The Federation of Cine Technicians and Workers of Eastern India has blocked the release of yet another Bengali film, fuelling speculation over whether it is merely a procedural dispute or one tangled with political undercurrents involving cast members Rudranil Ghosh and Sourav Das. The latest film caught in the crossfire is The Academy of Fine Arts directed by SRFTI debutant Jayabrata Das. Despite receiving the go ahead from the Central Board of Film Certification, the November 14 release was halted just 48 hours before opening. The move triggered a flood of social-media outrage, with many alleging arbitrary gatekeeping by the Federation. The guild claims the film breached industry rules due to the involvement of Pramod Films during post-production. That association, it argues, makes the project a commercial production, mandating guild-registered technicians and prior clearances. Federation president Swarup Biswas insists their objections target Pramod Films, not students, and has demanded the removal of the banner’s name from posters, trailers, and the censor certificate. He dismissed allegations of financial demands. Jayabrata, in a lengthy post, stated that the student team had worked independently for five years with scant resources and sought limited help from Pramod Films only when funds were depleted. The Federation has also questioned the film’s Mumbai registration, high-end shooting locations, extensive marketing, and a distribution plan involving INOX, PVR and UFO Cube, which typically costs Rs 18–20 lakh. The presence of actors like Rudranil Ghosh, now with the BJP, and Sourav Das, who appeared in The Bengal Files, has added to speculation on whether political optics are influencing the Federation’s stance. Meetings between the parties remain inconclusive, leaving the fate of the Rs 25-lakh partly crowdfunded film in limbo as calls for its release grow louder online.

The BJP’s emphatic victory in Bihar has prompted the party leadership to project confidence about replicating the outcome in West Bengal in 2026. Yet, despite the celebratory rhetoric, the ground situation in Bengal presents a far more complex—and arguably unfavourable—terrain for the saffron party. Buoyed by Bihar, senior leaders such as Union ministers Giriraj Singh, Sukanta Majumdar, who was the former state president have asserted that the mandate reflects a decisive shift toward the BJP. Singh, who has previously had several direct confrontations with the TMC, stated unequivocally that with Bihar delivering its mandate, Bengal would be next, as the people of the state are growing increasingly dissatisfied with chief minister Mamata Banerjee. Majumder, meanwhile, likened the TMC regime to what he described as a shadow of the “jungle raj” associated with Lalu Prasad Yadav’s era. However, analysts argue that such comparisons reveal more political impatience than electoral realism. A section of political analysts pointed out that Bihar’s outcome was shaped by pro-incumbency and by the NDA’s existing administrative footing—advantages the BJP does not enjoy in Bengal. The TMC’s long tenure, rather than weakening it, has consolidated its organisational strength, particularly across the rural belt where nearly 70% of the state’s electorate resides. While the BJP has succeeded in capturing segments of the urban vote with its Hindutva messaging and pro-industry posture, it continues to lag the TMC’s 48% vote share by a significant margin. More critically, the party has yet to develop a robust grassroots network capable of countering the TMC’s deeply entrenched cadre structure built since 2011, when Mamata rode the Singur and Nandigram land movements to power.

The 31st Kolkata International Film Festival (KIFF) opened with a strong focus on migration and displacement — themes at the heart of its newly introduced section, ‘Beyond Borders.’ Running from November 6 to 13, the festival will screen 315 films from 39 countries across 21 venues, with Poland as this year’s partner nation. The new segment presents nine films probing the emotional and political dimensions of migration, including Tales of the Wounded Land by Iraqi-French filmmaker Abbas Fahdel, Aisha Can’t Fly Away by Egyptian director Morad Mostafa, Passing Dreams by Palestinian filmmaker Rashid Masharawi, and Palestine 36 by another Palestinian filmmaker Annemarie Jacir. Festival chairperson and filmmaker Goutam Ghose described the new section as a response to the global displacement crisis. He noted that migration has emerged as one of the world’s defining challenges, and that filmmakers chronicling such realities take creative and political risks deserving both applause and empathy. West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee was all praise for the inclusion of ‘Unheard India – Rare Language Films,’ a category honouring voices from linguistic peripheries such as Bodo, Santhali, and Konkani, remarking that cinema without grassroots connections cannot mirror ordinary lives. Mamata also announced the Bangabibhusan — West Bengal’s highest civilian honour — for legendary singer Arati Mukherjee and actor Shatrughan Sinha.

Political controversy has intensified in West Bengal over the ongoing Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls after a report in Jago Bangla, the official mouthpiece of the Trinamool Congress (TMC), claimed that chief minister Mamata Banerjee had personally accepted the SIR Enumeration Form. In response, Didi clarified that she had not personally received the form. In a social media post, she explained that the designated Booth Level Officer had visited her neighbourhood and residential office, made routine inquiries about the number of voters in the household, and left the forms accordingly. She added that she had not filled out her form and that she would do so only after every eligible person in Bengal had completed theirs. Earlier this week, Didi led a protest march from Red Road to Jorasanko Thakurbari, terming the ongoing process “SIR terror” and urging citizens to remain cautious. The Opposition BJP criticised Mamata’s clarification, accusing her of double standards. Former state BJP president and Union Minister of State Sukanta Majumder stated that the CM’s actions contradicted her public position and claimed that she had accepted several forms despite urging people not to cooperate with the process. Senior TMC leaders rejected the allegations, describing them as politically motivated attempts to discredit the CM’s campaign against the SIR. Party functionaries said the report about Didi personally receiving the form was misleading and aimed at undermining the ongoing movement. According to party sources, Mamata is planning to take the issue beyond Bengal and raise it at the national level. TMC national general secretary Abhishek Banerjee has already indicated that the party will intensify its protests in the coming weeks.

In a move aimed at ending perennial disputes over festival release slots, Tollywood’s leading industry bodies have drawn up new rules to prevent clashes of big-budget films and improve working conditions for technicians. The Eastern India Motion Pictures Association (EIMPA) and the Federation of Cine Technicians and Workers of Eastern India (FCTWEI) — headed by Pia Sengupta and Swarup Biswas — jointly announced that no more than three Bengali films will be released on a single day. The decision follows repeated controversies over the allocation of single-screen theatres during festive seasons. Under the revised policy, there must be a minimum gap of 15 days between two major releases, allowing each film sufficient box-office run. Smaller films, however, may release in between with mutual consent. This Christmas will see the release of Dev Entertainment and Bengal Talkies joint production Prajapati 2, Surinder Films Mitin Mashi, and one film from the Srikant Mohta–Mahendra Soni stable – Bijoynagarer Heere. For January 23, 2026, Hok Kolorob, another Mohta-Soni production, and Bhanupriya Bhuter Hotel are confirmed, while films by Ankush Hazra and Firdousul Hasan have been postponed. A new production structure has also been outlined. SVF, Surinder Films and Nandi Movies will produce six films each annually; Windows, DAG Creative Media and Camellia Productions four; and Jeet, Pia Sengupta and Ankush Hazra two. Prime-time slots will be allotted based on annual output. In a parallel move, the industry has approved a 30% pay hike for small-screen technicians and 33% for big-screen technicians, while reducing maximum working hours from 24 to 18. The ceiling for low-budget films is also set to rise from Rs30 lakh to Rs 35 lakh, offering greater flexibility to independent filmmakers.

With eye on 2026 Assembly polls, the BJP in West Bengal is rethinking its strategy whether to bank, once again, on “glamour quotient” that helped thrust its women’s wing into the limelight or fall back on its loyal, traditional cadre base following a string of electoral disappointments? The internal debate follows the party’s underwhelming performance in West Bengal in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. From 2015 to 2021, the BJP Mahila Morcha was led by Roopa Ganguly, Locket Chatterjee, and Agnimitra Paul, all from the film and fashion industry. Their tenure brought visibility through protests and media outreach. Roopa Ganguly, now on the Narrative Committee, is likely to contest in 2026. Locket Chatterjee, despite losses in 2021 and 2024, remains influential and was praised for her role in the Uttarakhand 2022 polls. Agnimitra Paul, MLA from Asansol South and close to Suvendu Adhikari, lost the 2024 Medinipur seat but is expected to contest again. Their successors, Tanuja Chakraborty and Falguni Patra, both long-time BJP workers, failed to match that prominence. During the RG Kar Hospital protests, Patra’s leadership drew limited attention. A former general secretary admitted the Mahila Morcha had become “a launching pad for women from the glamour world.” Actors Payel Sarkar, Srabanti Chatterjee, Tanushree Chakraborty, Parno Mitra, and Papiya Adhikari all contested and lost. Rupanjana Mitra returned to the Trinamool Congress, citing disillusionment. Agnimitra Paul said fame helped connect with voters, while Keya Ghosh recalled that “media attention naturally follows famous faces,” citing an incident when “police tore Locket’s saree.” With glamour yet to translate into votes, the BJP is now moving cautiously. Under the State President Shamik Bhattacharya, it plans to blend visible figures with grassroots leaders as it prepares to challenge the Trinamool Congress in 2026.

Once a formidable rival to the BSE, the 117-year-old Calcutta Stock Exchange (CSE) is voluntarily exiting the stock exchange business, marking the end of an era in India’s capital markets. Established in 1908 as the country’s second recognised bourse, the CSE once served as Kolkata’s financial hub, attracting significant trade volumes and investor interest. The exchange’s decline accelerated following the Ketan Parekh stock market scam, which triggered a payment crisis and broker defaults. Despite attempts to modernise, CSE struggled to compete with the technologically advanced BSE and the NSE. Trading at the CSE was suspended in April 2013 by the SEBI for failing to meet mandatory turnover thresholds and establish a separate clearing corporation. Over the last decade, the exchange attempted multiple revivals, including approaching Calcutta High Court and the Supreme Court challenging SEBI’s suspension order. However, these efforts added to financial strain without delivering results. In December 2024, the CSE board resolved to withdraw pending litigation and pursue a voluntary exit. Shareholders formally approved the exit at an EGM in April 2025, after which the CSE submitted its exit application to SEBI. The regulator has appointed Rajvanshi & Associates, a valuation agency to determine the exchange’s worth. Once the exit is sanctioned, CSE will transition into a holding company, with its 100% subsidiary, CSE Capital Markets Pvt Ltd, continuing broking operations as a member of NSE and BSE. Speculations are rife that CSE is seeking SEBI’s approval to sell its 3-acre EM Bypass property to the Srijan Group for Rs 253 crore. 

With less than a year to go for the 2026 West Bengal Assembly elections, the anticipated alliance between the CPM and Congress remains in limbo. Despite the recent Kaliganj by-election, where Congress contested with CPM support and improved its performance, the absence of a structured coordination mechanism has left both parties drifting. Party insiders suggest that CPM general secretary Sitaram Yechury, who was the key in maintaining crucial communication with Congress’ national leadership. But after his sudden demise in 2024 not much progress has been made. CPM sources indicate initial movement to create space for Congress, which has now stalled, with no confirmed timeline or structured plan for resuming discussions. Earlier this year, tensions between the CPM and ally RSP over seat allocation led to Congress being handed the Kaliganj seat. At the national level, AICC general secretary Ghulam Ahmad Mir had urged the Bengal unit to prepare for at least 90 assembly seats, signalling both independent strength and the option of alliance-building. This is in respect to the outcome of the 2024 Lok Sabha election where CPM led in just one assembly segment, while Congress held leads in 11, mostly in North Dinajpur, Malda, and Murshidabad. On several occasions symbolic unity has been absent between Pradesh Congress and CPM where state president Subhankar Sarkar and CPM leader Mohammad Salim separately organise protest programmes against the ruling Trinamool Congress. Further, internal frictions persist, including discomfort between CPM leaders and former Congress state chief Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury, while AICC organisational chief KC Venugopal’s focus on Kerala is seen as affecting Bengal alliance efforts. With no talks between the two parties, the 2026 Assembly elections could once again see a direct fight between the Trinamool Congress and the BJP.  

No need to go to the auditorium to watch Soumitra Chatterjee’s plays. One Theater, India’s first theatre-focused OTT platform is bringing over 300 plays from Bengal’s rich dramatic heritage directly to viewers’ screens. Developed by ESI BPL Group and Banglamanch under G-TPL, the platform aims to unite theatre groups from every corner of the state, offering audiences a single, seamless digital stage. Organisers said that One Theater is more than entertainment — rather a bold step to preserve and celebrate Bengali theatre for generations to come. A highlight of the app is a dedicated archive of late legendary actor Soumitra Chatterjee’s theatrical works, allowing audiences to experience his timeless performances. The inaugural lineup features productions that span themes from human relationships to nostalgia and moral dilemmas. Typist, directed by Soumitra Chatterjee’s daughter Poulomi delves into the subtleties of office life and romantic undercurrents, featuring veteran theatre personality Debshankar Haldar and Poulomi Chatterjee. Mitali, directed by another theatre veteran Gautam Haldar, captures the tender story of teenage love in the era of handwritten letters, long before the digital age. Meanwhile, Chandanpur-er Chor, another Shyambazar Mukhomukhi production, blends humour and humanism as three thieves enter an elderly woman’s home, confronting ethical dilemmas, with performances by Rajatab Dutta, Shankar Chakraborty, Deblina Dutta, Pritha Majumdar, Saurav Kar, and a talented ensemble of young actors. The founders of One Theater envision the platform as more than a streaming service—it is a living archive, a cultural bridge, and a digital window into Bengal’s theatrical soul. They hope this initiative will bring Bengali theatre back to the national and international spotlight, ensuring that its stories continue to resonate across generations.

Barely a month after his closed-door meeting with Trinamool Congress national general secretary Abhishek Banerjee in September, former Kolkata Mayor and ex-Minister Sovan Chatterjee has once again stirred Bengal’s political cauldron. This time, he reportedly held a two-hour long private meeting with West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee during her recent visit to Darjeeling to oversee the aftermath of a natural disaster. Interestingly, while Sovan’s earlier meeting with Abhishek took place in the presence of his long-time companion Baisakhi Banerjee, his latest conversation with Mamata happened privately — despite Baisakhi being in Darjeeling on vacation. Though both camps have remained tight-lipped, sources close to Sovan claim he may re-enter active politics within the next couple of months, marking a potential return to the TMC fold. Speculation about Sovan’s comeback has surfaced multiple times. But, this time, insiders say the talks appear far more serious. Political observers believe the timing is crucial — hinting at possible internal rebalancing, especially amid mounting criticism of Kolkata Mayor and State Urban Development Minister Firhad Hakim, who is one of the closest aides of Didi. Hakim faced severe backlash, even within the party, over the city’s September deluge that killed 10 people and left large parts of Kolkata waterlogged for nearly 48 hours. His removal as HIDCO Chairman and his uneasy equation with Abhishek Banerjee have further fuelled speculation. Sovan’s history with Hakim is well-known. As Kolkata Mayor in 2010, Sovan worked alongside Hakim, then his deputy, but their relationship remained strained. Later, as Mamata consolidated power, Hakim rose to a cabinet position overseeing municipal bodies — including KMC. After resigning from both posts in 2018, Sovan briefly joined the BJP but soon withdrew from politics. Now, it is learnt that ‘ghar wapsi’ has begun, Sovan has been inducted as NKDA chairman which is basically under...

Jindal (India), part of the BC Jindal Group, is all set to expand its Howrah steel plant in West Bengal with Rs 1,500-crore investment. Already operating two plants in the state producing a range of steel-based downstream products, the group will significantly enhance its production capabilities with this addition. The Jindal Group’s latest investment aligns with its broader plan to scale up steel production across India, aiming to invest Rs18,000 crore over the coming years to enhance overall manufacturing capacity. The new Rs 1,500-crore downstream facility in West Bengal, with an annual capacity of 0.6 million tonnes, is expected to boost the company’s existing capacity by 60%, significantly increasing production of coated flat products, pipes, and crash barriers. According to the company, the commissioning of the new cold rolling complex marks the completion of a key phase in the expansion project, raising Jindal India’s total downstream steel capacity from 1 million to 1.6 million tonnes annually. Currently, Jindal India operates two advanced West Bengal facilities specialising in cutting-edge colour coating, galvanising, and galvalume technologies, further strengthening its position in India’s steel sector. Beyond West Bengal, the company, through its subsidiary, Jindal India Steel Tech is setting up a greenfield steel manufacturing plant in Dhenkanal, Odisha. JISTL plans to invest a total of Rs 15,000 crore in Odisha in three phases by 2030, with the current Rs 3,600 crore investment marking the first phase of the project.

BJP has escalated the recent attack on its Maldaha Uttar MP Khagen Murmu and Siliguri MLA Shankar Ghosh in flood-hit North Bengal into a major political narrative, framing it as violence against a tribal leader. The party plans to use the image of Murmu’s bloodied face to highlight what it calls the TMC’s failure to protect elected representatives and to question the INDIA Bloc’s commitment to tribal welfare. While BJP has accused TMC supporters of carrying out the assault, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee visited Murmu in a Siliguri hospital. According to BJP sources, the state leadership had recently submitted a report assessing its North Bengal strength, predicting 44–48 wins out of 54 Assembly seats, up from 30 in 2021. The report highlighted TMC’s weak position, except in a few minority-dominated areas in Malda and the Dinajpurs, and suggested the Murmu incident could further consolidate BJP support. In 2021, BJP won 30 seats, TMC 23, and the Tamang faction of GJM one; by-elections have since adjusted the tally to 25 for BJP and 28 for TMC. In the last Lok Sabha polls, BJP led in 32 segments, TMC 15, and Congress-backed candidates seven. State general secretary Deepak Barman said relief may not sway rural votes but can influence urban middle-class sentiment. The party intends to nationalize the Murmu attack, highlighting tribal issues in Jharkhand, Bihar and Odisha, aiming to weaken Mamata’s national stature and put Congress and JMM in a difficult position within the INDIA Bloc. Interestingly, BJP believes this campaign could influence tribal voters in Bihar’s border areas.

West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has once again turned Durga Puja into a campaign arena and cultural outreach, leaving Opposition parties scrambling to match her scale. While the BJP views the festival as a potential political weapon, Mamata has neutralised it, ensuring the celebrations remain firmly under her influence. Over the past seven years, the number of Puja committees spanning Kolkata and remote districts has grown from 28,000 to 45,000. Likewise, the financial support during the same period has also scaled up from Rs 10,000 to Rs 110,000 this year alongside electricity bill waivers. In effect, Mamata expanded her reach from Cooch Behar to Kakdwip as chief patron of the festivities. During the Left Front era, the CPI(M) maintained organisational control in several spheres but deliberately kept a distance from Puja. Leaders like late Subhash Chakraborty occasionally engaged, but the party never made the festival a political stage. This allowed Mamata, post-2011, to steadily enlarge her presence, transforming Puja inaugurations into high-visibility public relations opportunities. Even Opposition leaders like BJP’s Suvendu Adhikari seldom attended Puja inaugurations in Kolkata or districts, leaving the party largely absent from major events. Apart from Sajol Ghosh in Kolkata, BJP has no significant foothold. Initially questioned in courts, these grants have been strategically tied to Bengali cultural identity, intertwining Durga Puja with heritage and pride recognized by UNESCO, effectively transforming the festival into both a cultural and political instrument. Didi has also expanded the Puja arena not only through grants but the puja idol immersion carnival inspired by Brazil’s Rio de Janeiro, now institutionalised and set for Red Road on October 5.

Controversy continues to dog Tollywood, this time over the release of four much-awaited films that are set to clash during Durga Puja, the industry’s most lucrative season. Directors Nandita Roy-Shiboprosad Mukhopadhyay, Anik Dutta, Shubhrajit Mitra and Dhruva Banerjee have lined up their big-budget movies — Raktabeej 2, Joto Kando Kolkatatei, Debi Choudhurani, and Raghu Dakat. Despite a recent intervention by a state-appointed committee, industry insiders confirm that disputes have emerged over screen distribution and prime-time show slots. Speculation is rife that Dev’s Raghu Dakat, co-produced with SVF, has secured an edge in theatre count and timings. Writer Jinia Sen (Raktabeej 2) and producer Firdausal Hasan (Joto Kando Kolkatatei) admitted they had heard “market buzz” about Raghu Dakat cornering a good number of theatres. The speculation gained momentum when Trinamool Congress (TMC) spokesperson and actor Kunal Ghosh publicly questioned why an “influential” film had been given extra slots. Though he did not name anyone, many in the industry viewed it as an indirect swipe at actor-MP Dev, his party colleague with whom he has sparred earlier on social media. Dev’s recent release Dhumketu’s co-producer Rana Sarkar hinted at a deeper game. Exhibitors Naveen Chokhani and Jaydeep Mukhopadhyay, along with distributor Shatadip Saha, dismissed claims of preferential treatment for Raghu Dakat, saying no final decisions had been made. Still, several single-screen owners admitted the real pressure would fall on them, as unequal slot allocation during Puja season often sparks discontent. Ghosh also added a political edge, claiming Raghu Dakat owed thanks to TMC for the backing Dev reportedly received from local leaders during district promotions. 

With the Bengali persecution issue placing the Bengal BJP under pressure, the party is seeking to recalibrate its electoral strategy by leaning harder on the Hindutva plank. The Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA), already implemented but seen by insiders as an “unfinished project,” has been identified as the rallying point in the run-up to the 2026 Assembly elections. The BJP, along with its ideological parent RSS, is preparing a coordinated campaign to push for citizenship benefits under the CAA. The RSS convened a special coordination meeting attended by senior leaders of both organisations. BJP state president Shamik Bhattacharya represented the state unit, national general secretary BL Santhosh represented the central leadership. From the RSS, senior office-bearers Pradeep Joshi, Ramapada Pal, Jaladhar Mahato and Jishnu Basu, representing the all-India leadership in eastern India. BJP sources confirmed the central focus was ensuring the maximum number of refugees eligible under the CAA secure citizenship without delay. A concrete plan was drawn up to guarantee swift, fear-free submission of papers. The meeting also reviewed the upcoming Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls. Besides Bhattacharya, BJP regional leaders were present during the meeting, including legislator Deepak Barman from North Bengal, MP Jagannath Sarkar from Central Bengal, and state general secretary Jagannath Chattopadhyay from South Bengal. Insiders said these three leaders will supervise the CAA campaign across their respective regions. The RSS indicated that organisations under its umbrella will join the ground campaign, though sources stressed the BJP will lead. Ensuring citizenship for all eligible applicants was described as a non-negotiable target. The meeting, convened on an emergency basis, sought to prepare for large-scale mobilisation on the CAA agenda.

The Singur movement not only altered Bengal’s industrial trajectory but also marked one of the biggest power shifts in the state’s history — from the Left Front to Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress. Yet, the Nano car exit in 2008 left an enduring scar, branding Didi as “anti-industry” despite her repeated efforts to change that perception. Seventeen years later, the narrative seems to be coming full circle, with electric vehicle manufacturer Cynosure announced plans to launch a four-wheeler priced below Rs 1 lakh from Sugandha in Hooghly district — just 17 km away from Singur, where Ratan Tata’s dream project had collapsed in 2008. Cynosure revealed its plan at the launch of its electric three-wheeler in Kolkata and the prototype of the car would be unveiled after Diwali, with a commercial rollout targeted for January 2026. According to co-founder Sampurna Ghosh, the fully battery-operated vehicle will seat four passengers, including the driver with an aim to make personal cars affordable for the middle and lower-middle-class families. Sources said that the car’s final name would be decided by the chief minister. Political observers have pointed out that the announcement carries political undertones just ahead of the 2026 Assembly elections, as it can be recalled that in 2008, Tata Motors withdrew from Singur after completing 80% of the factory, blaming Mamata then opposition leader. The project later shifted to Gujarat. Didi has since maintained that her fight was against the Left’s forcible land acquisition policy, not against Tata. 

The elevation of Chandrima Bhattacharya, Minister of State for Finance and Health, as chairperson of the Housing Infrastructure Development Corporation (HIDCO) is being read as more than a routine appointment. Within the Trinamool Congress (TMC) and administrative circles, the move is seen as part of West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s strategy to recalibrate responsibilities among her trusted lieutenants, thereby reinforcing her grip on key institutions. Incidentally, Didi is the head of the departments of both health and finance. Already managing the party’s women’s wing, Chandrima now assumes control of an agency instrumental in developing Kolkata’s fringes — New Town and Rajarhat and other major urban infrastructure projects. HIDCO’s chairmanship has been a hot seat in recent years, with another close aide of Mamata and senior cabinet minister for Urban Development, Firhad Hakim heading it since 2021. However, in December 2024 the cabinet shifted HIDCO out of his department and placed it under Administrative Reforms and Personnel, overseen directly by Mamata. Hakim was removed from the chairmanship and the state’s former chief secretary Harikrishna Dwivedi temporarily held the fort. At the time, Hakim publicly maintained that it was solely Didi’s decision and a matter of cabinet prerogative, brushing aside speculation of alleged fallout with Mamata. Observers point out that such shifts underline the political weight HIDCO carries and several allegations and rumours of corruption in land distribution by the Opposition. By handing over the reins to Chandrima, Mamata has underscored both her close scrutiny of government functioning and her intent to silence any speculation around administrative decisions.

A fresh controversy has erupted in Tollywood with the list of names proposed for the Bengali film review committee, to be submitted in the High Court as part of an ongoing case between a section of filmmakers and the Federation of Cine Technicians and Workers of Eastern India (FCTWEI). The proposed panel has left out practicing Bengali directors, sparking sharp discontent within the industry. The development comes close on the heels of West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s directive to single screen and multiplexes to screen Bengali films in primetime. While the order was widely welcomed, insiders now argue that the celebratory mood is being eclipsed by what they describe as a snub to local talent. One of the petitioners, director Indranil Roychowdhury maintained that Kolkata insiders could be influenced and therefore only nationally reputed figures from outside Bengal should be included. The proposed list features directors Dibakar Banerjee, Konkona Sen Sharma, Nandita Das, Adil Hussain, Nagraj Manjule and Hansal Mehta. A senior director, requesting anonymity, pointed out that earlier committees had stalwarts like Prabhat Roy and Haranath Chakraborty, but the new list excludes Tollywood filmmakers. He questioned whether Bengali directors were being treated as outsiders in their own industry. The Calcutta High Court has requested a final committee list by September 8. Information & Broadcasting Secretary Shantanu Basu has been tasked with drawing it up, based on names submitted separately by the 13 petitioner directors and the Federation. Questions have also arisen over whether institutions like SRFTI can serve as committee members, and who will bear the costs of bringing in outstation experts.

The war of words between BJP leader and actor Mithun Chakraborty and TMC spokesperson Kunal Ghosh has now escalated into a full-blown legal battle, with Mithun slapping a Rs 100-crore defamation suit on Ghosh. The BJP star accused Ghosh of launching a politically motivated smear campaign by linking him to chit fund scam, alleging he joined the BJP to escape investigation, dragging his son into a rape case, and even questioning his wife’s financial dealings. Mithun said the remarks were “false, baseless and malicious,” tarnishing his image as a Padma Bhushan and Dadasaheb Phalke awardee, while also costing him film and advertising projects. Seeking damages and a bar on future comments, he has deposited the maximum Rs 50,000 court fee. Ghosh, however, remained defiant. He retorted that a person with true honour would not switch political sides repeatedly and added that the matter would be settled in court. He claimed he too has filed a case against Mithun, vowing to expose the actor’s alleged connections with four to five chit fund companies and demanding a CBI probe. Taking the fight a step further, Ghosh invoked the “Rajeev Kumar model,” referencing his face-to-face grilling with the former Kolkata Police Commissioner during the Saradha probe in Shillong. He announced he would ask the court to similarly confront Mithun under CBI supervision. Once close allies, the duo’s relationship soured after 2011, and today their personal fallout has turned into a high-stakes political slugfest.

As Bengal gears up for the 2026 Assembly elections, Nandigram has once again returned to the political spotlight. The constituency, which staged the dramatic face-off between Mamata Banerjee and Suvendu Adhikari in the last polls, is already buzzing with speculation and strategy. The controversy from the previous election still lingers. Trinamool Congress (TMC) had accused the BJP of manipulating votes through orchestrated power cuts, and the case continues in court. Yet, long before a verdict, the battlefield is being readied for the next round. The central question remains whether Mamata Banerjee would contest from Nandigram in 2026 or not. The BJP seems convinced. Pralay Pal, Tamluk district vice-president, declared on social media that “confidential sources” and a “secret report” by TMC’s National General Secretary and Mamata’s nephew Abhishek Banerjee, confirm the West Bengal chief minister’s candidature from Nandigram in 2026. He went further, asserting that the BJP would repeat its victory. The TMC camp, however, is striking back with confidence. However, Bappaditya Garg, president of Nandigram Block 1 TMC, dismissed the BJP’s claims and stressed that the party’s candidate would be revealed in due course. Yet, he was emphatic on one point: Suvendu Adhikari will not fight from Nandigram again. Garg buttressed his claim with electoral data—TMC’s win in Adhikari’s own booth at Nandanayekbari during the cooperative polls, a 412-vote lead in his locality in the Lok Sabha election, and a 2,500-vote lead from Panchayat Samiti voters in the same.

Once again filmmaker Vivek Agnihotri has been mired in controversy. This time it’s over his soon-to-be-released The Bengal Files. Since the launch of its trailer in Kolkata, it has been locked in legal disputes, political allegations, clarifications from lead actors and objections from freedom fighter Gopal Mukherjee’s grandson. Agnihotri has accused the Mamata Banerjee government of trying to stall the release. He claimed actors Saswata Chatterjee and Sourav Das were compelled by Didi’s government to issue media statements. The Bengali actors distanced themselves, saying they were unaware of the full script and were only briefed on their roles. Saswata Chatterjee, who plays the antagonist, clarified his role was limited to acting, with no involvement in political or historical debates. He admitted he had not read the complete script—describing this as common in the industry—and learned of the title change from The Delhi Files to The Bengal Files only after shooting ended. Santana Mukherjee, grandson of freedom fighter Gopal Mukherjee (Gopal Patha), filed a FIR objecting to the portrayal of his grandfather as a butcher. He described this as distortion, stressing that Patha, a member of Anushilon Samity, owned two goat-meat shops, was a wrestler, and had taken up arms in 1946 to protect civilians from Muslim League attacks. He alleged misrepresentation without consulting the family. Sourav Das, who plays Gopal Patha, distanced himself too, saying he was only briefed on his role. Amid the uproar, National award-winning filmmaker Goutam Ghose released a video statement, noting Bengal’s pioneering role in India’s independence but also its scars from Partition. Ghose insisted films on Partition or communal riots must rest on rigorous research rather than political or emotional motives.

In West Bengal the Leader of the Opposition Suvendu Adhikari has challenged chief minister Mamata Banerjee once again, stating that he is prepared to contest against her in the next Assembly election, even from Bhabanipur. Referring to the ongoing “special intensive revision of electoral rolls,” Adhikari claimed that several names would be struck off the voter’s list. BJP sources indicated that Adhikari has initiated a survey in Bhabanipur to assess the voter base, booth-level details, and party performance. There is also speculation that he may establish a separate office in the constituency. Meanwhile, TMC national general secretary Abhishek Banerjee has shifted focus to Nandigram, Adhikari’s constituency. Over the past few weeks, he has held meetings with district-level leadership across several organisational units. Abhishek met leaders from the Barasat and Tamluk districts. According to party sources, Abhishek stated during the discussions that he would convene a separate meeting dedicated to Nandigram. Booth presidents, local leaders, and functionaries of different party wings from the constituency are expected to be part of the deliberations. Though the date of the meeting has not been finalised, the constituency is set to receive additional attention in Trinamool’s electoral preparations. In the 2021 Assembly election, Nandigram witnessed a high-profile contest between Didi and Suvendu, who won by 1,956 votes. The outcome remains under judicial review. Political sparring between the two parties has continued since then, with the TMC describing Adhikari as the “load-shedding Leader of Opposition,” while the BJP refers to Mamata as the “compartmental chief minister.”

Amid Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s recent call for a “Language Andolan” after alleged assaults on Bengali-speaking migrants outside the state — and her accusation that the BJP is targeting Bengalis through citizenship and voter list revisions — West Bengal’s film fraternity has revived its long-standing demand for primetime slots for Bengali films in all theatres. Leading actor-producers Rituparna Sengupta and Dev, filmmakers Kaushik Ganguly and Srijit Mukherji, SVF heads Shrikant Mohta and Mahendra Soni, among others, wrote to Banerjee alleging that distributors and exhibitors push single-screen theatres and multiplexes to give primetime to Bollywood films sidelining Bengali releases. They noted that such bias is absent in southern states or Punjab, where local films dominate prime slots. The state government has responded with a directive: all cinema halls and multiplexes in West Bengal, except GTA areas, must screen at least one Bengali film in primetime (12 noon–9 pm) for 120 days a year. Filmmaker Aniket Chattopadhyay called it timely, but Eastern India Motion Pictures Association chairman Ratan Saha warned that some theatres could face losses where Bengali viewership is low. The move coincides with Tollywood’s united front ahead of the August 14 release of Dhumketu starring Dev and Subhashree Ganguly. The industry claims distributors of Hrithik Roshan–Kiara Advani’s War 2 have pressured halls to allot all four shows to the Bollywood release during the lucrative Independence Day weekend. This sparked outrage from the Bengali film industry which petitioned Banerjee for fair screen sharing. Clearly, the fight is about survival of Bengali cinema for the next decade. With Dhumketu and War 2 set to collide, Tollywood vows this battle will redefine Bengal’s box-office rules. 

In a significant political shake-up, West Bengal chief minister and Trinamool Congress (TMC) supremo Mamata Banerjee has appointed her nephew and party’s national general secretary, Abhishek Banerjee, as the leader of the TMC Parliamentary Committee. He replaces veteran leader Sudip Bandyopadhyay who has been ailing for some time now. The move comes as Mamata appears to brace for anti-incumbency ahead of the upcoming state assembly elections after three terms in office. Simultaneously, Mamata replaced senior advocate and Sreerampore MP Kalyan Banerjee as Chief Whip with Barasat MP Dr Kakoli Ghosh Dastidar. Birbhum MP Shatabdi Roy has been promoted as Deputy Leader of the party in Parliament. The reshuffle underscores the TMC’s need for stability and strategic leadership at the national level as Parliament becomes a key platform for the Opposition to confront the BJP. Sources say Kalyan’s removal stems from his inability to contain a prolonged feud with Krishnanagar MP Mahua Moitra. At a recent internal meeting, Mamata expressed anger over some MPs damaging the party’s image, sharply criticising Kalyan for poor coordination and for not stepping up during the absence of leaders like Sudip Bandyopadhyay and Saugata Roy. An incensed Kalyan tendered his resignation and questioned Mamata’s understanding of Parliament’s workings. Despite Abhishek urging him to remain quiet until the INDIA bloc dinner hosted by Rahul Gandhi on August 7, Kalyan continued to attack both Mamata and Mahua publicly. While Mamata initially resisted accepting his resignation, persistent defiance left her and Abhishek with no choice. The overhaul also signals Abhishek’s growing influence and a generational shift within the TMC, long marked by tension between the old and new guards.

Having remained silent and absent from the INDIA Bloc’s public engagements for a while, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has made her stance unmistakably clear — she’s aligned with regional parties in the broader national agenda to defeat the BJP in upcoming assembly elections.  Acting on Mamata’s suggestion, Opposition parties are set to gherao the Election Commission of India’s office in New Delhi on August 8 calling out widespread allegations of irregularities in the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls. With elections due this year in Bihar, as well as next year in non-BJP-ruled states such as West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, and Kerala, the issue is rapidly gaining traction as a national political flashpoint. Ahead of the protest, top leaders from the INDIA Bloc will convene in New Delhi on August 7 to finalise the gherao strategy. According to party sources, TMC national general secretary Abhishek Banerjee will attend the meeting and also dinner hosted by Rahul Gandhi. Discussions may include not only the logistics of the EC gherao but also preparations for the Vice-Presidential election scheduled for August 9.  It may be recalled that on July 21, Didi warned the TMC would not hesitate to gherao the EC if the names of legitimate voters were found to be removed from Bengal’s electoral rolls under the SIR. In effect, Mamata has reasserted her political clout within the INDIA Bloc — not just through participation, but by driving the narrative on what she sees as a fundamental threat to democracy through electoral roll manipulation.

Kolkata-based tech giant RS Software (India) Ltd has taken its first step into developing a global payments integration platform to ease international trade flows, following its pivotal role in building India’s Unified Payments Interface (UPI) in 2015. The company is set to invest over Rs 100 crore over the next five years to further strengthen its payments network across India — an ambitious move aligned with India’s rising influence in the fintech space. With the government entering into several bilateral agreements to enable members of the Indian diaspora to use UPI for payments abroad, RS Software is actively working with the National Payments Corporation of India (NPCI) to integrate these international payment systems. The integration of bilateral payment platforms is currently underway across 10 countries, including the UAE, Singapore, and France. RS Software MD & CEO Raj Jain confirmed the development, noting that UPI’s growing global footprint has opened the door for India to collaborate with other nations on digital payment interoperability. According to Jain, RS Software has been instrumental in executing many of these bilateral integrations alongside NPCI. The company sees immense opportunity in addressing longstanding challenges in cross-border transactions, which in 2024 reached a total value of $162 trillion. These transactions often suffer from high fees, sluggish settlement times, and lack of transparency. Jain feels there is the need to make low-value cross-border payments simpler and more efficient. To closely focus on the next phase of development, the company recently appointed Samik Roy as COO. Roy will be overseeing the integration of international digital payment systems and expanding the company’s global footprint. 

West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee announced a substantial 30% hike in honorarium for community Durga Puja organisers, raising the amount from Rs 85,000 last year to Rs 1.10 lakh per club. Playing high on Hindutva card, with approximately 45,000 clubs organising community pujas across the state, the move will cost the state exchequer an estimated Rs 495 crore. Didi also urged electricity supply companies to offer an 80% rebate to puja committees on power usage. The announcement, coming just months before the State Assembly elections, sparked sharp criticism from the Opposition parties, which termed the hike a “bribe” by the ruling Trinamool Congress. Emphasising the cultural and emotional significance of Durga Puja in Bengal, the CM urged organisers to prioritise safety and crowd control over competition. She encouraged clubs to deploy more volunteers and maintain separate entry and exit routes in pandals. She also appealed to the puja committees to support returning migrant workers who, she claimed, have faced mistreatment in BJP-ruled states. This year’s Durga Puja festivities will take place in the last week of September, followed by the annual carnival on October 5.

On the death anniversary of “Mahanayak” or Great Hero of Bengali cinema Uttam Kumar, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee issued a strong statement against what she described as “language terror” targeting Bengali speakers in various parts of the country. Speaking at the annual Mahanayak Samman ceremony organised by the state government since 2012 to honour artists and technicians from the world of Bengali cinemas, Didi appealed to the industry stakeholders to defend Bengali language, warning that if necessary, a new language movement must begin to protect mother tongue. Bengali is the fifth most spoken language in the world and second in Asia, with nearly 300 mn speaking it worldwide. Mamata made it categorical asking not to insult the Bengali language. Didi’s remarks followed recent incidents where Bengali-speaking migrant workers were allegedly harassed, detained or even deported from other states after being branded “Bangladeshis.” She had earlier addressed the issue on July 21 at the Martyrs’ Day rally, accusing the BJP of targeting Bengalis. She said that this language which gave birth to Rabindranath Tagore, Bankimchandra Chattopadhyay, Kazi Nazrul Islam reminded everybody that the country’s national anthem was written in Bengali.

After Bihar, the Election Commission of India (ECI) will begin an intensive revision of the voter list in West Bengal. Sources in the West Bengal State Election Commission’s office indicate that the groundwork has already begun. According to sources, the survey in Bengal is expected to begin in the first week of August. However, the final decision hinges on the proceedings of a case pending in the Supreme Court concerning the revision of the electoral roll in Bihar. The matter is scheduled for hearing on July 28. If the Apex Court does not intervene, the process of revision will be set in motion in Bengal. With Durga Puja festivities scheduled to begin in the last week of September, officials say it is imperative to wrap up the process beforehand. Otherwise, the exercise will have to be postponed until the end of November or early December. On condition of anonymity a senior official from the West Bengal State Election Commission said that all preparations are in place. The office is only awaiting the official notification from the Commission, which could be issued any day soon. The Commission’s move comes amid controversy in Bihar, where around 52 lakh names are expected to be deleted from the electoral roll. The issue has sparked uproar in national politics, with Opposition parties staging daily protests in Parliament. Amid this backdrop, Bengal has witnessed a surge in applications for inclusion and corrections in the voter list. In the past week alone, over 75,000 applications have been submitted. Sources say that the rate of voter registration and corrections has increased significantly in recent days, especially in districts along the state’s border.

West Bengal chief minister and Trinamool Congress (TMC) supremo Mamata Banerjee has made it official that her party will take on BJP in the run-up to the State Assembly polls based on Bengali Asmita. Addressing a massive Martyrs Day rally in Kolkata she accused BJP of unleashing linguistic terrorism and Mamata made it categorical that another Bhasha Movement will be embarked upon to safeguard Bengali pride. She claimed that more than 1,000 Bengali-speaking individuals have been detained and jailed in BJP-ruled states such as Odisha, Chhattisgarh, Rajasthan, and Madhya Pradesh. TMC supremo stated that terror has been unleashed on the Bengali language and described the BJP’s actions as a massive conspiracy against Bengali identity. She warned that if linguistic profiling of Bengalis does not stop, the resistance movement will be taken to the national capital. Mamata also announced a statewide protest campaign against what she described as the ongoing oppression of the Bengali language. Directly attacking Assam chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, Didi said he is unable to manage his own state but continues to interfere in West Bengal’s affairs. Interestingly, she went a step further in her political critique, claiming that the present Indian government is being remotely controlled by U.S. President Donald Trump. Significantly, during the rally, Mamata introduced the gathering to the father of Jhantu Ali Sheikh and a family member of Bitan Adhikari—both victims of the Pahalgam terror attack earlier this year.

The Kolkata-based Hindustan Motors Ltd plant which once rolled out the iconic Ambassador cars has been leased out by the West Bengal government to Titagarh Rail Systems Ltd to manufacture rail coaches. The 40 acres of its long-defunct land has been leased out for 99 years. The Rs 126-crore deal will see the plant produce Vande Bharat and Metro train coaches. Hindustan Motors, part of CK Birla Group, began operations in 1957, producing both the Landmaster and Ambassador cars. The latter becoming a symbol of Indian roads for decades. The plant, which ceased operations in 2014 after a “suspension of work” notice post-Lok Sabha elections, struggled for survival amid growing competition and dwindling production; from 700-750 cars per month to 250-300.  Even though the then Left Front government supported by making it mandatory, the use of Ambassador cars as taxis it failed to revive the plant. Titagarh Rail Systems, already operating a wagon unit nearby, has bagged major contracts to manufacture Vande Bharat and Metro coaches. And this plant’s strategic location — just 3 km from Delhi Road and close to rail lines — makes it an ideal expansion site. During the company’s 25th anniversary three years ago, chief minister Mamata Banerjee had hinted at land allocation, which has now received official cabinet approval. However, concerns persist over legal and compensation issues for former workers. The Supreme Court recently upheld a Calcutta High Court verdict allowing the state to reclaim 395 acres from Hindustan Motors for public use, including this project. This development brings a ray of hope to Hooghly, a district that has witnessed major industrial exits over the years—from Tata’s Nano in Singur in 2008 to Hind Motors shutdown in 2014 and Dunlop’s closure in Sahaganj.

West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has once again invoked the powerful sentiment of Bengali Asmita ahead of the 2026 Assembly elections. In a move reminiscent of her successful 2021 campaign, Banerjee accused the Centre of systematically targeting Bengali-speaking individuals and migrants across BJP-ruled states, painting it as part of a larger political design to marginalise Bengalis. This protest comes just days ahead of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s scheduled rally in Durgapur on July 18 and the TMC’s annual Martyrs’ Day on July 21. The TMC supremo led a protest rally on July 16, alleging that the Union government had secretly issued a notification permitting detention of individuals — especially Bengali speakers — on mere suspicion of being illegal migrants from Bangladesh. Walking alongside her nephew and party’s National General Secretary, Abhishek Banerjee — amid speculations of a strained relationship — Mamata projected a message of unity and communal harmony by notably including a Buddhist monk and a Muslim cleric, underlining inclusivity in the face of alleged divisive policies. She raised concerns over Bengalis being labelled as Bangladeshis despite having Aadhaar and PAN cards. She pointed out that over 1.5 crore migrant workers from other Indian states are working in Bengal with dignity, unlike the treatment meted out to Bengalis elsewhere. Didi cautioned that if Bengalis are detained, Bengal will politically detain the BJP through the ballot box. Political observers believe that the choice of location for the PM’s rally on July 18 in Durgapur is strategic as it will encompass the two key Lok Sabha constituencies of West Bardhaman district — Bardhaman-Durgapur and Asansol. In both constituencies BJP was defeated in 2024 Lok Sabha polls. Modi’s address is expected to clarify BJP’s stance — whether it will continue with a Hindutva-driven approach or pivot toward inclusive development.

An increasing number of Bengali actors are heading to Mumbai, reflecting a growing trend of migration from Tollywood to Bollywood. Over the past few years, noted actors like Saswata Chatterjee, Jisshu Sengupta, and Parambrata Chattopadhyay have featured in several Hindi films and web series. Even big names such as Prosenjit Chatterjee and Jeet have stepped into Bollywood. Meanwhile, many TV stars from Bengal are also seeking roles in Hindi serials, hoping to make it big in Mumbai. Casting directors like Mukesh Chhabra have gained prominence, especially with the rise of social media. Known for discovering Sushant Singh Rajput, Chhabra is considered a star-maker. He recently visited the sets of Raktabeej 2 and reportedly selected Mimi Chakraborty to play Dona Ganguly in the upcoming Sourav Ganguly biopic. He recently conducted a three-hour workshop in Kolkata which was hosted by Pritimoy Chakraborty, who runs the Kolkata studio. This open-to- all workshop generated widespread interest, especially among Tollywood actors like Tota Roychowdhury, Debdut Ghosh, Debleena Dutta, and Dibyajyoti Dutta. The initiative aimed to build confidence among Bengali actors. He noted that many actors face challenges in diction and presentation, which are crucial in Mumbai’s competitive industry. The workshop addressed how to audition, develop mental strength, and present oneself effectively. Debleena Dutta stated that Kolkata’s work opportunities have visibly shrunk with nepotism affecting casting decisions. Debdut Ghosh highlighted that TV serials in Kolkata have dropped from 40–50 to around 20, and films have declined from 70–100 to around 20. Likewise, investment has halved from Rs 1,200 crore earlier.

Despite recent efforts at mending fences, internal rifts in the Bengal BJP have resurfaced after senior leader and former state president Dilip Ghosh reignited controversy with remarks seemingly soft on West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee. This comes even after Ghosh’s meeting with newly appointed state BJP chief Samik Bhattacharya and a visit to Delhi where he met BJP national joint general secretary Shiv Prakash. Ghosh stated again that Mamata herself is not named in any corruption cases, blaming those around her instead — a comment that runs contrary to the BJP’s aggressive anti-Mamata narrative and has triggered discontent within state ranks. Without naming him, Ghosh also appeared to take aim at Leader of the Opposition Suvendu Adhikari, saying that some recent entrants into the party are trying to stoke divisions — a likely reference to criticism he faced after attending the inauguration of Digha’s Jagannath Temple on Mamata’s invitation. Ghosh later insisted he was merely stating facts, not giving Mamata a “clean chit.” In an effort to contain the damage, state president Samik Bhattacharya met Ghosh at the party office and publicly reaffirmed his place in the BJP, declaring, “He was in BJP, is in BJP, and will remain in BJP.” Tensions date back to Ghosh’s April 30 Digha’s Jagannath temple visit, which drew flak from Adhikari and then-state chief Sukanta Majumdar. Ghosh was subsequently sidelined from key meetings, including on leadership selection, and complained of deliberate alienation—even being denied a chair during meetings. His latest remarks, though intended to reaffirm party ties, have once again unsettled the BJP ahead of the 2026 Assembly elections.

As tensions escalate between a section of Tollywood’s directors and the Federation of Technicians, a pertinent question looms large over the Bengali film industry—can it afford to lose celebrated talents like Parambrata Chatterjee, Anirban Bhattacharya, Aritra Sen, Subrata Sen, Sudeshna Roy or heavyweight producers like SVF if this deadlock continues? Anirban, one of the industry’s most respected actor-directors, who also worked opposite Rani Mukherjee in her Chatterjee Vs Norway has openly expressed his frustration over the prevailing impasse. Despite recently wrapping up the shoot of Raghu Dakat, the actor revealed that he hasn’t received any new work offers in weeks. He was unable to shoot for the second part of the song Hooliganism for his band. He pointed out that while there are rumours of a boycott, there has been no official written or verbal statement. He now wonders if continued silence over the next few months might signal the end of his screen career altogether. This unofficial ban is not unique to Anirban.  Thirteen directors who had moved court against the Federation are being blocked from work. So too their close collaborators. Director Aritra Sen, an associate of Parambrata Chatterjee, has seen his projects stalled, while Souvik Mondal’s TV serial was halted due to his association with one of the 13 filmmakers. Although the Calcutta High Court has clearly stated that the Federation cannot interfere with the directors’ work or autonomy, filmmakers claim the reality defies the ruling.

The BJP has appointed Kolkata-centric and RSS-backed Samik Bhattacharya as the president of its West Bengal unit, marking a strategic departure from its previous leadership patterns. Bhattacharya, known for his clean image and strong ties with party stalwarts including outgoing state president and Union minister Sukanta Majumdar, LoP Suvendu Adhikari, and even sidelined party veteran Dilip Ghosh, is seen as the party’s attempt to build cohesion ahead of the crucial 2026 assembly polls. Political observers suggest this move is also a subtle endorsement of Adhikari as BJP’s projected face against chief minister Mamata Banerjee. With smooth coordination between Bhattacharya and Adhikari—both sharing a cordial rapport—the party aims to enter the electoral battlefield with a unified front. Sources indicate Bhattacharya’s urban, middle-class image could help the BJP strengthen its hold in key regions like Greater Kolkata and Durgapur. His long standing role as BJP spokesperson, with consistent media engagement, has lent him the acceptability required for a high-visibility opposition leader—a trait Suvendu is often criticised for lacking. His rise, however, comes after years of inner-party marginalization, reportedly due to both electoral surprises and internal resistance. Despite winning the 2014 bypoll in Basirhat South and staying loyal through political highs and lows, Bhattacharya was never fully empowered—possibly due to his independent success unsettling the power structure. His elevation comes amidst the BJP’s acknowledgment of the “Kolkata factor.” After successive non-Kolkata-based leaders like Dilip Ghosh and Sukanta Majumdar, the party now bets on the historical trend where successful state leaders like Jyoti Basu, Didi and Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee all had strong urban roots. Now a Rajya Sabha MP, Bhattacharya has sounded the election bugle stating that this election is Bengal’s final chance to stop brain drain and save the identity of Hindu...

After a quiet spell, Tollywood is finally finding its rhythm again. The first half of 2025 has brought a surge in film releases like Binodini: Ekti Nadir Naam, Kilbil Society, Puraton, Amar Boss, Batsarik, Raas, Grihoprobesh to name a few. Despite fears of a downturn due to geopolitical tensions like the Pahalgam incident and Indo-Pak conflict, two films entered the crore club at national multiplexes: The Eken: Benarasey Bibhishika (Rs 3.12 cr in five weeks, outpacing Dev’s 2023 hit Khadān) and Amar Boss (Rs 1.42 cr). In broader earnings, The Eken grossed Rs 7 cr, Amar Boss Rs 4 cr, Kilbil Society Rs 2.5 cr, Puraton Rs 1.5 cr and Satyi Bole Satyi Kichhu Nei Rs 1.3 cr. Other films’ earnings were anywhere between Rs 18 lakh and Rs 96 lakh. According to Shiboprosad Mukherjee, director and actor of Amar Boss, consistent releases have kept audiences engaged. He pointed out 2025 as more promising than 2024, citing steady performance in single screens and varied content preventing viewer fatigue. Upcoming releases like Dear Maa, Mrigaya and Bhootpurbo are expected to maintain this momentum. Director Saurav Palodhi’s Ank Ki Kothin, a low-budget, star-less film, found success through word-of-mouth. He stressed that commercial hits like The Eken and Amar Boss are vital to support smaller films.  Distributors like Shatadeep Saha and Bablu Damani agreed the industry isn’t in crisis. Saha noted that consistent film output over three years, and Damani highlights Raas touching Rs 50 lakh without major studio backing.

Whispers within Bengal’s political circles are growing louder that the former BJP state president Dilip Ghosh may launch a new political party — possibly named Paschimbanga Hindu Sena (PHS). Reports suggest a senior BJP leader chaired a closed-door meeting, allegedly attended by nearly 25 BJP leaders and ex-functionaries, to discuss the formation of a new Hindutva-oriented outfit. Sources claimed preparations are underway to submit registration documents to the Election Commission. The appearance of PHS-branded T-shirts in parts of South Kolkata has only intensified speculation. Interestingly, several names of leaders who will join Ghosh are doing the rounds. They are: former BJP general secretary Sayantan Basu, ex-vice president Rajkamal Pathak and the currently suspended Ritesh Tiwari. Though none have confirmed it. Ghosh, BJP’s most successful former Bengal president, has been increasingly sidelined within the party which has become evident from his absence from key events including those of PM Modi and Amit Shah. His appearance at Digha’s Jagannath Dham inauguration by the West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee provided grist to the rumour mills of him launching a new party. While subtly critical of Suvendu Adhikari’s faction, Ghosh denies any split, reaffirming his decades-long role in building the BJP and rejecting splinter politics. However, Bengal BJP sources claimed that the party HQ is enquiring about a close-door meeting that took place, after the party lost Kaliganj bypoll, by some of the disgruntled leaders who feel they have been sidelined ever since Suvendu Adhikari entered the scene.

In terms of absolute growth, the country’s mutual fund industry has grown at a scorching pace. Its AUM has grown from Rs 21 lakh crore in 2017 to Rs 72 lakh crore in 2025, monthly SIP from Rs 4,000 crore to Rs 26,600 crore and investor’s count has grown five times — from 1 crore to 5 crore. Yet, the investor’s numbers is poor given the size of the population. This poor investor number indicates low awareness and thereby poor penetration level. Though the industry’s Sahi Hai campaign has transformed the space from a high-net-worth niche to a retail-driven engine, more needs to be done. At the 17th ICC Mutual Fund Summit, regulator SEBI has urged the industry to use digital tools for wider access. To help the MF industry, SEBI has undertaken a comprehensive review of the sector’s regulations to ease business operations and introduce flexible scheme design, and recategorize schemes. SEBI feels that innovation and strong governance must go hand in hand, and any missteps would invite regulatory action. Interestingly, AMFI has positioned financial well-being — not just access—as the next frontier. However, AMFI lamented the fact that even though 33% of household disposable income is saved, 66% goes into gold and real estate and only 34% into financial assets. And mutual funds form a small portion of this, though their share of bank deposit equivalents has risen from 10% to 32%. India’s AUM-to-GDP ratio stands at 20%, compared to 65% globally and over 100% in developed markets. To deepen penetration, AMFI is expanding financial literacy drives in various states. Despite 80% general literacy, financial literacy remains at only 27%. This is the gap AMFI aims to close.

The West Bengal government’s action is once again under scrutiny after political cartoonist Manjul received a takedown notice from Cyber Crime wing of the state police.  News website, The Wire, reported that the notice targeted two 2019 cartoons featuring chief minister Mamata Banerjee; one depicting defections from TMC to BJP, and the other on chit-fund scams under her regime. The state police cited alleged legal violations behind the notice. Earlier in March, FIRs were filed against CPI(M)’s Mohammad Salim and BJP IT cell head Amit Malviya for sharing a video showing a woman being flogged by a TMC leader in North Dinajpur’s Chopra. The post led to public outrage, prompting police to seek content removal. These instances reflect a long-standing pattern. In 2012, Jadavpur University professor Ambikesh Mahapatra was arrested for forwarding a cartoon featuring Banerjee; his case dragged on for a decade. Farmer Shiladitya Chowdhury was branded a “Maoist” by Banerjee after questioning fertiliser prices, then detained and legally pursued. In 2019, Sanmoy Banerjee, ex-Congress spokesperson, was arrested for criticising the chief minister’s nephew. In June 2022, YouTuber Roddur Roy was arrested from Goa for allegedly abusing Banerjee and her nephew. In 2023, advocate and former Congress spokesperson Kaustav Bagchi was also detained for allegedly derogatory remarks about Banerjee. Both later joined the BJP. Notably, during protests over the rape and murder of a junior doctor at Kolkata’s RG Kar Medical College in August 2023, artists criticised the state’s response. In retaliation, the TMC initiated a cultural boycott led by Kunal Ghosh, backed by MP Kalyan Banerjee and Education Minister Bratya Basu.

West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has targeted the BJP for distorting Bengal’s contribution to India’s freedom movement through the recently released film Kesari Chapter 2, starring Akshay Kumar, R Madhavan and Ananya Panday. Banerjee and the ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC) have accused the filmmakers of deliberately altering the names of iconic Bengali revolutionaries, alleging that this was done with political intent, as Kumar is known to be close to PM Narendra Modi and the BJP. According to Didi, the BJP had been consistently targeting the state and its rich cultural heritage. The film, directed by Karan Singh Tyagi, released in theatres on April 18 and later on OTT platform JioCinema, has now landed in controversy. A formal police complaint has led to a FIR under multiple sections of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) for allegedly insulting freedom fighters and misrepresenting historical facts. Ranjit Biswas, a resident of Nabapalli Sector IV in Bidhannagar South, filed the complaint, claiming that the courtroom scene in the film related to the Muzaffarpur Conspiracy Case misrepresents revolutionaries Khudiram Bose and Barindra Kumar Ghosh. In the movie, they are portrayed as ‘Khudiram Singh’ and ‘Birendra Kumar’ from Amritsar, which Biswas called an “insult to Bengal’s martyrs.” Following the complaint, the police have registered a case under BNS Sections 352 (intentional insult), 353(1)(c) (public mischief), and 353(2) (dissemination of false information). The TMC has demanded an apology and correction, accusing the film of whitewashing Bengal’s revolutionary history.

In a move reflecting deeper shifts within the Trinamool Congress’ internal power dynamics, national general secretary of the party and Mamata Banerjee’s nephew Abhishek Banerjee, it seems, voluntarily opted out of being featured on posters for the TMC’s Annual Martyr’s Day Rally to be held on July 21.  This decision underscores Didi’s continued projection as the sole face of the party amid ongoing debates over leadership prominence. According to party veteran Sudip Bandyopadhyay, Abhishek has conveyed the decision to exclude his image from the posters. Sudip further clarified that the posters for the programme, provided by Abhishek’s office on a pen drive, contained only Didi’s image. The absence of Abhishek’s image in posters in the past had sparked off debates. In the November 2023 Netaji Indoor rally, party spokesperson Kunal Ghosh publicly questioned nephew’s omission. The controversy resurfaced in early 2024 and now in 2025 over the party’s New Year calendar, which featured both leaders but with Abhishek’s photo noticeably larger, prompting the leadership to recall it. February’s rally this year also showed only Mamata’s image. Incidentally, Mamata has repeatedly asserted in party meetings that she is the final authority in both government and organisation, even declaring that she will continue leading the party for the next 10 years. Significantly, Sudip also highlighted the importance of this year’s rally, which is being viewed as a precursor to the 2026 Assembly elections.

In a rare and increasingly confrontational political climate within the West Bengal Assembly, Leader of the Opposition (LoP) Suvendu Adhikari has set an extraordinary record with multiple suspensions and breach of privilege motions against him over the past four years. From chief minister Mamata Banerjee labelling him as a “limitless opposition leader”, the Assembly passed yet another breach of privilege motion against BJP leader Adhikari, the eighth since 2021. Reminding that he had defeated the CM in Nandigram, Adhikari has already faced suspension from the Assembly four times over the past four years and maintains that the government would not be able to take any effective action against him as he had never claimed any medical bills since 2006 and had not drawn his salary during suspension periods. He argues that these motions are attempts to silence his voice. Dismissing the claim, TMC Chief Whip Nirmal Ghosh and senior cabinet minister Chandrima Bhattacharya explained that the party had repeatedly approached the Speaker due to various statements made publicly by the LoP. Assembly records show that no previous LoP since 1957 has faced as many disciplinary actions as Adhikari. Former opposition leaders such as CPI(M)’s Surjya Kanta Mishra and Congress leader Abdul Mannan also faced privilege motions during Didi’s tenure but not to this extent. Veteran leaders noted that even former CM and CPI(M) patriarch Jyoti Basu, who served as Opposition Leader from 1957–67 and again from 1971–72, did not face such a record. Congress leader Abdul Mannan viewed that the situation was unprecedented adding that while strong opposition is important, lawmakers must remain mindful of their language.

In recent times, the release of politically nuanced films ahead of elections has become a pattern too deliberate to ignore. Movies like Uri or The Kashmir Files, The Accidental Prime Minister or Mein Atal Hoon’s releases were timed so as to stir public sentiment during elections time. Now, with West Bengal’s assembly elections scheduled next year, acclaimed Bengali filmmaker Arindam Sil is on overdrive to get his film Karpoor, released this December. A politically charged mystery thriller it could test the boundaries between art and electoral influence. Karpoor is based on Dipanwita Roy’s novel Antardhaner Nepathye, which draws from the real-life disappearance of Manisha Mukhopadhyay, a former Assistant Controller at the University of Calcutta. Her vanishing in 1997, amid an alleged education scam, rocked Bengal’s academic and political landscape and triggered accusations against the then-ruling CPI(M) regime. Nearly three decades later, Sil revisits the unsolved case, threading it through dual timelines — 1997 and 2019 — with veteran actress Rituparna Sengupta leading the cast. The film is already generating buzz, not just for its sensitive storyline but also for its notable ensemble, which includes several political figures stepping into acting roles. Trinamool Congress spokesperson Kunal Ghosh makes his screen debut in a role reportedly inspired by the late CPI(M) heavyweight Anil Biswas. Minister and theatre stalwart Bratya Basu portrays the lead investigator, while TMC councillor Ananya Bandopadhyay takes on the role of a powerful media editor. Despite the presence of figures aligned with West Bengal’s ruling party, Sil has firmly denied any deliberate political messaging. The film’s content and timing could reignite and provoke fresh political discourse in the state.

This Durga Puja, Bengali movie buffs are in for a treat as three highly anticipated films — Debi Chowdhurani, Raktabeej 2 and Raghu Dakat –will hit the silver screen promising a blend of history, drama, and star-studded performances. Director Subhrajit Mitra’s Debi Chowdhurani based on Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay’s classic novel, explores the anti-British Sannyasi Rebellion and features Srabanti Chatterjee in the titular role alongside Prosenjit Chatterjee as Bhavani Pathak. Initially slated for an Independence Day release, the film, produced by Aparna Dasgupta’s Edited Motion Pictures, is now locked for a Puja debut. Subhajit points out that Big-budget films are typically reserved for Puja—it gives us time for extensive promotions. Meanwhile, acclaimed director duo Nandita Roy and Shiboprosad Mukherjee have commenced shooting for Raktabeej 2, the much-anticipated sequel to their 2023 hit Raktabeej. With Abir Chatterjee, Mimi Chakraborty, and Kanchan Mullick in key roles, the film promises a captivating blend of drama, emotion, and gripping storytelling—hallmarks of the duo’s work. The original film left a deep impact with Victor Banerjee’s portrayal of the former president, Late Pranab Mukherjee, highlighting socio-political tensions and real-life incidents. Adding to the festive buzz, Dhrubo Banerjee’s Raghu Dakat, starring Dev in the lead, aims to bring history alive with thrilling action and drama. Backed by Dev Entertainment Ventures and SVF, the film chronicles the life of the legendary Robin Hood-like figure who emerged during Bengal’s turbulent times. The ensemble cast includes Anirban Bhattacharya, Sohini Sarkar, and the much-awaited return of Roopa Ganguly.

In a sharp counterattack to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent address in West Bengal’s Alipurduar, chief minister Mamata Banerjee has challenged the PM to a live TV debate—teleprompter and all—and dared the BJP to call early elections in the state. Modi’s address, widely seen as the start of the BJP’s campaign for the 2026 Assembly elections, took aim at Mamata, branding her “Nirmam” (merciless) while highlighting recent communal violence in Murshidabad and Malda, the Supreme Court’s scrapping of teaching posts which left over 25,000 teachers jobless, and accusing her government of blocking Central government’s schemes. Hitting back, Didi accused the PM of engaging in “political Holi” at the expense of national interests. She dismissed his “Operation Bengal” remarks as an insult to the people of the state and pointed out that her nephew, TMC National General Secretary Abhishek Banerjee, was part of an MP delegation meeting global leaders—signalling her party’s commitment to protecting the nation’s interests internationally. Didi also slammed the Centre’s political motives behind naming the post-Pahalgam operation. She mocked Modi for his transformation from a self-proclaimed tea-seller to what she described as a “sindoor salesman,” a dig at his remarks that she interpreted as disrespectful to the women of Bengal. Mamata claimed that she had instructed her leaders to avoid commentary on “Operation Sindoor” despite its provocative nature. She accused the PM of spending more time on foreign trips than on India’s pressing issues and criticized what she called the erosion of federalism under Union Home Minister Amit Shah’s watch, branding him the country’s “acting Prime Minister.”

Recent political and diplomatic strains between India and Bangladesh have cast a ripple effect on cultural exchanges, especially in cinema — where both shared cultural heritage and creativity. Reportedly, disruptions have hit film projects and casting decisions across Tollywood and the Bangladeshi film industry. Though no official ban exists on Bangladeshi actors working in India, several have recently been denied Indian visas. This has forced producers into last-minute casting changes and even temporary halts on joint productions. While prominent actors like Jaya Ahsan, Chanchal Chowdhury, Shakib Khan, and Arifin Shuvoo continue to work in India due to long-term visas, others face hurdles. Actress Tasnia Farin was denied a visa despite being cast opposite Dev, prompting alternative casting. Similarly, Jeet’s collaboration with Bangladeshi director Raihan Rafi for Lion has stalled. SVF, a leading production house with deep cross-border ties, acknowledged temporary disruptions but confirmed collaborations are slowly resuming. Hoichoi released the Bangladeshi series Jimmi in March. SVF is co-producing Daagi with Afran Nisho and Tandob featuring Shakib Khan. However, Tandob will now be fully shot in Bangladesh due to visa issues affecting its crew. Visa unpredictability is making casting decisions risky. If actors can’t travel for shoots or promotions, entire projects suffer. Actor Ziaul Faruq Apurba couldn’t promote Chalachitro directed by Pratim D Gupta, while Chanchal Chowdhury missed promotions for Srijit Mukherji’s Padatik. Meanwhile, some projects remain unaffected. Jaya Ahsan’s Dear Maa by Aniruddha Roy Chowdhury is expected around July. She is also rumoured to star in Kaushik Ganguly’s upcoming Ardhangini 2.

In the wake of the Murshidabad killings and the terror attack in Pahalgam, Bengal’s political battleground has heated up, with both BJP and CPI(M) scrambling to secure the Hindu vote bank. While CPI(M) leaders like State Secretary Mohammed Salim and youth leader Minakshi Mukherjee visited Murshidabad post-violence, BJP’s Suvendu Adhikari downplayed the incident, claiming victims were targeted for being Hindu, and dismissed the CPI(M)’s recent Brigade rally, stating Hindus have distanced themselves from the party. This intensified BJP attack is part of a broader strategy to erode the Hindu support base that still aligns with the Left in certain pockets. BJP leaders believe converting this segment could significantly alter Bengal’s electoral dynamics. Despite failing to win any seats in recent elections, the Left’s 11% vote share — largely perceived to include Hindus — remains a target for the BJP, especially as the Trinamool-BJP vote gap stood at 7% in the last Lok Sabha polls. Senior CPI(M) leaders assert Adhikari’s focus reflects his intent to pull Hindu voters from the Left into the BJP fold. Salim countered, stating Suvendu’s attacks show BJP’s internal frustration, citing leaders like Dilip Ghosh distancing themselves from the party. Districts like Murshidabad, Nadia, Malda, Uttar Dinajpur, and Hooghly — once Left strongholds — have witnessed increasing communal tensions, providing a backdrop for BJP’s polarisation strategy. BJP finds Hindu voters aligned with the Left more reachable than TMC supporters, who are seen as bound by secular ideology or economic factors. However, a section of Bengal BJP leaders feel that after peaking in 2019, setbacks in 2021 and 2024, indicate that Hindu consolidation alone may not ensure success without strong momentum or triggering events.

In a notable shift in Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) student politics, the RSS affiliated Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) made significant gains in the recent student union elections. While the Left retained key positions, ABVP hailed its performance as “historic”. It now aims to expand its presence at Jadavpur University (JU). Aniruddha Sarkar, ABVP’s South Bengal State Secretary, called the JNU outcome a mandate for ideological change and declared the time had come to replicate it in JU. He emphasised that ABVP had disrupted Left dominance in JNU and would challenge the “Left ecosystem” in JU as well. ABVP has accelerated its activities at JU. Recently, it organized a Ram Navami puja at the university’s engineering gate placing a Hanuman image beside murals of Marx, Lenin, and Mao. While such acts had earlier triggered strong opposition, this time there was little protest, partly due to the Sunday holiday. Nonetheless, the event marked a symbolic assertion of right-wing presence in a traditionally Left-dominated campus. Srijan Bhattacharyya, an SFI All India leader and JU alumnus, who also contested the Lok Sabha Election 2024 on CPI(M) ticket, dismissed comparisons with JNU. He said JU’s ideological identity is fundamentally different and that a handful of non-Bengali-speaking engineering students would not enable ABVP to take over. He maintained that ABVP would remain on the periphery. However, ABVP leaders viewed the Ram Navami event as a breakthrough. One said it had given them the “oxygen” they needed and vowed to go further, framing future plans as a “surgical strike” on JU’s Left bastion — signalling a deepening ideological contest on Bengal’s premier campuses.

With just a year left for the West Bengal Assembly elections, the Bengal BJP is under pressure to finalise its new state president. Internal dynamics, however, have delayed the decision, pushing the central leadership to shift its approach — from finding a consensus candidate to identifying one without strong opposition. The central leadership recently met senior Bengal BJP leaders to discuss party programmes and key organizational issues. According to party sources, central observers Mangal Pandey and Amit Malviya also held one-on-one talks with leaders like Sukanta Majumdar, Suvendu Adhikari, Shantanu Thakur, five general secretaries, two organisation secretaries, Debasree Chaudhuri, Nisith Pramanik, Soumitra Khan, Manoj Tigga and Shamik Bhattacharya regarding the state leadership. Currently, the Bengal BJP suffers from multiple power centres — Majumdar, Adhikari, former president Dilip Ghosh, and two senior organizational figures — making it hard to present a unified front. Despite occasional friction, Majumdar and Adhikari have maintained a functional partnership for over three years, ensuring some organizational stability — something the central leadership values and is hesitant to disrupt. While Majumdar’s term is still ongoing, his induction into the Union Cabinet complicates matters due to the BJP’s “one person, one post” policy. Adhikari, being the Leader of the Opposition and not from the RSS, also presents a conflict. Various names have been proposed, including one from the RSS Bengal unit. Some Delhi-based leaders have preferences, but no clear consensus has emerged. Meanwhile, political survey agencies are influencing decisions, with a Karnataka firm submitting a unified leadership blueprint directly to Modi’s core team.

As the rift between the new-age directors of Tollywood and the Federation of Cine Technicians and Workers of Eastern India deepens, the Directors’ Association of Eastern India (DAEI) has been abruptly dissolved and replaced by the East India Motion Pictures Directors’ Association (EIMPDA), the older organisation, which has now been reinstated as the officially recognised directors’ guild by the Federation. This development unfolded swiftly after a video statement released on April 30 by directors Parambrata Chattopadhyay, Anirban Bhattacharya, Sudeshna Roy, Indranil Roychowdhury, Bidula Bhattacharya, and Kingshuk Dey, who addressed the ongoing year-long conflict between DAEI and the Federation which has also resulted in a legal battle. They emphasised their continued support for technicians and denied any divide between directors and technical crew. Recently the Federation president Swaroop Biswas, a Trinamool leader and brother of cabinet minister Aroop Biswas, conducted a closed-door meeting, excluding all DAEI representatives. Besides this, all mentions of DAEI, including names of its president Subrata Sen and secretary Sudeshna Roy have been removed from the social media handles of the Federation. Not only this, the internal communication of the organisation’s WhatsApp group was also restricted, allowing only the Federation president to post messages, effectively silencing all other guild representatives. Subrata Sen, however, acknowledged the developments, stating that DAEI remains a legal member of the Federation under West Bengal labour laws. He accused certain forces of attempting to create a rift between directors and technicians and confirmed that a legal case has been filed in the High Court. Meanwhile, Federation treasurer Shubham Das described the Federation meeting as a united front against harmful elements and declared the industry’s collective intent to ensure smooth operations.