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Two days ahead of PM Modi’s public meeting at Madurantakam, Chengalpattu district on January 23, the BJP stepped up its campaign to expand the NDA ahead of the assembly elections. On January 21, AMMK general secretary TTV Dhinakaran, rejoined the NDA alliance in the presence of Union Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal in Chennai. He had moved out of the NDA in September 2025. This was six months after Union Home Minister Amit Shah announced that AIADMK chief Eddapadi K Palaniswami would be the CM face and lead the AIADMK- BJP alliance in Tamil Nadu in April 2025. In a reversal of events early this year, Dhinakaran flew into Delhi, met Amit Shah to pave the way for his return into the NDA fold. It is being said the AMMK commands considerable influence among the Mukkulathor community or Thevars in southern TN. Dhinakaran rejoining the NDA could spell trouble for the ruling DMK. So too the joining of Anbumani Ramadoss-led PMK. It is being said Amit Shah was very keen that all anti-DMK votes in the South, particularly the Thevar community votes should not be fragmented. Dhinakaran described the past differences as merely a “family feud”. On his part, AIADMK chief Palaniswami also welcomed Dhinakaran. The only person acting pricey is DMDK leader Premalatha, widow of late actor Vijayakanth. She is bargaining for two Rajya Sabha seats, a ministerial berth for her son in Modi Govt and some 20 assembly seats. It is her demand to accommodate her son in the Central Govt that has spooked Delhi. Meanwhile, it is learnt that DMK has asked Congress to scale down its demand for seats to 28 and has offered instead to bankroll poll expenses of Assam assembly elections. This simply shows how desperately DMK needs Congress — that is why it is trying to keep it away from actor Vijay’s TVK.
Ahead of the Assembly elections this year, the West Bengal BJP leadership is facing an uncomfortable situation after Kharagpur Sadar MLA Hiran Chatterjee posted pictures on social media announcing his second marriage, revealing that the ceremony had taken place in Varanasi, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s parliamentary constituency. What initially remained a low-key development within the party escalated after Hiran’s first wife, Anindita Chatterjee, publicly claimed that there had been no legal divorce between them. The claim has caused disquiet within the BJP, with party sources confirming that internal discussions are under way on whether Hiran, a popular Bengali star, should be re-nominated from Kharagpur Sadar. The issue has since acquired a legal dimension, with Anindita and the couple’s daughter, Niyasha, filing a complaint against the MLA and his alleged second wife. A section within BJP is viewing the issue with concern, particularly given the party’s ideological emphasis on Hindu traditions and Hindutva. Senior leaders, speaking off the record, acknowledge that while marriage is a personal decision, contracting a second marriage without a legal divorce can amount to a criminal offence and raises questions of propriety and ethics. The party’s current position, sources said, is that there is no documentary proof available so far to establish the second marriage. The filing of a formal complaint by Hiran’s first wife and daughter has, however, sharpened scrutiny of the MLA and fuelled speculation within party circles. The continued silence of the leadership, leaders admit privately, is being interpreted both as an attempt to limit political damage and as a possible indication of a growing distance between the party and the sitting MLA — a distance that could ultimately influence ticket decisions.
This year there has been too much shrill in the social media about the World Economic Forum held in Davos, Switzerland. The general lament has been “Why are India’s Union ministers and chief ministers going all the way to Davos to sign MoUs with the CEOs of Indian companies when the same could have been done in India …in the CM’s cabin”? Why waste taxpayers money? Effectively, countering this criticism, Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis told Rahul Kanwal of NDTV, that Davos is a meeting place…attended by the who’s who. A number of Indian companies have foreign partners and those people attend the event… and we get an opportunity to meet them while signing the MoUs. And sometimes we just meet the foreign partners and the MoU is subsequently signed in India. Adding further, he said all states in India hold Investment Summit … .so there is no need for it…you can sign MoUs in Mantralaya. Well put. The 56th meeting will see leaders from business, government, international organizations, civil society and academia attend. Capturing the pulse will be over 400 plus journalists & media representatives. The World Economic Forum (WEF) is an international advocacy non-governmental organization and think tank founded on 24 January 1971 by German engineer Klaus Schwab. The main objective of the Davos WEF is to “improve the state of the world” through public-private cooperation.
Nitin Nabin was formally declared as the BJP national president, succeeding JP Nadda, in a brief ceremony at party headquarters in Delhi on January 20. All party stalwarts including PM Modi were present. Even as he received a certificate of election from K Laxman, returning officer for BJP organisational polls, Nabin at 45, became the youngest ever to occupy the top party post. The BJP was founded in Mumbai — then Bombay — in 1980 — the year Nabin was born. Emphasising his youthful background, PM Modi went all out emphasising his “millennial background” and “Gen Z connect”. “Nitin Nabin is a millennial. He is from a generation who has witnessed the country’s economic transformation”, the PM said introducing the new party chief. Outlining Nabin’s task, Modi felt his “youthful energy and long experience of working in organisation,” would help in expanding the party’s footprint across the country. Emphasising that he would always be a worker of the BJP, Modi said “And when it comes to party matters, I am a worker, and Nitin Nabin ji is my boss.” He also added that Nabin would have responsibility to coordinate with NDA allies. Meanwhile, Nabin’s sensitive millennial side was revealed in a video that was shared of Modi’s meeting with Nabin’s family at party headquarters…it showed Nabin as a caring father even as he was with PM Modi. Interestingly, PM Modi also shared why BJP is not into celebrating its wins whether in Mumbai’s BMC or even in Gujarat 2022 assembly polls when everyone had expected him to lose. “We are always into analysing our results/ mistakes. Or preparing for the next polls.”
The Kollywood jungle drums are sounding for a soon to be wedding. The smoke signals are strong as it concerns two celebrity stars — Rajinikant’s ex son-in-law Dhanush and the single saucy Mrunal Thakur. Dhanush and Aishwarya Rajinikanth parted ways after 18 years of marriage. Their two grown up children — Linga and Yatra — tried their best for the parent’s reconciliation. And when Dhanush built his much-touted Rs 150 crore mansion just around the corner from Rajnikanth’s media famed “Poes Garden home”, there were strong rumours that the estranged couple would reconcile. But that was not to be. The divorce was officially granted in November 2024. Dhanush has many hits in Tamil and Hindi films, even as Director he has been appreciated ..his other skills are script writing and singing. His last film Idli Kadai which he penned did good business. Now there are strong rumours about his romantic liaisons, even marriage with Hindi star Mrunal. May be the New Year and Thai Pongal have inspired him to announce that he is ready to take a second plunge with Marathi mulgi, Mrunal who has featured in successful films …Sita Ramam, Hi Nanna and Son of Sardar. Now it just needs the green signal from the two, so fans and followers can stop holding their breath and go on their way.
From his roots in Odisha to international recognition, Ramesh Barik, Founder & MD of RR Events & Cine Production, is fast emerging as one of the state’s most influential cultural ambassadors. Widely acknowledged as a star-standard cultural diplomat of Odisha, Barik has successfully taken the art, culture, and heritage of the eastern Indian state to global platforms through visionary event production. With remarkable strategy, he has brought together Odisha’s biggest stars and presented them on prestigious international stages. In 2024, Barik achieved a major milestone by hosting a grand Five Star Awards Night in Dubai, a hugely successful event that introduced Odia cinema, music, and culture to audiences across the Middle East. In 2025, he continued this global journey with a high-profile cultural showcase in Singapore. Now, Barik is preparing for what promises to be a historic moment — a large-scale awards night in London. Industry insiders say that such an event of this magnitude, featuring nearly 40 diverse acts, has never been staged in London by any Indian regional industry. The programme will include dance, music, stand-up comedy, and cultural heritage presentations, offering the world a rare glimpse into Odisha’s rich and often underrepresented legacy. Future plans also include Australia, New Zealand, and several Far East countries. With over 25 years of experience, he has executed more than 1,800 events globally, including exhibitions, conferences, product launches, award nights, and promotional campaigns. He has produced over 24 films, 312 Odia music videos, and multiple Hindi music projects, earning numerous awards for excellence and entrepreneurship.
Rahu Ketu, directed by Vipul Garg and starring Pulkit Samrat and Varun Sharma, opened on January 16, 2026, to a muted Rs 1 crore nett across India and an overall Hindi occupancy of just 6.9%. Morning shows were weakest (around 5%), edging up to 9–10% in evening and night slots. The film lagged behind fellow comedy Happy Patel: Khatarnak Jasoos (Rs 1.25 crore opening) and faced stiff competition from holdovers such as Dhurandhar, 28 Years Later: The Bone Temple, and The Raja Saab, which likely siphoned off potential viewers. Its premise was a magical notebook that brings two unlucky characters to life and sparks a chaotic chase involving a thief named Meenu Taxi and a drug mafia which created trailer interest but didn’t translate into ticket sales. Several factors help explain the weak start. The film’s broad, slapstick humour and conventional comedic tropes appear out of step with Gen Z preferences for sharper, more relatable, and often socially aware comedy; formats increasingly discovered via streaming and short-form platforms. Promotional efforts, including city tours and college visits, failed to generate viral momentum or sustained word-of-mouth necessary to pull younger audiences to theatres. The crowded release calendar, with multiple genres vying for attention, further diluted its reach, especially for a mid-budget film without major star power to anchor footfalls. Additionally, there was no clear cultural hook beyond a promising trailer to boost pre-release buzz. Economic headwinds and changing consumption habits also played a role: rising ticket prices and the convenience of home viewing make audiences more selective about theatre trips. In this environment, a light-hearted, formulaic comedy without a distinctive voice struggled to stand out—resulting in Rahu Ketu’s underwhelming opening.
Nearly two decades after the Singur agitation reshaped West Bengal politics, the fertile stretch in Hooghly district has re-emerged as a key electoral flashpoint. With the 2026 Assembly elections nearing, the BJP has revived the Singur narrative, promising the return of Tata Motors and large-scale industrialisation if voted to power. The Trinamool Congress (TMC), however, continues to project Singur as a landmark victory for farmers against forcible land acquisition. BJP leaders argue that Tata Motors’ exit in 2008 marked the onset of de-industrialisation and that only a change in government can restore investor confidence. The BJP has also contrasted West Bengal’s industrial trajectory with Gujarat’s rapid expansion, presenting the latter as a development model. The party sees Singur as a way to reach Left-leaning voters by emphasising employment and economic growth rather than identity politics alone. The TMC has countered by reiterating that the Singur movement centred on protecting cultivable land and farmers’ rights. It cites the Supreme Court verdict declaring the 2006 land acquisition illegal and ordering land to be returned to unwilling farmers, calling it both legal and moral vindication. The conflict began in 2006 when the Left Front government acquired nearly 1,000 acres for Tata’s Nano project. The decision sparked sustained protests led by Mamata Banerjee, including police action and a 21-day hunger strike. Amid escalating unrest, Tata Motors withdrew in 2008 and shifted the project to Sanand, Gujarat. The Singur and Nandigram agitations later became central to the TMC’s rise, ending 34 years of Left rule in 2011. At present, about 300 acres have been restored to cultivation. Farmers’ groups have demanded that another 300 acres be made arable, suggesting the rest could be considered for industry. As elections approach, Singur’s abandoned fields have again become a battleground of competing visions of development and memory.
Kartik Aaryan’s career exemplifies how quickly fortunes can shift. The actor, who rose to fame as a self-made outsider with no industry backing, recently faced backlash after his romantic comedy Tu Meri Main Tera Main Tera Tu Meri produced by Karan Johar and co-starring Ananya Panday, bombed at the box office, earning just around Rs 50 crore in India despite a Rs 50 crore fee for Kartik. Critics and audiences panned the film for its lacklustre script, poor music, and limited screen allocation; competition from blockbusters like Dhurandhar and Avatar: Fire and Ash. Social media erupted with calls labelling him “overrated,” criticizing his repetitive expressions and dialogue delivery across genres. This downturn echoes Kartik’s past setbacks, including flops like Shehzada (2023), which prompted him to return part of his fee, and Chandu Champion (2024), which underperformed commercially despite earning him a Filmfare Best Actor award. Yet, he’s celebrated for revitalizing franchises with mega-hits like Bhool Bhulaiyaa 2 (post-COVID blockbuster) and Bhool Bhulaiyaa 3 (2024), which grossed over Rs 250 crore and outdid rivals at Diwali. His defenders highlight his crowd-pulling power in rom-coms like SatyaPrem Ki Katha, which opened at Rs 9.25 crore despite minimal hype. Adding fuel to the fire, reports surfaced that Karan Johar’s talent agency, Dharma Cornerstone Agency, parted ways with Kartik just two months after signing him, amid the film’s failure, reviving memories of their 2021 fallout over Dostana 2, where Kartik was ousted for alleged unprofessionalism, leading to a temporary “ban” from Dharma. Though they reconciled in 2025. The treatment meted out to Kartik underscores the industry’s ruthlessness: one hit elevates you, one flop buries you—unless you’re a nepo product. Kartik’s upcoming slate, including Naagzilla (releasing August 2026 with Johar) and an Anurag Basu project, could redeem him, but this episode highlights Bollywood’s cutthroat nature, where talent...
The International Cricket Council (ICC) is running short on time to bring a conclusion to what can be described as “L’affaire Bangladesh” that has grabbed the attention of the global cricketing fraternity after the South Asian Country took a call not to play its ICC men’s Twenty20 World Cup in India and request the world body to relocate its matches to Sri Lanka. The Bangladesh Cricket Board (BCB), took the extreme step soon after the Kolkata Knight Riders (KKR) paid heed to the BCCI to release left arm seamer Mustafizur Rahman from its squad for the forthcoming IPL. The layman and the expert believe that the KKR — along with two more franchises — ought not to have made a bid for the Bangladesh player at the auction in Abu Dhabi knowing well that the bilateral tours between the two countries had come to an end because of certain unpleasant events happening in Bangladesh. As it transpired Rahman’s forced exit from the KKR squad turned out to be the trigger for BCB to shoot a letter to the ICC expressing security and safety concerns for its team in India. The ICC now has an independent chair, an Indian, in Jay Shah — son of the Union Home Minister Amit Shah — and an Indian CEO in Sanjog Gupta. With plenty on its plate already, especially with Pakistan not wanting to play in India, Shah and Gupta have their task cut out so to say. The ICC is not inclined to interfere with logistics at this stage wherein only three weeks are left for the first ball to be bowled. The BCB has been equally firm in its decision and the latest news is that an ICC delegation will travel to Dhaka to thrash out, if at all it can be, the sensitive matter.
Ahead of the Assembly elections this year, the West Bengal BJP leadership is facing an uncomfortable situation after Kharagpur Sadar MLA Hiran Chatterjee posted pictures on social media announcing his second marriage, revealing that the ceremony had taken place in Varanasi, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s parliamentary constituency. What initially remained a low-key development within the party escalated after Hiran’s first wife, Anindita Chatterjee, publicly claimed that there had been no legal divorce between them. The claim has caused disquiet within the BJP, with party sources confirming that internal discussions are under way on whether Hiran, a popular Bengali star, should be re-nominated from Kharagpur Sadar. The issue has since acquired a legal dimension, with Anindita and the couple’s daughter, Niyasha, filing a complaint against the MLA and his alleged second wife. A section within BJP is viewing the issue with concern, particularly given the party’s ideological emphasis on Hindu traditions and Hindutva. Senior leaders, speaking off the record, acknowledge that while marriage is a personal decision, contracting a second marriage without a legal divorce can amount to a criminal offence and raises questions of propriety and ethics. The party’s current position, sources said, is that there is no documentary proof available so far to establish the second marriage. The filing of a formal complaint by Hiran’s first wife and daughter has, however, sharpened scrutiny of the MLA and fuelled speculation within party circles. The continued silence of the leadership, leaders admit privately, is being interpreted both as an attempt to limit political damage and as a possible indication of a growing distance between the party and the sitting MLA — a distance that could ultimately influence ticket decisions.
Nearly two decades after the Singur agitation reshaped West Bengal politics, the fertile stretch in Hooghly district has re-emerged as a key electoral flashpoint. With the 2026 Assembly elections nearing, the BJP has revived the Singur narrative, promising the return of Tata Motors and large-scale industrialisation if voted to power. The Trinamool Congress (TMC), however, continues to project Singur as a landmark victory for farmers against forcible land acquisition. BJP leaders argue that Tata Motors’ exit in 2008 marked the onset of de-industrialisation and that only a change in government can restore investor confidence. The BJP has also contrasted West Bengal’s industrial trajectory with Gujarat’s rapid expansion, presenting the latter as a development model. The party sees Singur as a way to reach Left-leaning voters by emphasising employment and economic growth rather than identity politics alone. The TMC has countered by reiterating that the Singur movement centred on protecting cultivable land and farmers’ rights. It cites the Supreme Court verdict declaring the 2006 land acquisition illegal and ordering land to be returned to unwilling farmers, calling it both legal and moral vindication. The conflict began in 2006 when the Left Front government acquired nearly 1,000 acres for Tata’s Nano project. The decision sparked sustained protests led by Mamata Banerjee, including police action and a 21-day hunger strike. Amid escalating unrest, Tata Motors withdrew in 2008 and shifted the project to Sanand, Gujarat. The Singur and Nandigram agitations later became central to the TMC’s rise, ending 34 years of Left rule in 2011. At present, about 300 acres have been restored to cultivation. Farmers’ groups have demanded that another 300 acres be made arable, suggesting the rest could be considered for industry. As elections approach, Singur’s abandoned fields have again become a battleground of competing visions of development and memory.
West Bengal Chief Minister and TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee once again placed confrontation at the centre of her politics on January 8, when she entered the residence of political strategist Pratik Jain just as the Enforcement Directorate began a search. Jain is the director of I-PAC, the political consultancy that has advised the TMC since 2021 and is widely credited with playing a key role in the party’s landslide Assembly victory that year. According to Mamata, the agency’s objective was not law enforcement but the seizure of confidential TMC poll material, including candidate lists, campaign strategy documents, SIR-related papers and electronic data. The episode reinforced an image Banerjee has cultivated over decades as a political “street fighter”. Supporters point to her early days as a Youth Congress worker protesting against Jayaprakash Narayan, her emergence as a “giant-killer” after defeating Left heavyweight Somnath Chatterjee in the 1984 Lok Sabha elections, and decades of street battles against the Left that culminated in the Singur and Nandigram movements and the fall of the 34-year Left Front government in 2011. Senior TMC insiders cite precedents where confrontation brought political dividends: her February 3, 2019 dharna after a CBI raid on then police commissioner Rajeev Kumar in the Saradha scam case; her February 23, 2021 confrontation with a CBI team probing a coal smuggling case involving Abhishek Banerjee and his wife; and her May 17, 2021 six-hour stay at the CBI office as several TMC leaders were arrested in the Narada sting operation case. Leaders argue such confrontations help counter anti-incumbency, mask internal factional rifts and deflect attention from economic management and alleged scams. As elections approach, Didi has returned to the mode that has long defined her career: fighting her battles on the street.
After inaugurating the Jagannath Dham in Digha earlier this year, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee laid the foundation stone of the Durga Angan project in Kolkata and reiterated that the Mahakal Temple in Siliguri will be inaugurated in the second week of January. Envisioned as a permanent, year-round space for the worship of Goddess Durga, Durga Angan project spread over 17 acres will cost Rs 262-crore. It is being developed by the West Bengal Housing Infrastructure Development Corporation in partnership with the state government. According to the project blueprint, the complex will span over two lakh square feet and include a temple courtyard capable of accommodating 1,000 devotees at a time, a 20-foot-wide circumambulatory path, 1,008 pillars and a main sanctum rising to a height of 54 metres. Along with the principal mandap, the complex will feature a Singhadwar and several auxiliary mandaps. The government has projected infrastructure to handle up to one lakh visitors daily, with additional facilities for art, heritage studies and cultural activities, positioning it as a major cultural and tourism hub. Linking the project to UNESCO’s 2021 recognition of Durga Puja in Bengal as an ‘Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity’, Didi believes that the state had a responsibility to preserve and pass on the honour to future generations. However, the initiative has triggered sharp political reactions. BJP MP Jyotirmoy Singh Mahato alleged that projects like Durga Angan are driven by Mamata’s personal political agenda, claiming religious symbolism would not yield electoral gains.. BJP IT cell head Amit Malviya alleged financial irregularities, claimed protests over the land earmarked for the project and accused the CM of undermining religious sanctity for political gains.
Ahead of the 2026 West Bengal Assembly elections, a sharp political divide is emerging. Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee is foregrounding Bengali language, asmita, and secularism, projecting her government as pro-people through social welfare schemes and friendly governance. Conversely, the BJP is centring its campaign on illegal infiltration, corruption, misgovernance and a “climate of fear,” as outlined by Union Home Minister Amit Shah. During a three-day Kolkata tour, Shah intensified attacks on the Trinamool Congress, alleging that 15 years of rule have been paralysed by “syndicate-driven practices” and corruption, hindering development and central scheme implementation. Shah accused Mamata of nepotism, claiming power concentrated around her nephew, Abhishek Banerjee. He further criticised the appointment of senior police officials, alleging deviations from norms via the use of retired officers as proxy heads. On national security, Shah labelled illegal immigration a critical concern. He alleged the state failed to provide land for border fencing, claiming while infiltration dropped in Assam and Tripura, it persists in Bengal due to “vote-bank considerations.” He cited the BJP’s growth from 17 % vote share and two Lok Sabha seats in 2014 to 39 % vote share and 12 seats in 2024 as evidence of momentum. Banerjee launched a counterattack by questioning why the Centre focuses on Bengal while ignoring security issues in regions like Jammu and Kashmir. Finally, she questioned the timing of BJP’s deportation promises, noting that Bengal and Punjab bore the historical brunt of 1947’s Partition displacement.
More than a decade after the Tata Group exited Singur following protests led by then Opposition leader Mamata Banerjee, the Trinamool Congress (TMC) supremo, now West Bengal chief minister, has cleared a Rs 500-crore investment proposal for the same area, signalling a renewed push for industrial development. Political observers see this as an effort to reinforce her government’s pro-industry image and revive Singur ahead of the 2026 Assembly elections. The Mamata Banerjee-led Cabinet approved a large warehouse and logistics project at Singur, marking a symbolic turnaround for a site central to her political rise. Minister of State for Finance Chandrima Bhattacharya said Nahar Industrial Enterprises Ltd will invest Rs 500 crore, with 11.35 acres allotted on a 99-year lease. The facility is expected to bolster logistics and delivery operations for major e-commerce players such as Amazon and Flipkart, generate employment, and strengthen supply-chain infrastructure. Singur gained national prominence in 2006–08 after protests against land acquisition for the Tata Motors Nano factory under the CPI(M)-led Left Front government. The agitation, led by Didi, ended with Tata Motors pulling out in October 2008, and the Left branding her “anti-industry.” More than 14 years after assuming power in 2011, Mamata has now facilitated major private investment at the same site. This follows a 2016 Supreme Court verdict directing the TMC government to take possession of about 1,000 acres and return it to farmers, declaring the earlier acquisition illegal.
With the West Bengal Assembly elections just months away, veteran politician Humayun Kabir’s decision to launch his own outfit, Janata Unnayan Party and openly challenge chief minister Mamata Banerjee has added an unexpected twist to an already heated political season. Kabir announced that his party will contest 135 of Bengal’s 294 Assembly seats. There is speculation that he could split the Muslim votes in the state. If that happens, it could seriously hurt Didi’s Trinamool Congress party, which draws significant support from Bengal’s 27% Muslim population. The TMC has downplayed the move as a sideshow. The development has invited comparisons with Banerjee’s own break from the Congress in 1998, when she formed the Trinamool Congress, eventually ending the Left Front’s long rule. According to a section of political observers, Kabir’s situation is different as he does not command a mass following, nor have a statewide organisational structure or a clear ideological pitch that can cut across regions and communities. However, his move cannot be dismissed entirely since his criticism of the Trinamool’s leadership style — particularly its highly centralised decision-making — have quietly circulated within party ranks. By stepping out, Kabir has brought these murmurs into the open. From an electoral perspective, the immediate impact on the ruling party is likely to be limited as Trinamool remains firmly deep-rooted across most of the state. A section of party sources, however, feel that in tightly contested constituencies, even a marginal split in votes — especially among minorities — could tilt the balance. For the opposition, including the BJP, Kabir’s entry not only highlights cracks within the ruling camp but may also split the anti-Trinamool vote further.
West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s latest attack on GST has exposed visible strain between her and the Chief Financial Adviser and former Finance Minister Dr Amit Mitra. She has questioned his role in backing the indirect tax regime and blamed the Centre for substantial losses to the state. She accused the Centre of collecting GST on behalf of states while withholding their legitimate share, alleging West Bengal has been deprived of Rs 20,000 crore. In an unusually direct reference to her adviser, Mamata questioned Dr Mitra’s support for GST during its formulation and rollout, when he chaired the drafting committee and advocated a uniform tax structure as economically beneficial. She said his position must now be explained in light of continued deductions from GST revenues and the scale of losses claimed by the state. Dr Mitra has pointed to parliamentary statements in which the Centre acknowledged GST fraud amounting to Rs 2 lakh crore. Mamata has countered that while the figure has been officially stated, there is no credible evidence establishing the actual scale of fraud, raising doubts over whether GST has resulted in net gains or losses for states. The remarks come weeks after Mamata publicly admitted that her government erred in accepting GST. She also said that during the GST rollout, Dr Mitra explained the concept of a uniform tax structure to her, an explanation she has since described as misguided, adding that it was based on this understanding that the TMC became the first party to support GST. The public questioning of Mitra highlights growing tensions within the state’s economic leadership amid intensifying Centre-state fiscal confrontations.
West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee sacked state Sports & Youth Welfare Minister Aroop Biswas following the inept handling of the legendary footballer Lionel Messi event which turned ugly leading to chaos and vandalism at the Salt Lake stadium. The CM who has instituted an inquiry will handle his portfolio for now. Thousands of fans had bought costly tickets but failed to get a glimpse of GOAT Messi. The visuals of the vandalised parts of the stadium shown worldwide embarrassed the ruling Trinamool Congress. Biswas came under sharp criticism after images of him accompanying Messi at the stadium went viral, with football fans alleging that he remained in close proximity to the footballer during the event. Though Biswas wrote to Banerjee expressing his willingness to step down till the probe was completed, sources said the chief minister did not speak to him during two high-level meetings. Some of his associates had expected the controversy to be eclipsed by the publication of the draft voter list. The inquiry committee submitted its preliminary report to Nabanna on Monday (Dec 15) night. Acting on its recommendations, Chief Secretary Manoj Pant on Tuesday issued show-cause notices to DGP,police commissioner, principal secretary etc. Apparently, there has been a turf war between two TMC ministers — Sujit Bose and Aroop Biswas –over access to Messi. Bose has deep roots in Bengal’s sports administration and enjoys high visibility at major events, while Biswas, as Sports Minister, has overseen marquee tournaments, giving him clear institutional authority over visiting athletes. Beyond sports, the two are also perceived as rivals in Durga Puja — Sujit’s Sribhumi versus Aroop’s Suruchi Sangha. While Sujit’s interactions with Messi unfolded in the controlled confines of the hotel, Aroop sought to reclaim visibility at the stadium, where mass crowds and public attention mattered more. As a result the public anger focused on Biswas and Didi had to...
The Bengal BJP is recalibrating from its earlier hardline Hindutva stance to adopt a more measured political tone, even as chief minister Mamata Banerjee intensifies her charge that the party is anti-Bengali, communal, and attempting to bring the NRC into the state through indirect means. The shift became most evident when Leader of the Opposition Suvendu Adhikari softened his long-held claim that the BJP neither expects nor needs minority votes. After months of asserting that minorities never support the BJP and that a 5-6% rise in Hindu votes would be enough to form government, he has now reinterpreted his stance, saying the party simply does not receive minority votes rather than rejecting them. There is no indication that the BJP’s central leadership has instructed the state unit to soften its tone, and even central leaders acknowledge that polarisation has helped the party perform better in rural regions. Trinamool Congress leaders argue that Adhikari has realised Hindutva alone will not secure victory for the party. Party insiders see the shift as a strategic effort to weaken the strong perception that a BJP government would threaten minorities and instead minority votes may fragment rather than consolidate behind the Trinamool. Adhikari has recently suggested that AIMIM and ISF could draw minority support and predicted that the Trinamool may not win any seat in Malda, with the BJP securing a significant share. The BJP’s choice of Shamik Bhattacharya, viewed as a moderate, as state president was aimed at appealing to the liberal urban middle-class Bengali electorate that is harder to draw with hardline rhetoric.
Support organisations working with sex workers across Kolkata are coordinating with the Chief Electoral Office (CEO), Bengal to facilitate SIR (Special Intensive Revision) enumeration ahead of a special camp. Rehearsal sessions for filling SIR forms have begun, where groups flagged concerns that widespread messaging around the process has created fear among sex workers. Ratan Dalui, Secretary of Amra Padatik, said various forms of publicity circulating on phones have unsettled many, adding that a viral song from actor-director Anirban Bhattacharya’s musical group ‘Hooliganism’ referencing SIR has contributed to anxiety about possible omission from the voter’s list. Three organisations, including Amra Padatik, had written to CEO Manoj Agarwal highlighting documentation challenges. Sources said the Commission initiated steps to address the issues and informally noted that while states such as Bihar also have red-light districts, no organisation there has taken similar initiatives. Groups in Kolkata’s red-light areas have stepped up outreach, visiting brothels and urging sex workers to attend the special camp. Dedicated screened-off spaces will be set up at the camp to ensure confidential interaction with election officials. Kolkata’s central red-light district has nearly 10,000 sex workers. About 3,000 travel daily for work, while 7,000 live there permanently. Most permanent residents possess voter ID cards, but many cannot provide documents dating back to 2002, required for SIR verification. Organisations estimate that around 1,400 sex workers from this area face documentation hurdles, with over 100 more in Kalighat and Khidderpore.
With the state headed for the 2026 Assembly elections, the Mamata Banerjee government is pushing aggressively to showcase industrial progress through the MSME sector. Seeking to counter anti-incumbency and reinforce its prospects for a fourth straight term—an outcome the Trinamool Congress believes is likely—the administration is leaving no stones unturned to project West Bengal as an industry-friendly state. The effort is widely seen as an attempt by the CM to shed her long-standing anti-industry image, with the Opposition frequently alleging that despite annual editions of the Bengal Global Business Summit and repeated announcements of investment proposals, the state continues to lag behind in credible, large-scale industrial growth. Ahead of the major state industrial summit scheduled for December 18, significant investment proposals have already come in across four districts, MSME Department officials have indicated. The flow of investments into the Junglemahal region—particularly Purulia and Bankura—is being seen as a major breakthrough. Despite years of road expansion, new industrial parks, logistics hubs, and policy incentives, attracting major industries to this region remained a challenge. With fresh commitments now in hand, the government believes the industrial landscape of Junglemahal is set for a notable shift. Bankura has received investment proposals worth Rs 4,590 crore, East Burdwan Rs 590 crore, West Burdwan Rs 350 crore and Purulia Rs 90 crore. All projects are expected to be implemented within the next 18 months and could generate 18,000 to 20,000 direct jobs. Indirect employment is also expected to rise across transport, food supply, hospitality, energy, services and ancillary sectors. According to Nabanna, an improved business environment, faster licensing, the single-window clearance system and recent Synergy and Business Enablement meetings have played critical roles in accelerating these investments.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi will remain the Bengal BJP’s main campaign face for the 2026 West Bengal Assembly polls, but the party is consciously limiting his appearances to avoid “overuse” of its most popular leader. State unit insiders believe Modi’s speeches and announcements at select rallies will shape the state-wide narrative, with the party machinery ensuring these messages resonate across districts. Modi is expected to begin his Bengal campaign later in December. BJP sources said he may address his first rally on a Saturday or Sunday during Parliament’s winter session. From December until the end of the campaign, he is likely to hold 14–15 rallies across the state, according to a senior party source. With the election announcement still at least three months away and the polling process expected to stretch two to two-and-a-half months, the campaign period could run nearly five months. Sources further informed that under the current plan, Modi will not exceed 15 rallies. This marks a shift from 2021, when the BJP’s campaign was heavily Modi-centric. Despite the high-voltage campaign, the BJP could not breach Mamata Banerjee’s stronghold. Since then the party has adopted a restrained approach in other states. In Maharashtra, Modi addressed only nine rallies during the 2024 polls, compared to far more in 2014 and 2019. In Haryana, he reduced from 10 rallies in 2014 to four in 2024. State BJP president Shamik Bhattacharya said no formal decision had been taken on Modi’s rally count. He maintained that whether Modi holds 21 rallies or 12, the BJP is confident of the Trinamool Congress’s exit in 2026.
The Trinamool Congress’ internal dynamics have once again brought its simmering generational rifts into sharp focus. A routine review of the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise has instead revived questions about the shifting balance of authority within the party. TMC’s National General Secretary Abhishek Banerjee’s pointed remarks have taken on significance beyond administrative evaluation, highlighting renewed tension with the so-called Didi faction — Kolkata’s influential old guard long viewed as chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s core circle. The party had earlier instructed booth-level agents (BLAs) to coordinate with the Election Commission–appointed booth-level officers (BLOs) and update daily enumeration progress on the ‘Didir Doot’ app. Abhishek’s sharp reprimand came during a massive virtual meeting with around 25,000 leaders, where he identified eight Assembly constituencies as the poorest performers in voter-list verification. Six of these are in Kolkata — traditionally the base of Mamata’s closest lieutenants. The numbers were strikingly low: BLA activity was only 22% in Kolkata Port (represented by Firhad Hakim), 24% in Kashipur–Belgachhia (Atin Ghosh), 34% in Ballygunge (Babul Supriyo), and similarly low in Beleghata, Entally, Madhyamgram and Chowringhee. His assertion that performance was “non-negotiable” — along with the mention that Mamata Banerjee reviews his reports every 15 days — signalled that his expanding organisational authority carries the Chief Minister’s sanction. His decision to explicitly name certain leaders, including ministers Malay Ghatak and Manoj Tiwary, separate conversations with Hakim and Biswas, and plans for a follow-up meeting with Kolkata MLAs and councillors have reinforced the perception that the National General Secretary is tightening oversight over a region historically dominated by Mamata’s earliest loyalists. As the party shifts toward a data-driven, app-based organisational culture under Abhishek, Kolkata...
In a stinging public rebuke that has unsettled the Bengal BJP unit, Tamluk MP and former Calcutta High Court judge Abhijit Gangopadhyay has said he is “disillusioned” with the party barely 18 months after joining politics, declaring that the BJP is “nowhere close” to removing chief minister Mamata Banerjee. Gangopadhyay, who quit the judiciary last year to contest the Lok Sabha polls on a BJP ticket, said his “only purpose” in entering electoral politics was to “remove Didi from power”. Holding the Modi government, central agencies and the Election Commission for their collective to make headway, and questioned the Centre’s intent toward Bengal. The former judge also stated that Mamata Banerjee who leverages the “anti-Bengali sentiment” issue as a poll plank, as the BJP continues to “misread Bengal’s sentiment”. Expressing “discontent” over the dominance of “non-Bengali leadership” in the state unit, he said the “mindset of North India does not match that of West Bengal” and that the party cannot import leaders from the Hindi belt and expect to win. Delhi-based leaders, he added, do not grasp the “mentality, temperament or sentiments” of Bengal’s electorate. Gangopadhyay further criticised central agencies for “failing” on matters such as the teachers’ recruitment scams and the RG Kar Medical College rape case, alleging that sections were influenced by ruling party leaders for the teachers’ recruitment scam. As a judge, he had once handled recruitment scam cases before resigning to join the BJP. He also accused the Election Commission of failing to enforce FIRs it ordered against officials for alleged irregularities, saying the state instead issued suspensions. His remarks have left the Bengal BJP in an awkward position, with state leaders privately expressing discomfort over his public doubts about the party.
For 2026 Assembly polls, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee and her party Trinamool Congress (TMC) appear to be adjusting their political messaging. The party is presenting a more explicit secular position, moving away from repeated accusations that it favours one community. The TMC’s December 6 rally — usually managed by the minority cell — has been handed this year to the student and youth wings, signaling a shift in how TMC wants the event to be viewed. The rally commemorates the demolition of the Babri Masjid, but TMC’s leadership wants the day to be framed as an appeal for communal unity rather than a community-focused programme. Calling December 6, a “symbolically strong day”, the party wants the event to mark the opening of its grassroots-level campaign for 2026 with both Didi and her nephew Abhishek Banerjee likely to address the gathering. The party leaders say the aim is to counter what they see as increasing communal mobilisation by the BJP. Internally, TMC leaders acknowledge that recent political trends — including the limited impact of SIR in Bihar — have prompted a reassessment. The party believes the BJP is using the issue to sharpen religious polarisation, and it wants to respond with a message that can consolidate secular-leaning voters. Predictably, BJP leader Suvendu Adhikari has criticised the rally, saying it is another attempt at appeasement. The decision to involve younger wings of the party is also intended to suggest a wider, more inclusive organisational base. The effectiveness of this shift will depend on whether TMC can follow the rally with sustained outreach. The move indicates that TMC recognises that the political narrative in Bengal is changing, and that it must adapt if it hopes to shape voter sentiment ahead of 2026 Assembly polls.
The Federation of Cine Technicians and Workers of Eastern India has blocked the release of yet another Bengali film, fuelling speculation over whether it is merely a procedural dispute or one tangled with political undercurrents involving cast members Rudranil Ghosh and Sourav Das. The latest film caught in the crossfire is The Academy of Fine Arts directed by SRFTI debutant Jayabrata Das. Despite receiving the go ahead from the Central Board of Film Certification, the November 14 release was halted just 48 hours before opening. The move triggered a flood of social-media outrage, with many alleging arbitrary gatekeeping by the Federation. The guild claims the film breached industry rules due to the involvement of Pramod Films during post-production. That association, it argues, makes the project a commercial production, mandating guild-registered technicians and prior clearances. Federation president Swarup Biswas insists their objections target Pramod Films, not students, and has demanded the removal of the banner’s name from posters, trailers, and the censor certificate. He dismissed allegations of financial demands. Jayabrata, in a lengthy post, stated that the student team had worked independently for five years with scant resources and sought limited help from Pramod Films only when funds were depleted. The Federation has also questioned the film’s Mumbai registration, high-end shooting locations, extensive marketing, and a distribution plan involving INOX, PVR and UFO Cube, which typically costs Rs 18–20 lakh. The presence of actors like Rudranil Ghosh, now with the BJP, and Sourav Das, who appeared in The Bengal Files, has added to speculation on whether political optics are influencing the Federation’s stance. Meetings between the parties remain inconclusive, leaving the fate of the Rs 25-lakh partly crowdfunded film in limbo as calls for its release grow louder online.
The BJP’s emphatic victory in Bihar has prompted the party leadership to project confidence about replicating the outcome in West Bengal in 2026. Yet, despite the celebratory rhetoric, the ground situation in Bengal presents a far more complex—and arguably unfavourable—terrain for the saffron party. Buoyed by Bihar, senior leaders such as Union ministers Giriraj Singh, Sukanta Majumdar, who was the former state president have asserted that the mandate reflects a decisive shift toward the BJP. Singh, who has previously had several direct confrontations with the TMC, stated unequivocally that with Bihar delivering its mandate, Bengal would be next, as the people of the state are growing increasingly dissatisfied with chief minister Mamata Banerjee. Majumder, meanwhile, likened the TMC regime to what he described as a shadow of the “jungle raj” associated with Lalu Prasad Yadav’s era. However, analysts argue that such comparisons reveal more political impatience than electoral realism. A section of political analysts pointed out that Bihar’s outcome was shaped by pro-incumbency and by the NDA’s existing administrative footing—advantages the BJP does not enjoy in Bengal. The TMC’s long tenure, rather than weakening it, has consolidated its organisational strength, particularly across the rural belt where nearly 70% of the state’s electorate resides. While the BJP has succeeded in capturing segments of the urban vote with its Hindutva messaging and pro-industry posture, it continues to lag the TMC’s 48% vote share by a significant margin. More critically, the party has yet to develop a robust grassroots network capable of countering the TMC’s deeply entrenched cadre structure built since 2011, when Mamata rode the Singur and Nandigram land movements to power.
The 31st Kolkata International Film Festival (KIFF) opened with a strong focus on migration and displacement — themes at the heart of its newly introduced section, ‘Beyond Borders.’ Running from November 6 to 13, the festival will screen 315 films from 39 countries across 21 venues, with Poland as this year’s partner nation. The new segment presents nine films probing the emotional and political dimensions of migration, including Tales of the Wounded Land by Iraqi-French filmmaker Abbas Fahdel, Aisha Can’t Fly Away by Egyptian director Morad Mostafa, Passing Dreams by Palestinian filmmaker Rashid Masharawi, and Palestine 36 by another Palestinian filmmaker Annemarie Jacir. Festival chairperson and filmmaker Goutam Ghose described the new section as a response to the global displacement crisis. He noted that migration has emerged as one of the world’s defining challenges, and that filmmakers chronicling such realities take creative and political risks deserving both applause and empathy. West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee was all praise for the inclusion of ‘Unheard India – Rare Language Films,’ a category honouring voices from linguistic peripheries such as Bodo, Santhali, and Konkani, remarking that cinema without grassroots connections cannot mirror ordinary lives. Mamata also announced the Bangabibhusan — West Bengal’s highest civilian honour — for legendary singer Arati Mukherjee and actor Shatrughan Sinha.
Political controversy has intensified in West Bengal over the ongoing Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls after a report in Jago Bangla, the official mouthpiece of the Trinamool Congress (TMC), claimed that chief minister Mamata Banerjee had personally accepted the SIR Enumeration Form. In response, Didi clarified that she had not personally received the form. In a social media post, she explained that the designated Booth Level Officer had visited her neighbourhood and residential office, made routine inquiries about the number of voters in the household, and left the forms accordingly. She added that she had not filled out her form and that she would do so only after every eligible person in Bengal had completed theirs. Earlier this week, Didi led a protest march from Red Road to Jorasanko Thakurbari, terming the ongoing process “SIR terror” and urging citizens to remain cautious. The Opposition BJP criticised Mamata’s clarification, accusing her of double standards. Former state BJP president and Union Minister of State Sukanta Majumder stated that the CM’s actions contradicted her public position and claimed that she had accepted several forms despite urging people not to cooperate with the process. Senior TMC leaders rejected the allegations, describing them as politically motivated attempts to discredit the CM’s campaign against the SIR. Party functionaries said the report about Didi personally receiving the form was misleading and aimed at undermining the ongoing movement. According to party sources, Mamata is planning to take the issue beyond Bengal and raise it at the national level. TMC national general secretary Abhishek Banerjee has already indicated that the party will intensify its protests in the coming weeks.
In a move aimed at ending perennial disputes over festival release slots, Tollywood’s leading industry bodies have drawn up new rules to prevent clashes of big-budget films and improve working conditions for technicians. The Eastern India Motion Pictures Association (EIMPA) and the Federation of Cine Technicians and Workers of Eastern India (FCTWEI) — headed by Pia Sengupta and Swarup Biswas — jointly announced that no more than three Bengali films will be released on a single day. The decision follows repeated controversies over the allocation of single-screen theatres during festive seasons. Under the revised policy, there must be a minimum gap of 15 days between two major releases, allowing each film sufficient box-office run. Smaller films, however, may release in between with mutual consent. This Christmas will see the release of Dev Entertainment and Bengal Talkies joint production Prajapati 2, Surinder Films Mitin Mashi, and one film from the Srikant Mohta–Mahendra Soni stable – Bijoynagarer Heere. For January 23, 2026, Hok Kolorob, another Mohta-Soni production, and Bhanupriya Bhuter Hotel are confirmed, while films by Ankush Hazra and Firdousul Hasan have been postponed. A new production structure has also been outlined. SVF, Surinder Films and Nandi Movies will produce six films each annually; Windows, DAG Creative Media and Camellia Productions four; and Jeet, Pia Sengupta and Ankush Hazra two. Prime-time slots will be allotted based on annual output. In a parallel move, the industry has approved a 30% pay hike for small-screen technicians and 33% for big-screen technicians, while reducing maximum working hours from 24 to 18. The ceiling for low-budget films is also set to rise from Rs30 lakh to Rs 35 lakh, offering greater flexibility to independent filmmakers.
With eye on 2026 Assembly polls, the BJP in West Bengal is rethinking its strategy whether to bank, once again, on “glamour quotient” that helped thrust its women’s wing into the limelight or fall back on its loyal, traditional cadre base following a string of electoral disappointments? The internal debate follows the party’s underwhelming performance in West Bengal in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. From 2015 to 2021, the BJP Mahila Morcha was led by Roopa Ganguly, Locket Chatterjee, and Agnimitra Paul, all from the film and fashion industry. Their tenure brought visibility through protests and media outreach. Roopa Ganguly, now on the Narrative Committee, is likely to contest in 2026. Locket Chatterjee, despite losses in 2021 and 2024, remains influential and was praised for her role in the Uttarakhand 2022 polls. Agnimitra Paul, MLA from Asansol South and close to Suvendu Adhikari, lost the 2024 Medinipur seat but is expected to contest again. Their successors, Tanuja Chakraborty and Falguni Patra, both long-time BJP workers, failed to match that prominence. During the RG Kar Hospital protests, Patra’s leadership drew limited attention. A former general secretary admitted the Mahila Morcha had become “a launching pad for women from the glamour world.” Actors Payel Sarkar, Srabanti Chatterjee, Tanushree Chakraborty, Parno Mitra, and Papiya Adhikari all contested and lost. Rupanjana Mitra returned to the Trinamool Congress, citing disillusionment. Agnimitra Paul said fame helped connect with voters, while Keya Ghosh recalled that “media attention naturally follows famous faces,” citing an incident when “police tore Locket’s saree.” With glamour yet to translate into votes, the BJP is now moving cautiously. Under the State President Shamik Bhattacharya, it plans to blend visible figures with grassroots leaders as it prepares to challenge the Trinamool Congress in 2026.
Once a formidable rival to the BSE, the 117-year-old Calcutta Stock Exchange (CSE) is voluntarily exiting the stock exchange business, marking the end of an era in India’s capital markets. Established in 1908 as the country’s second recognised bourse, the CSE once served as Kolkata’s financial hub, attracting significant trade volumes and investor interest. The exchange’s decline accelerated following the Ketan Parekh stock market scam, which triggered a payment crisis and broker defaults. Despite attempts to modernise, CSE struggled to compete with the technologically advanced BSE and the NSE. Trading at the CSE was suspended in April 2013 by the SEBI for failing to meet mandatory turnover thresholds and establish a separate clearing corporation. Over the last decade, the exchange attempted multiple revivals, including approaching Calcutta High Court and the Supreme Court challenging SEBI’s suspension order. However, these efforts added to financial strain without delivering results. In December 2024, the CSE board resolved to withdraw pending litigation and pursue a voluntary exit. Shareholders formally approved the exit at an EGM in April 2025, after which the CSE submitted its exit application to SEBI. The regulator has appointed Rajvanshi & Associates, a valuation agency to determine the exchange’s worth. Once the exit is sanctioned, CSE will transition into a holding company, with its 100% subsidiary, CSE Capital Markets Pvt Ltd, continuing broking operations as a member of NSE and BSE. Speculations are rife that CSE is seeking SEBI’s approval to sell its 3-acre EM Bypass property to the Srijan Group for Rs 253 crore.
With less than a year to go for the 2026 West Bengal Assembly elections, the anticipated alliance between the CPM and Congress remains in limbo. Despite the recent Kaliganj by-election, where Congress contested with CPM support and improved its performance, the absence of a structured coordination mechanism has left both parties drifting. Party insiders suggest that CPM general secretary Sitaram Yechury, who was the key in maintaining crucial communication with Congress’ national leadership. But after his sudden demise in 2024 not much progress has been made. CPM sources indicate initial movement to create space for Congress, which has now stalled, with no confirmed timeline or structured plan for resuming discussions. Earlier this year, tensions between the CPM and ally RSP over seat allocation led to Congress being handed the Kaliganj seat. At the national level, AICC general secretary Ghulam Ahmad Mir had urged the Bengal unit to prepare for at least 90 assembly seats, signalling both independent strength and the option of alliance-building. This is in respect to the outcome of the 2024 Lok Sabha election where CPM led in just one assembly segment, while Congress held leads in 11, mostly in North Dinajpur, Malda, and Murshidabad. On several occasions symbolic unity has been absent between Pradesh Congress and CPM where state president Subhankar Sarkar and CPM leader Mohammad Salim separately organise protest programmes against the ruling Trinamool Congress. Further, internal frictions persist, including discomfort between CPM leaders and former Congress state chief Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury, while AICC organisational chief KC Venugopal’s focus on Kerala is seen as affecting Bengal alliance efforts. With no talks between the two parties, the 2026 Assembly elections could once again see a direct fight between the Trinamool Congress and the BJP.
No need to go to the auditorium to watch Soumitra Chatterjee’s plays. One Theater, India’s first theatre-focused OTT platform is bringing over 300 plays from Bengal’s rich dramatic heritage directly to viewers’ screens. Developed by ESI BPL Group and Banglamanch under G-TPL, the platform aims to unite theatre groups from every corner of the state, offering audiences a single, seamless digital stage. Organisers said that One Theater is more than entertainment — rather a bold step to preserve and celebrate Bengali theatre for generations to come. A highlight of the app is a dedicated archive of late legendary actor Soumitra Chatterjee’s theatrical works, allowing audiences to experience his timeless performances. The inaugural lineup features productions that span themes from human relationships to nostalgia and moral dilemmas. Typist, directed by Soumitra Chatterjee’s daughter Poulomi delves into the subtleties of office life and romantic undercurrents, featuring veteran theatre personality Debshankar Haldar and Poulomi Chatterjee. Mitali, directed by another theatre veteran Gautam Haldar, captures the tender story of teenage love in the era of handwritten letters, long before the digital age. Meanwhile, Chandanpur-er Chor, another Shyambazar Mukhomukhi production, blends humour and humanism as three thieves enter an elderly woman’s home, confronting ethical dilemmas, with performances by Rajatab Dutta, Shankar Chakraborty, Deblina Dutta, Pritha Majumdar, Saurav Kar, and a talented ensemble of young actors. The founders of One Theater envision the platform as more than a streaming service—it is a living archive, a cultural bridge, and a digital window into Bengal’s theatrical soul. They hope this initiative will bring Bengali theatre back to the national and international spotlight, ensuring that its stories continue to resonate across generations.
Barely a month after his closed-door meeting with Trinamool Congress national general secretary Abhishek Banerjee in September, former Kolkata Mayor and ex-Minister Sovan Chatterjee has once again stirred Bengal’s political cauldron. This time, he reportedly held a two-hour long private meeting with West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee during her recent visit to Darjeeling to oversee the aftermath of a natural disaster. Interestingly, while Sovan’s earlier meeting with Abhishek took place in the presence of his long-time companion Baisakhi Banerjee, his latest conversation with Mamata happened privately — despite Baisakhi being in Darjeeling on vacation. Though both camps have remained tight-lipped, sources close to Sovan claim he may re-enter active politics within the next couple of months, marking a potential return to the TMC fold. Speculation about Sovan’s comeback has surfaced multiple times. But, this time, insiders say the talks appear far more serious. Political observers believe the timing is crucial — hinting at possible internal rebalancing, especially amid mounting criticism of Kolkata Mayor and State Urban Development Minister Firhad Hakim, who is one of the closest aides of Didi. Hakim faced severe backlash, even within the party, over the city’s September deluge that killed 10 people and left large parts of Kolkata waterlogged for nearly 48 hours. His removal as HIDCO Chairman and his uneasy equation with Abhishek Banerjee have further fuelled speculation. Sovan’s history with Hakim is well-known. As Kolkata Mayor in 2010, Sovan worked alongside Hakim, then his deputy, but their relationship remained strained. Later, as Mamata consolidated power, Hakim rose to a cabinet position overseeing municipal bodies — including KMC. After resigning from both posts in 2018, Sovan briefly joined the BJP but soon withdrew from politics. Now, it is learnt that ‘ghar wapsi’ has begun, Sovan has been inducted as NKDA chairman which is basically under...
Jindal (India), part of the BC Jindal Group, is all set to expand its Howrah steel plant in West Bengal with Rs 1,500-crore investment. Already operating two plants in the state producing a range of steel-based downstream products, the group will significantly enhance its production capabilities with this addition. The Jindal Group’s latest investment aligns with its broader plan to scale up steel production across India, aiming to invest Rs18,000 crore over the coming years to enhance overall manufacturing capacity. The new Rs 1,500-crore downstream facility in West Bengal, with an annual capacity of 0.6 million tonnes, is expected to boost the company’s existing capacity by 60%, significantly increasing production of coated flat products, pipes, and crash barriers. According to the company, the commissioning of the new cold rolling complex marks the completion of a key phase in the expansion project, raising Jindal India’s total downstream steel capacity from 1 million to 1.6 million tonnes annually. Currently, Jindal India operates two advanced West Bengal facilities specialising in cutting-edge colour coating, galvanising, and galvalume technologies, further strengthening its position in India’s steel sector. Beyond West Bengal, the company, through its subsidiary, Jindal India Steel Tech is setting up a greenfield steel manufacturing plant in Dhenkanal, Odisha. JISTL plans to invest a total of Rs 15,000 crore in Odisha in three phases by 2030, with the current Rs 3,600 crore investment marking the first phase of the project.
BJP has escalated the recent attack on its Maldaha Uttar MP Khagen Murmu and Siliguri MLA Shankar Ghosh in flood-hit North Bengal into a major political narrative, framing it as violence against a tribal leader. The party plans to use the image of Murmu’s bloodied face to highlight what it calls the TMC’s failure to protect elected representatives and to question the INDIA Bloc’s commitment to tribal welfare. While BJP has accused TMC supporters of carrying out the assault, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee visited Murmu in a Siliguri hospital. According to BJP sources, the state leadership had recently submitted a report assessing its North Bengal strength, predicting 44–48 wins out of 54 Assembly seats, up from 30 in 2021. The report highlighted TMC’s weak position, except in a few minority-dominated areas in Malda and the Dinajpurs, and suggested the Murmu incident could further consolidate BJP support. In 2021, BJP won 30 seats, TMC 23, and the Tamang faction of GJM one; by-elections have since adjusted the tally to 25 for BJP and 28 for TMC. In the last Lok Sabha polls, BJP led in 32 segments, TMC 15, and Congress-backed candidates seven. State general secretary Deepak Barman said relief may not sway rural votes but can influence urban middle-class sentiment. The party intends to nationalize the Murmu attack, highlighting tribal issues in Jharkhand, Bihar and Odisha, aiming to weaken Mamata’s national stature and put Congress and JMM in a difficult position within the INDIA Bloc. Interestingly, BJP believes this campaign could influence tribal voters in Bihar’s border areas.
West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has once again turned Durga Puja into a campaign arena and cultural outreach, leaving Opposition parties scrambling to match her scale. While the BJP views the festival as a potential political weapon, Mamata has neutralised it, ensuring the celebrations remain firmly under her influence. Over the past seven years, the number of Puja committees spanning Kolkata and remote districts has grown from 28,000 to 45,000. Likewise, the financial support during the same period has also scaled up from Rs 10,000 to Rs 110,000 this year alongside electricity bill waivers. In effect, Mamata expanded her reach from Cooch Behar to Kakdwip as chief patron of the festivities. During the Left Front era, the CPI(M) maintained organisational control in several spheres but deliberately kept a distance from Puja. Leaders like late Subhash Chakraborty occasionally engaged, but the party never made the festival a political stage. This allowed Mamata, post-2011, to steadily enlarge her presence, transforming Puja inaugurations into high-visibility public relations opportunities. Even Opposition leaders like BJP’s Suvendu Adhikari seldom attended Puja inaugurations in Kolkata or districts, leaving the party largely absent from major events. Apart from Sajol Ghosh in Kolkata, BJP has no significant foothold. Initially questioned in courts, these grants have been strategically tied to Bengali cultural identity, intertwining Durga Puja with heritage and pride recognized by UNESCO, effectively transforming the festival into both a cultural and political instrument. Didi has also expanded the Puja arena not only through grants but the puja idol immersion carnival inspired by Brazil’s Rio de Janeiro, now institutionalised and set for Red Road on October 5.
Controversy continues to dog Tollywood, this time over the release of four much-awaited films that are set to clash during Durga Puja, the industry’s most lucrative season. Directors Nandita Roy-Shiboprosad Mukhopadhyay, Anik Dutta, Shubhrajit Mitra and Dhruva Banerjee have lined up their big-budget movies — Raktabeej 2, Joto Kando Kolkatatei, Debi Choudhurani, and Raghu Dakat. Despite a recent intervention by a state-appointed committee, industry insiders confirm that disputes have emerged over screen distribution and prime-time show slots. Speculation is rife that Dev’s Raghu Dakat, co-produced with SVF, has secured an edge in theatre count and timings. Writer Jinia Sen (Raktabeej 2) and producer Firdausal Hasan (Joto Kando Kolkatatei) admitted they had heard “market buzz” about Raghu Dakat cornering a good number of theatres. The speculation gained momentum when Trinamool Congress (TMC) spokesperson and actor Kunal Ghosh publicly questioned why an “influential” film had been given extra slots. Though he did not name anyone, many in the industry viewed it as an indirect swipe at actor-MP Dev, his party colleague with whom he has sparred earlier on social media. Dev’s recent release Dhumketu’s co-producer Rana Sarkar hinted at a deeper game. Exhibitors Naveen Chokhani and Jaydeep Mukhopadhyay, along with distributor Shatadip Saha, dismissed claims of preferential treatment for Raghu Dakat, saying no final decisions had been made. Still, several single-screen owners admitted the real pressure would fall on them, as unequal slot allocation during Puja season often sparks discontent. Ghosh also added a political edge, claiming Raghu Dakat owed thanks to TMC for the backing Dev reportedly received from local leaders during district promotions.
With the Bengali persecution issue placing the Bengal BJP under pressure, the party is seeking to recalibrate its electoral strategy by leaning harder on the Hindutva plank. The Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA), already implemented but seen by insiders as an “unfinished project,” has been identified as the rallying point in the run-up to the 2026 Assembly elections. The BJP, along with its ideological parent RSS, is preparing a coordinated campaign to push for citizenship benefits under the CAA. The RSS convened a special coordination meeting attended by senior leaders of both organisations. BJP state president Shamik Bhattacharya represented the state unit, national general secretary BL Santhosh represented the central leadership. From the RSS, senior office-bearers Pradeep Joshi, Ramapada Pal, Jaladhar Mahato and Jishnu Basu, representing the all-India leadership in eastern India. BJP sources confirmed the central focus was ensuring the maximum number of refugees eligible under the CAA secure citizenship without delay. A concrete plan was drawn up to guarantee swift, fear-free submission of papers. The meeting also reviewed the upcoming Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls. Besides Bhattacharya, BJP regional leaders were present during the meeting, including legislator Deepak Barman from North Bengal, MP Jagannath Sarkar from Central Bengal, and state general secretary Jagannath Chattopadhyay from South Bengal. Insiders said these three leaders will supervise the CAA campaign across their respective regions. The RSS indicated that organisations under its umbrella will join the ground campaign, though sources stressed the BJP will lead. Ensuring citizenship for all eligible applicants was described as a non-negotiable target. The meeting, convened on an emergency basis, sought to prepare for large-scale mobilisation on the CAA agenda.
The Singur movement not only altered Bengal’s industrial trajectory but also marked one of the biggest power shifts in the state’s history — from the Left Front to Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress. Yet, the Nano car exit in 2008 left an enduring scar, branding Didi as “anti-industry” despite her repeated efforts to change that perception. Seventeen years later, the narrative seems to be coming full circle, with electric vehicle manufacturer Cynosure announced plans to launch a four-wheeler priced below Rs 1 lakh from Sugandha in Hooghly district — just 17 km away from Singur, where Ratan Tata’s dream project had collapsed in 2008. Cynosure revealed its plan at the launch of its electric three-wheeler in Kolkata and the prototype of the car would be unveiled after Diwali, with a commercial rollout targeted for January 2026. According to co-founder Sampurna Ghosh, the fully battery-operated vehicle will seat four passengers, including the driver with an aim to make personal cars affordable for the middle and lower-middle-class families. Sources said that the car’s final name would be decided by the chief minister. Political observers have pointed out that the announcement carries political undertones just ahead of the 2026 Assembly elections, as it can be recalled that in 2008, Tata Motors withdrew from Singur after completing 80% of the factory, blaming Mamata then opposition leader. The project later shifted to Gujarat. Didi has since maintained that her fight was against the Left’s forcible land acquisition policy, not against Tata.
The elevation of Chandrima Bhattacharya, Minister of State for Finance and Health, as chairperson of the Housing Infrastructure Development Corporation (HIDCO) is being read as more than a routine appointment. Within the Trinamool Congress (TMC) and administrative circles, the move is seen as part of West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s strategy to recalibrate responsibilities among her trusted lieutenants, thereby reinforcing her grip on key institutions. Incidentally, Didi is the head of the departments of both health and finance. Already managing the party’s women’s wing, Chandrima now assumes control of an agency instrumental in developing Kolkata’s fringes — New Town and Rajarhat and other major urban infrastructure projects. HIDCO’s chairmanship has been a hot seat in recent years, with another close aide of Mamata and senior cabinet minister for Urban Development, Firhad Hakim heading it since 2021. However, in December 2024 the cabinet shifted HIDCO out of his department and placed it under Administrative Reforms and Personnel, overseen directly by Mamata. Hakim was removed from the chairmanship and the state’s former chief secretary Harikrishna Dwivedi temporarily held the fort. At the time, Hakim publicly maintained that it was solely Didi’s decision and a matter of cabinet prerogative, brushing aside speculation of alleged fallout with Mamata. Observers point out that such shifts underline the political weight HIDCO carries and several allegations and rumours of corruption in land distribution by the Opposition. By handing over the reins to Chandrima, Mamata has underscored both her close scrutiny of government functioning and her intent to silence any speculation around administrative decisions.
A fresh controversy has erupted in Tollywood with the list of names proposed for the Bengali film review committee, to be submitted in the High Court as part of an ongoing case between a section of filmmakers and the Federation of Cine Technicians and Workers of Eastern India (FCTWEI). The proposed panel has left out practicing Bengali directors, sparking sharp discontent within the industry. The development comes close on the heels of West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s directive to single screen and multiplexes to screen Bengali films in primetime. While the order was widely welcomed, insiders now argue that the celebratory mood is being eclipsed by what they describe as a snub to local talent. One of the petitioners, director Indranil Roychowdhury maintained that Kolkata insiders could be influenced and therefore only nationally reputed figures from outside Bengal should be included. The proposed list features directors Dibakar Banerjee, Konkona Sen Sharma, Nandita Das, Adil Hussain, Nagraj Manjule and Hansal Mehta. A senior director, requesting anonymity, pointed out that earlier committees had stalwarts like Prabhat Roy and Haranath Chakraborty, but the new list excludes Tollywood filmmakers. He questioned whether Bengali directors were being treated as outsiders in their own industry. The Calcutta High Court has requested a final committee list by September 8. Information & Broadcasting Secretary Shantanu Basu has been tasked with drawing it up, based on names submitted separately by the 13 petitioner directors and the Federation. Questions have also arisen over whether institutions like SRFTI can serve as committee members, and who will bear the costs of bringing in outstation experts.
The war of words between BJP leader and actor Mithun Chakraborty and TMC spokesperson Kunal Ghosh has now escalated into a full-blown legal battle, with Mithun slapping a Rs 100-crore defamation suit on Ghosh. The BJP star accused Ghosh of launching a politically motivated smear campaign by linking him to chit fund scam, alleging he joined the BJP to escape investigation, dragging his son into a rape case, and even questioning his wife’s financial dealings. Mithun said the remarks were “false, baseless and malicious,” tarnishing his image as a Padma Bhushan and Dadasaheb Phalke awardee, while also costing him film and advertising projects. Seeking damages and a bar on future comments, he has deposited the maximum Rs 50,000 court fee. Ghosh, however, remained defiant. He retorted that a person with true honour would not switch political sides repeatedly and added that the matter would be settled in court. He claimed he too has filed a case against Mithun, vowing to expose the actor’s alleged connections with four to five chit fund companies and demanding a CBI probe. Taking the fight a step further, Ghosh invoked the “Rajeev Kumar model,” referencing his face-to-face grilling with the former Kolkata Police Commissioner during the Saradha probe in Shillong. He announced he would ask the court to similarly confront Mithun under CBI supervision. Once close allies, the duo’s relationship soured after 2011, and today their personal fallout has turned into a high-stakes political slugfest.
As Bengal gears up for the 2026 Assembly elections, Nandigram has once again returned to the political spotlight. The constituency, which staged the dramatic face-off between Mamata Banerjee and Suvendu Adhikari in the last polls, is already buzzing with speculation and strategy. The controversy from the previous election still lingers. Trinamool Congress (TMC) had accused the BJP of manipulating votes through orchestrated power cuts, and the case continues in court. Yet, long before a verdict, the battlefield is being readied for the next round. The central question remains whether Mamata Banerjee would contest from Nandigram in 2026 or not. The BJP seems convinced. Pralay Pal, Tamluk district vice-president, declared on social media that “confidential sources” and a “secret report” by TMC’s National General Secretary and Mamata’s nephew Abhishek Banerjee, confirm the West Bengal chief minister’s candidature from Nandigram in 2026. He went further, asserting that the BJP would repeat its victory. The TMC camp, however, is striking back with confidence. However, Bappaditya Garg, president of Nandigram Block 1 TMC, dismissed the BJP’s claims and stressed that the party’s candidate would be revealed in due course. Yet, he was emphatic on one point: Suvendu Adhikari will not fight from Nandigram again. Garg buttressed his claim with electoral data—TMC’s win in Adhikari’s own booth at Nandanayekbari during the cooperative polls, a 412-vote lead in his locality in the Lok Sabha election, and a 2,500-vote lead from Panchayat Samiti voters in the same.
Once again filmmaker Vivek Agnihotri has been mired in controversy. This time it’s over his soon-to-be-released The Bengal Files. Since the launch of its trailer in Kolkata, it has been locked in legal disputes, political allegations, clarifications from lead actors and objections from freedom fighter Gopal Mukherjee’s grandson. Agnihotri has accused the Mamata Banerjee government of trying to stall the release. He claimed actors Saswata Chatterjee and Sourav Das were compelled by Didi’s government to issue media statements. The Bengali actors distanced themselves, saying they were unaware of the full script and were only briefed on their roles. Saswata Chatterjee, who plays the antagonist, clarified his role was limited to acting, with no involvement in political or historical debates. He admitted he had not read the complete script—describing this as common in the industry—and learned of the title change from The Delhi Files to The Bengal Files only after shooting ended. Santana Mukherjee, grandson of freedom fighter Gopal Mukherjee (Gopal Patha), filed a FIR objecting to the portrayal of his grandfather as a butcher. He described this as distortion, stressing that Patha, a member of Anushilon Samity, owned two goat-meat shops, was a wrestler, and had taken up arms in 1946 to protect civilians from Muslim League attacks. He alleged misrepresentation without consulting the family. Sourav Das, who plays Gopal Patha, distanced himself too, saying he was only briefed on his role. Amid the uproar, National award-winning filmmaker Goutam Ghose released a video statement, noting Bengal’s pioneering role in India’s independence but also its scars from Partition. Ghose insisted films on Partition or communal riots must rest on rigorous research rather than political or emotional motives.
In West Bengal the Leader of the Opposition Suvendu Adhikari has challenged chief minister Mamata Banerjee once again, stating that he is prepared to contest against her in the next Assembly election, even from Bhabanipur. Referring to the ongoing “special intensive revision of electoral rolls,” Adhikari claimed that several names would be struck off the voter’s list. BJP sources indicated that Adhikari has initiated a survey in Bhabanipur to assess the voter base, booth-level details, and party performance. There is also speculation that he may establish a separate office in the constituency. Meanwhile, TMC national general secretary Abhishek Banerjee has shifted focus to Nandigram, Adhikari’s constituency. Over the past few weeks, he has held meetings with district-level leadership across several organisational units. Abhishek met leaders from the Barasat and Tamluk districts. According to party sources, Abhishek stated during the discussions that he would convene a separate meeting dedicated to Nandigram. Booth presidents, local leaders, and functionaries of different party wings from the constituency are expected to be part of the deliberations. Though the date of the meeting has not been finalised, the constituency is set to receive additional attention in Trinamool’s electoral preparations. In the 2021 Assembly election, Nandigram witnessed a high-profile contest between Didi and Suvendu, who won by 1,956 votes. The outcome remains under judicial review. Political sparring between the two parties has continued since then, with the TMC describing Adhikari as the “load-shedding Leader of Opposition,” while the BJP refers to Mamata as the “compartmental chief minister.”
Amid Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s recent call for a “Language Andolan” after alleged assaults on Bengali-speaking migrants outside the state — and her accusation that the BJP is targeting Bengalis through citizenship and voter list revisions — West Bengal’s film fraternity has revived its long-standing demand for primetime slots for Bengali films in all theatres. Leading actor-producers Rituparna Sengupta and Dev, filmmakers Kaushik Ganguly and Srijit Mukherji, SVF heads Shrikant Mohta and Mahendra Soni, among others, wrote to Banerjee alleging that distributors and exhibitors push single-screen theatres and multiplexes to give primetime to Bollywood films sidelining Bengali releases. They noted that such bias is absent in southern states or Punjab, where local films dominate prime slots. The state government has responded with a directive: all cinema halls and multiplexes in West Bengal, except GTA areas, must screen at least one Bengali film in primetime (12 noon–9 pm) for 120 days a year. Filmmaker Aniket Chattopadhyay called it timely, but Eastern India Motion Pictures Association chairman Ratan Saha warned that some theatres could face losses where Bengali viewership is low. The move coincides with Tollywood’s united front ahead of the August 14 release of Dhumketu starring Dev and Subhashree Ganguly. The industry claims distributors of Hrithik Roshan–Kiara Advani’s War 2 have pressured halls to allot all four shows to the Bollywood release during the lucrative Independence Day weekend. This sparked outrage from the Bengali film industry which petitioned Banerjee for fair screen sharing. Clearly, the fight is about survival of Bengali cinema for the next decade. With Dhumketu and War 2 set to collide, Tollywood vows this battle will redefine Bengal’s box-office rules.
In a significant political shake-up, West Bengal chief minister and Trinamool Congress (TMC) supremo Mamata Banerjee has appointed her nephew and party’s national general secretary, Abhishek Banerjee, as the leader of the TMC Parliamentary Committee. He replaces veteran leader Sudip Bandyopadhyay who has been ailing for some time now. The move comes as Mamata appears to brace for anti-incumbency ahead of the upcoming state assembly elections after three terms in office. Simultaneously, Mamata replaced senior advocate and Sreerampore MP Kalyan Banerjee as Chief Whip with Barasat MP Dr Kakoli Ghosh Dastidar. Birbhum MP Shatabdi Roy has been promoted as Deputy Leader of the party in Parliament. The reshuffle underscores the TMC’s need for stability and strategic leadership at the national level as Parliament becomes a key platform for the Opposition to confront the BJP. Sources say Kalyan’s removal stems from his inability to contain a prolonged feud with Krishnanagar MP Mahua Moitra. At a recent internal meeting, Mamata expressed anger over some MPs damaging the party’s image, sharply criticising Kalyan for poor coordination and for not stepping up during the absence of leaders like Sudip Bandyopadhyay and Saugata Roy. An incensed Kalyan tendered his resignation and questioned Mamata’s understanding of Parliament’s workings. Despite Abhishek urging him to remain quiet until the INDIA bloc dinner hosted by Rahul Gandhi on August 7, Kalyan continued to attack both Mamata and Mahua publicly. While Mamata initially resisted accepting his resignation, persistent defiance left her and Abhishek with no choice. The overhaul also signals Abhishek’s growing influence and a generational shift within the TMC, long marked by tension between the old and new guards.
Having remained silent and absent from the INDIA Bloc’s public engagements for a while, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has made her stance unmistakably clear — she’s aligned with regional parties in the broader national agenda to defeat the BJP in upcoming assembly elections. Acting on Mamata’s suggestion, Opposition parties are set to gherao the Election Commission of India’s office in New Delhi on August 8 calling out widespread allegations of irregularities in the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls. With elections due this year in Bihar, as well as next year in non-BJP-ruled states such as West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, and Kerala, the issue is rapidly gaining traction as a national political flashpoint. Ahead of the protest, top leaders from the INDIA Bloc will convene in New Delhi on August 7 to finalise the gherao strategy. According to party sources, TMC national general secretary Abhishek Banerjee will attend the meeting and also dinner hosted by Rahul Gandhi. Discussions may include not only the logistics of the EC gherao but also preparations for the Vice-Presidential election scheduled for August 9. It may be recalled that on July 21, Didi warned the TMC would not hesitate to gherao the EC if the names of legitimate voters were found to be removed from Bengal’s electoral rolls under the SIR. In effect, Mamata has reasserted her political clout within the INDIA Bloc — not just through participation, but by driving the narrative on what she sees as a fundamental threat to democracy through electoral roll manipulation.
Kolkata-based tech giant RS Software (India) Ltd has taken its first step into developing a global payments integration platform to ease international trade flows, following its pivotal role in building India’s Unified Payments Interface (UPI) in 2015. The company is set to invest over Rs 100 crore over the next five years to further strengthen its payments network across India — an ambitious move aligned with India’s rising influence in the fintech space. With the government entering into several bilateral agreements to enable members of the Indian diaspora to use UPI for payments abroad, RS Software is actively working with the National Payments Corporation of India (NPCI) to integrate these international payment systems. The integration of bilateral payment platforms is currently underway across 10 countries, including the UAE, Singapore, and France. RS Software MD & CEO Raj Jain confirmed the development, noting that UPI’s growing global footprint has opened the door for India to collaborate with other nations on digital payment interoperability. According to Jain, RS Software has been instrumental in executing many of these bilateral integrations alongside NPCI. The company sees immense opportunity in addressing longstanding challenges in cross-border transactions, which in 2024 reached a total value of $162 trillion. These transactions often suffer from high fees, sluggish settlement times, and lack of transparency. Jain feels there is the need to make low-value cross-border payments simpler and more efficient. To closely focus on the next phase of development, the company recently appointed Samik Roy as COO. Roy will be overseeing the integration of international digital payment systems and expanding the company’s global footprint.
West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee announced a substantial 30% hike in honorarium for community Durga Puja organisers, raising the amount from Rs 85,000 last year to Rs 1.10 lakh per club. Playing high on Hindutva card, with approximately 45,000 clubs organising community pujas across the state, the move will cost the state exchequer an estimated Rs 495 crore. Didi also urged electricity supply companies to offer an 80% rebate to puja committees on power usage. The announcement, coming just months before the State Assembly elections, sparked sharp criticism from the Opposition parties, which termed the hike a “bribe” by the ruling Trinamool Congress. Emphasising the cultural and emotional significance of Durga Puja in Bengal, the CM urged organisers to prioritise safety and crowd control over competition. She encouraged clubs to deploy more volunteers and maintain separate entry and exit routes in pandals. She also appealed to the puja committees to support returning migrant workers who, she claimed, have faced mistreatment in BJP-ruled states. This year’s Durga Puja festivities will take place in the last week of September, followed by the annual carnival on October 5.
On the death anniversary of “Mahanayak” or Great Hero of Bengali cinema Uttam Kumar, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee issued a strong statement against what she described as “language terror” targeting Bengali speakers in various parts of the country. Speaking at the annual Mahanayak Samman ceremony organised by the state government since 2012 to honour artists and technicians from the world of Bengali cinemas, Didi appealed to the industry stakeholders to defend Bengali language, warning that if necessary, a new language movement must begin to protect mother tongue. Bengali is the fifth most spoken language in the world and second in Asia, with nearly 300 mn speaking it worldwide. Mamata made it categorical asking not to insult the Bengali language. Didi’s remarks followed recent incidents where Bengali-speaking migrant workers were allegedly harassed, detained or even deported from other states after being branded “Bangladeshis.” She had earlier addressed the issue on July 21 at the Martyrs’ Day rally, accusing the BJP of targeting Bengalis. She said that this language which gave birth to Rabindranath Tagore, Bankimchandra Chattopadhyay, Kazi Nazrul Islam reminded everybody that the country’s national anthem was written in Bengali.
After Bihar, the Election Commission of India (ECI) will begin an intensive revision of the voter list in West Bengal. Sources in the West Bengal State Election Commission’s office indicate that the groundwork has already begun. According to sources, the survey in Bengal is expected to begin in the first week of August. However, the final decision hinges on the proceedings of a case pending in the Supreme Court concerning the revision of the electoral roll in Bihar. The matter is scheduled for hearing on July 28. If the Apex Court does not intervene, the process of revision will be set in motion in Bengal. With Durga Puja festivities scheduled to begin in the last week of September, officials say it is imperative to wrap up the process beforehand. Otherwise, the exercise will have to be postponed until the end of November or early December. On condition of anonymity a senior official from the West Bengal State Election Commission said that all preparations are in place. The office is only awaiting the official notification from the Commission, which could be issued any day soon. The Commission’s move comes amid controversy in Bihar, where around 52 lakh names are expected to be deleted from the electoral roll. The issue has sparked uproar in national politics, with Opposition parties staging daily protests in Parliament. Amid this backdrop, Bengal has witnessed a surge in applications for inclusion and corrections in the voter list. In the past week alone, over 75,000 applications have been submitted. Sources say that the rate of voter registration and corrections has increased significantly in recent days, especially in districts along the state’s border.
West Bengal chief minister and Trinamool Congress (TMC) supremo Mamata Banerjee has made it official that her party will take on BJP in the run-up to the State Assembly polls based on Bengali Asmita. Addressing a massive Martyrs Day rally in Kolkata she accused BJP of unleashing linguistic terrorism and Mamata made it categorical that another Bhasha Movement will be embarked upon to safeguard Bengali pride. She claimed that more than 1,000 Bengali-speaking individuals have been detained and jailed in BJP-ruled states such as Odisha, Chhattisgarh, Rajasthan, and Madhya Pradesh. TMC supremo stated that terror has been unleashed on the Bengali language and described the BJP’s actions as a massive conspiracy against Bengali identity. She warned that if linguistic profiling of Bengalis does not stop, the resistance movement will be taken to the national capital. Mamata also announced a statewide protest campaign against what she described as the ongoing oppression of the Bengali language. Directly attacking Assam chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, Didi said he is unable to manage his own state but continues to interfere in West Bengal’s affairs. Interestingly, she went a step further in her political critique, claiming that the present Indian government is being remotely controlled by U.S. President Donald Trump. Significantly, during the rally, Mamata introduced the gathering to the father of Jhantu Ali Sheikh and a family member of Bitan Adhikari—both victims of the Pahalgam terror attack earlier this year.
The Kolkata-based Hindustan Motors Ltd plant which once rolled out the iconic Ambassador cars has been leased out by the West Bengal government to Titagarh Rail Systems Ltd to manufacture rail coaches. The 40 acres of its long-defunct land has been leased out for 99 years. The Rs 126-crore deal will see the plant produce Vande Bharat and Metro train coaches. Hindustan Motors, part of CK Birla Group, began operations in 1957, producing both the Landmaster and Ambassador cars. The latter becoming a symbol of Indian roads for decades. The plant, which ceased operations in 2014 after a “suspension of work” notice post-Lok Sabha elections, struggled for survival amid growing competition and dwindling production; from 700-750 cars per month to 250-300. Even though the then Left Front government supported by making it mandatory, the use of Ambassador cars as taxis it failed to revive the plant. Titagarh Rail Systems, already operating a wagon unit nearby, has bagged major contracts to manufacture Vande Bharat and Metro coaches. And this plant’s strategic location — just 3 km from Delhi Road and close to rail lines — makes it an ideal expansion site. During the company’s 25th anniversary three years ago, chief minister Mamata Banerjee had hinted at land allocation, which has now received official cabinet approval. However, concerns persist over legal and compensation issues for former workers. The Supreme Court recently upheld a Calcutta High Court verdict allowing the state to reclaim 395 acres from Hindustan Motors for public use, including this project. This development brings a ray of hope to Hooghly, a district that has witnessed major industrial exits over the years—from Tata’s Nano in Singur in 2008 to Hind Motors shutdown in 2014 and Dunlop’s closure in Sahaganj.
West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has once again invoked the powerful sentiment of Bengali Asmita ahead of the 2026 Assembly elections. In a move reminiscent of her successful 2021 campaign, Banerjee accused the Centre of systematically targeting Bengali-speaking individuals and migrants across BJP-ruled states, painting it as part of a larger political design to marginalise Bengalis. This protest comes just days ahead of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s scheduled rally in Durgapur on July 18 and the TMC’s annual Martyrs’ Day on July 21. The TMC supremo led a protest rally on July 16, alleging that the Union government had secretly issued a notification permitting detention of individuals — especially Bengali speakers — on mere suspicion of being illegal migrants from Bangladesh. Walking alongside her nephew and party’s National General Secretary, Abhishek Banerjee — amid speculations of a strained relationship — Mamata projected a message of unity and communal harmony by notably including a Buddhist monk and a Muslim cleric, underlining inclusivity in the face of alleged divisive policies. She raised concerns over Bengalis being labelled as Bangladeshis despite having Aadhaar and PAN cards. She pointed out that over 1.5 crore migrant workers from other Indian states are working in Bengal with dignity, unlike the treatment meted out to Bengalis elsewhere. Didi cautioned that if Bengalis are detained, Bengal will politically detain the BJP through the ballot box. Political observers believe that the choice of location for the PM’s rally on July 18 in Durgapur is strategic as it will encompass the two key Lok Sabha constituencies of West Bardhaman district — Bardhaman-Durgapur and Asansol. In both constituencies BJP was defeated in 2024 Lok Sabha polls. Modi’s address is expected to clarify BJP’s stance — whether it will continue with a Hindutva-driven approach or pivot toward inclusive development.
An increasing number of Bengali actors are heading to Mumbai, reflecting a growing trend of migration from Tollywood to Bollywood. Over the past few years, noted actors like Saswata Chatterjee, Jisshu Sengupta, and Parambrata Chattopadhyay have featured in several Hindi films and web series. Even big names such as Prosenjit Chatterjee and Jeet have stepped into Bollywood. Meanwhile, many TV stars from Bengal are also seeking roles in Hindi serials, hoping to make it big in Mumbai. Casting directors like Mukesh Chhabra have gained prominence, especially with the rise of social media. Known for discovering Sushant Singh Rajput, Chhabra is considered a star-maker. He recently visited the sets of Raktabeej 2 and reportedly selected Mimi Chakraborty to play Dona Ganguly in the upcoming Sourav Ganguly biopic. He recently conducted a three-hour workshop in Kolkata which was hosted by Pritimoy Chakraborty, who runs the Kolkata studio. This open-to- all workshop generated widespread interest, especially among Tollywood actors like Tota Roychowdhury, Debdut Ghosh, Debleena Dutta, and Dibyajyoti Dutta. The initiative aimed to build confidence among Bengali actors. He noted that many actors face challenges in diction and presentation, which are crucial in Mumbai’s competitive industry. The workshop addressed how to audition, develop mental strength, and present oneself effectively. Debleena Dutta stated that Kolkata’s work opportunities have visibly shrunk with nepotism affecting casting decisions. Debdut Ghosh highlighted that TV serials in Kolkata have dropped from 40–50 to around 20, and films have declined from 70–100 to around 20. Likewise, investment has halved from Rs 1,200 crore earlier.
Despite recent efforts at mending fences, internal rifts in the Bengal BJP have resurfaced after senior leader and former state president Dilip Ghosh reignited controversy with remarks seemingly soft on West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee. This comes even after Ghosh’s meeting with newly appointed state BJP chief Samik Bhattacharya and a visit to Delhi where he met BJP national joint general secretary Shiv Prakash. Ghosh stated again that Mamata herself is not named in any corruption cases, blaming those around her instead — a comment that runs contrary to the BJP’s aggressive anti-Mamata narrative and has triggered discontent within state ranks. Without naming him, Ghosh also appeared to take aim at Leader of the Opposition Suvendu Adhikari, saying that some recent entrants into the party are trying to stoke divisions — a likely reference to criticism he faced after attending the inauguration of Digha’s Jagannath Temple on Mamata’s invitation. Ghosh later insisted he was merely stating facts, not giving Mamata a “clean chit.” In an effort to contain the damage, state president Samik Bhattacharya met Ghosh at the party office and publicly reaffirmed his place in the BJP, declaring, “He was in BJP, is in BJP, and will remain in BJP.” Tensions date back to Ghosh’s April 30 Digha’s Jagannath temple visit, which drew flak from Adhikari and then-state chief Sukanta Majumdar. Ghosh was subsequently sidelined from key meetings, including on leadership selection, and complained of deliberate alienation—even being denied a chair during meetings. His latest remarks, though intended to reaffirm party ties, have once again unsettled the BJP ahead of the 2026 Assembly elections.
As tensions escalate between a section of Tollywood’s directors and the Federation of Technicians, a pertinent question looms large over the Bengali film industry—can it afford to lose celebrated talents like Parambrata Chatterjee, Anirban Bhattacharya, Aritra Sen, Subrata Sen, Sudeshna Roy or heavyweight producers like SVF if this deadlock continues? Anirban, one of the industry’s most respected actor-directors, who also worked opposite Rani Mukherjee in her Chatterjee Vs Norway has openly expressed his frustration over the prevailing impasse. Despite recently wrapping up the shoot of Raghu Dakat, the actor revealed that he hasn’t received any new work offers in weeks. He was unable to shoot for the second part of the song Hooliganism for his band. He pointed out that while there are rumours of a boycott, there has been no official written or verbal statement. He now wonders if continued silence over the next few months might signal the end of his screen career altogether. This unofficial ban is not unique to Anirban. Thirteen directors who had moved court against the Federation are being blocked from work. So too their close collaborators. Director Aritra Sen, an associate of Parambrata Chatterjee, has seen his projects stalled, while Souvik Mondal’s TV serial was halted due to his association with one of the 13 filmmakers. Although the Calcutta High Court has clearly stated that the Federation cannot interfere with the directors’ work or autonomy, filmmakers claim the reality defies the ruling.
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Editor’s Note: Short Post Noticed By People Who Matter
Four years have zipped by and we are crossing another milestone on 31st January 2025 – it’s our 4th Anniversary. It feels good.
Looking back at the 1460 days, I must say Short Post has made its mark with people who matter via 4000 stories published in the areas of politics, business, entertainment and sports. All made possible by the unflinching commitment and dedication of our senior editors, most of whom have been part of this journey from Day One.
Small pack, big impact is in essence the story of Short Post which was launched at the height of the Covid-19 pandemic in 2021. It shows our conviction. In all humility, I can say, we have created a new niche in the news segment space like Hindustan Unilever which created a new segment, when it launched CloseUp Gel.
Yes, we have created a brand (in a limited sense), created demand (readers) and created supply (senior journalists). But we are facing teething problems like all start-ups. What makes us happy and confident is the recognition of our efforts. For instance, we have an arrangement with the OPEN Magazine, part of the $4.5 billion Kolkata-based Sanjiv Goenka-RPG Group. This arrangement sees around 10 Short Post stories posted on OPEN Magazine website every week. This arrangement is testimony that our content has been well received! Also, I may add that the Maharashtra government has recognised Short Post and has allowed our senior editor to cover the Assembly sessions. Ditto: Odisha.
Our goal is to ensure that Short Post becomes a habit. I would like people to keep checking their smartphones to know the latest Authentic Gossip. As regards AI and the fear of it disrupting all businesses including media. On that, personally, I have no such fear as I am confident AI cannot smell news particularly Authentic Gossip. That’s the place we are well entrenched.