected individuals on April 7, promising comprehensive support. In her public address, Banerjee sought to deflect blame onto the CPI(M) and the BJP, while emphasizing the possibility of rectifying the situation through the mandated new recruitment process. She also highlighted the independence and efficiency of the newly formed School Service Commission (SSC) and drew parallels to the Vyapam scam, attempting to shift the narrative. However, the TMC is confronting a growing image problem, compounded by the recent R G Kar rape and murder case. Insiders express concern that further unfavorable court rulings, particularly regarding the Other Backward Classes (OBC) matter and another teacher-related case, could exacerbate the situation. Despite these challenges, some TMC leaders remain optimistic, citing the party’s resilience and the time available before the next Assembly elections. They point to the BJP’s reduced Lok Sabha seat count in West Bengal, despite the earlier High Court ruling, as evidence of limited electoral impact. Conversely, some academics suggest that the BJP’s approach might inadvertently bolster the Left’s standing, as aggressive criticism of the TMC could revive support for the Left.

Ram Navami celebrations in West Bengal have markedly increased in recent years. While the BJP officially disclaims organized events for April 6, the festival is strategically positioned to shape their upcoming political campaigns, particularly with the 2026 Assembly elections in mind. The Bengal BJP is strategically delaying major street protests until after Ram Navami, planning a significant show of strength during the festival, although publicly, they avoid explicit admissions. Leader of the Opposition, Suvendu Adhikari has alleged that TMC has selectively weeded out Hindu names from voter lists in Nadia and North 24 Parganas, and has vowed to protest post the Ram Navami celebrations. Likewise, BJP will also protest against the state government’s withholding of central funds, including NRLM funds for women’s self-help groups. Furthermore, the BJP plans to escalate its challenge against the state government’s OBC list reassessment which is already being challenged in the Calcutta High Court. Despite official disapproval, BJP spokesperson Shamik Bhattacharya acknowledged the festival’s emotional significance, attributing the party’s restraint to respecting devotee spontaneity. However, Adhikari’s hints of a grand display of power during Ram Navami and Hanuman Jayanti suggest a calculated political strategy. Insiders confirm that BJP cadre, alongside Sangh Parivar affiliates, are actively expanding Ram Navami rally scales. The party anticipates that a larger, more impactful celebration will galvanize its base for future political endeavours. 

West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s visit to Oxford University to showcase her vision for Bengal’s development seems to have backfired as the event was disrupted by members of the Communist Party of India’s student wing, the SFI. Speculation had been rife prior to the event that the SFI-UK would target Banerjee with pointed questions on several contentious issues. Among the topics that were expected to dominate the discussion were the RG Kar rape incident, the development of industry in Bengal, major investments in the state, and the fallout from the Tata Nano factory relocation from Singur. Despite the heckling Didi did not relent. During her address, Banerjee emphasized the importance of inclusive development and denounced societal divisions, asserting that such divisions were always detrimental to progress. She reiterated that her governance model strives to avoid discrimination, always prioritizing the welfare of all sections of society. However, the atmosphere became increasingly heated as students began interrupting her speech with sharp questions. One question focused on the sensitive RG Kar Medical College rape case, followed by inquiries about the treatment of Hindus in Bengal. The situation reached a climax when chants of “Go Back” echoed from the audience, further escalating the tension. In her response, Banerjee defended her government’s handling of the RG Kar case, stating that it was under judicial review with the central government, and urged the audience to keep politics out of the forum. She appealed to the students to raise their voices in Bengal if they wished to pursue political causes.

In a significant turn of events within the Trinamool Congress (TMC), West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has signalled a shift in political succession, distancing her nephew, Abhishek Banerjee, from the role of her heir apparent. Party insiders suggest the move is a strategic recalibration aimed at reinforcing her authority while reshaping the party’s leadership dynamics.  For years, Abhishek was considered the party’s ‘crown prince.’ However, tensions began to mount as Abhishek pushed for generational change, advocating for age limits in politics. Party veterans, many of whom have been with Didi since the party’s inception, viewed Abhishek’s assertiveness as a threat. Reports of his close aides reaching out to BJP leaders in Gujarat and Uttar Pradesh further deepened suspicions. This prompted Didi to publicly rebuke him and strip him of any assumptions of succession. Adding to the discord, Abhishek’s response to the RG Kar rape-murder case in August 2024 saw him challenge the administration’s inaction, pushing for decisive action. His direct engagement with Kolkata police further irked Mamata, reinforcing her belief that he was overstepping his boundaries. Interestingly, as Didi embarks on her UK tour on Saturday morning, set to return to Kolkata on the night of March 29, she has formed a task force comprising the party’s state president and senior leader, Subrata Bakshi, along with Abhishek, to oversee government affairs while also delegating party responsibilities in her absence. Political observers note that this move sends a strong message within the party, reinforcing the concept of “joint leadership” that balances both senior and young leaders.

The West Bengal CPI(M) is poised for a significant generational shift as several senior leaders are expected to retire from the central committee due to age restrictions. Key figures like Politburo member Surjya Kanta Mishra, along with Rabin Deb and Rekha Goswami, are expected to step down. The positions of Anju Kar (Burdwan) and Amiya Patra (Bankura) are also under discussion. These vacancies have sparked debates about potential replacements reflecting internal power dynamics. Minakshi Mukherjee, a prominent youth leader, is a leading contender for elevation. Some are advocating for women leaders like Kaninika Ghosh or Jahanara Khan, citing Kerala’s precedent of including women’s organization leaders in the central committee. Anju Kar has reportedly expressed a desire to make way for younger leaders. If she retires, either Kaninika or Jahanara could be included. However, if Minakshi replaces Rekha Goswami, Jahanara’s chances might diminish due to both being from West Burdwan, favouring Kaninika. For Amiya Patra’s potential vacancy, Kolkata district secretary Kallol Majumdar and tea garden workers’ leader Ziaul Alam are being considered. Additionally, North 24 Parganas district secretary Palash Das and Hooghly district secretary Debabrata Ghosh are in contention. Palash Das benefited from party intervention in his district appointment, while Debabrata Ghosh gained recognition for successfully organizing the state conference in Hooghly. The most critical decision involves the Politburo. With Surjya Kanta Mishra’s retirement, Srideep Bhattacharya is the frontrunner. However, Abhas Raychaudhuri’s recent prominence has led to discussions about his potential elevation. A minor faction also supports Sujan Chakraborty. The final decision will be made at the CPI (M) 24th Party Congress in Madurai, Tamil Nadu scheduled from April 2–6.

In Tollywood, filmmakers are moving from one group to another in a quiet but calculated migration that began as a conflict over policy and ideals. The Directors’ Association of Eastern India (DAEI) and the East India Motion Pictures Association (EIMPA) are two important organizations at the centre of this change. Once linked to legends like Satyajit Ray and Mrinal Sen, EIMPA is a legacy organization that has mostly lain dormant in recent years. Conversely, DAEI was established as a more modern substitute and has been associated with the Federation of Cine Technicians and Workers of Eastern India. It is ironic that the directors who led demonstrations against Federation rules are now favouring EIMPA. Last year, a disagreement between filmmaker Rahul Mukhopadhyay and the Federation resulted in a standoff. The Chief Minister had to step in as the tension turned into a complete work halt. Leading directors, including Parambrata Chatterjee, Raj Chakraborty, Kaushik Ganguly, Srijit Mukherji, and Shiboprosad Mukherjee, had publicly challenged the Federation’s management of industrial matters. When Federation president Swaroop Biswas controversially claimed that 60% of Tollywood’s directors were accused of sexual harassment, things took an unpleasant turn and further divided the Federation and DAEI. As a result, the Federation’s workers declined to work for Kaushik Ganguly’s film bringing production to a standstill. In response, Ganguly distanced himself from DAEI and settled his conflict with the Federation. Now, EIMPA has re-emerged as a significant entity led by president Anup Sengupta and Swaroop Biswas has been appointed as an advisor.  The central issue that emerges is whether these changes stem from authentic ideological shifts or is it survival instinct. A director revealed that the coercive strategies of stopping production have led filmmakers to fall in line. 

Bengal BJP is grappling with a significant internal crisis as it faces a series of resignations, defections, and internal dissent. Once boasting 77 MLAs after the 2021 state assembly elections, the party’s strength has now dwindled to 65, with concerns looming over the loyalty of several MLAs. The BJP’s legislative strength began to shrink soon after the 2021 assembly elections. Initially reduced to 75 MLAs when two elected members, also serving as MPs, resigned as the party had failed to secure power. Since then, eight more MLAs have defected, one passed away, and another resigned after winning a parliamentary seat in 2024. Tamluk MLA Tapasi Mondal’s defection to ruling TMC was particularly alarming as she belonged to BJP leader Suvendu Adhikari’s stronghold. In North Bengal, Kurseong MLA Bishnu Prasad Sharma has openly criticized the BJP’s leadership for failing to deliver on promises of special status for the Darjeeling Hills. In Nadia and North 24 Parganas, BJP MLAs in these regions, particularly those with ties to the influential Matua community, have kept the party anxious. Before the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, two MLAs were given parliamentary tickets to prevent them from defecting, yet both failed to win. The influence of regional leaders like Ananta Maharaj in North Bengal has complicated BJP’s internal dynamics. With the 2026 state assembly elections in sight, the BJP faces an urgent need to stabilize its ranks. The party’s ability to manage dissent, especially in politically sensitive zones like North Bengal and Matua-dominated regions, will be critical. While the TMC’s aggressive poaching strategy has played a role, the BJP’s own failure to manage internal grievances and regional dynamics has compounded its problems.

Despite the release of contemporary Bengali films, audiences in Kolkata are gravitating towards the re-released classics of Satyajit Ray. Mahanagar and Nayak, restored and re-released by RD Bansal Productions, have drawn huge crowds to theatres across Kolkata, Delhi, Mumbai, and Bengaluru. Uttam Kumar and Sharmila Tagore starring Nayak originally released on May 6, 1966, was Ray’s second original screenplay after Kanchenjungha (1962). Mahanagar, first released in 1963, offers a powerful depiction of Kolkata’s transition into a capitalistic society. The restored versions, presented in 2K and 4K, have not only enhanced their visual appeal but also reaffirmed their timeless relevance, attracting both nostalgic viewers and first-time audiences. In contrast, the re-release of Chander Pahar (2013), directed by Kamaleswar Mukherjee and starring Dev, saw a lukewarm response despite commemorating the 130th birth anniversary of author Bibhutibhushan Bandyopadhyay. Similarly, Shudhu Tomari Jonyo, a multi-starrer romantic drama produced by SVF, failed to garner significant attention. The success of Ray’s films has reignited interest in classic Bengali cinema, with discussions underway for re-releases of Joi Baba Felunath and other masterpieces. Meanwhile, Saat Pake Bandha (1963), starring Suchitra Sen and Soumitra Chatterjee and later adapted into Kora Kagaz (1974), is undergoing restoration. The resurgence of Mahanagar and Nayak in cinemas underscores the lasting impact of Ray’s storytelling, proving that masterful filmmaking continues to captivate audiences across generations.  

In a surprise move, the Left Front in West Bengal has decided to finalise the seat-sharing formula by April this year. The 2026 Assembly elections may be held between April and May. The one-year advance planning is to prevent any future complications. A senior leader from one of the Left’s allied parties revealed that all parties are expected to provide an update on their strength in each constituency by end March, detailing their ground-level presence and influence. At one time, the Forward Bloc dominated large areas of Cooch Behar, the CPI held sway over undivided Midnapore, and the RSP had strong organizations in South Dinajpur and areas like Joynagar and Kultali in South 24 Parganas. But the political landscape has drastically changed and the Left Front’s 34 years of uninterrupted rule was brought to an end by Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress some 14 years ago. According to Left Front sources, recently, in six by-elections to Assembly seats, the CPM contested only one seat on its own, in Taldangra, where it secured just over 10% of the vote. In other areas like Madarihat, the RSP, in Sitai, the Forward Bloc, and in Medinipur, the CPI garnered just 1-3% of the vote. This shift in support has prompted the Left Front to discard the seat-sharing formula that had been in place since the 1977 Assembly elections. However, as the Left Front navigates the altered political landscape, it has sought seat-sharing agreements with parties like Congress, the Indian Secular Front (ISF), and even smaller Left groups such as the CPM (Liberation), which had been outside the Front in recent times. Looks like the Left Front, particularly the CPI(M), is making serious attempts to adjust to new realities.

The selection of the next state president of the West Bengal BJP has sparked intense debate within the party. Multiple candidates are under consideration, with survey agencies playing a crucial role in the decision-making process. Traditionally surveys were used for selecting candidates during elections. Both Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah have relied on survey agencies to gauge the political climate across the states. In Bengal, such surveys were used to select candidates for the 2021 Assembly and 2024 Lok Sabha elections. Shah personally monitors the Bengal BJP unit, aided by the Ahmedabad-based political strategy firm. A major recommendation is to consolidate the party’s leadership without violating internal policies. Currently, different factions exist around state president Sukanta Majumdar, Leader of Opposition Suvendu Adhikari, and former president Dilip Ghosh. Additionally, the two leaders handling organizational matters have their own support bases. To resolve this, the survey agency suggests appointing a state president who won’t emerge as a rival power centre, possibly a MP from tribal or marginalized communities. Another suggestion is to establish a campaign committee, likely led by Suvendu, which would allow him to play a crucial role without violating the “one person, one post” rule. Former president Dilip Ghosh is expected to have an expanded role in reviving BJP’s presence in Rarh and Jangalmahal regions. Amit Shah’s upcoming visit to Bengal is expected to finalize the party’s electoral strategy. The selection process for the next president is critical, with names like Jyotirmoy Mahato, Samik Bhattacharya, and Subrata Chatterjee being considered. Chatterjee’s organizational expertise and RSS background make him a strong contender.

In a high-stakes display of political manoeuvring, West Bengal chief minister and Trinamool Congress chairperson Mamata Banerjee took center stage in a highly anticipated party meeting, reaffirming her command over the party. With the 2026 State Assembly election looming, Mamata made it clear that her party will come back to power with resounding victory for the fourth term garnering over 215 seats. All eyes were on the long-anticipated reunion between Didi and her nephew, TMC’s national general secretary Abhishek Banerjee. After months of speculation about internal rifts, their joint appearance was meant to silence whispers of discord. Abhishek, who had been conspicuously absent from key party affairs. So, Mamata’s strategic decision to place him as just a member of the critical 35-member voter list review committee—led by state president Subrata Bakshi—raised eyebrows. Adding to the intrigue, four relatively new MPs—Yusuf Pathan, Sagarika Ghosh, Kirti Azad, and Shatabdi Roy—were given speaking slots ahead of Abhishek, breaking the usual tradition where he directly precedes Didi at party events. The move hinted at a recalibration of hierarchy within the party, reinforcing Mamata’s supreme authority. Equally significant was Mamata’s shifting stance on I-PAC, the political consultancy firm long associated with Abhishek’s camp. Once wary of its influence, she had earlier instructed party members to withhold information from its representatives, leading to speculation that she was distancing herself from Abhishek’s strategies. However, recent meetings between Mamata and I-PAC’s current head, Pratik Jain, have reversed this perception. She has now warned against speaking negatively about the firm, a move seen by many as a sign of reconciliation—or at least, strategic necessity—in the run-up to 2026.