The Thiruvananthapuram Corporation victory seems to have infused some life into BJP’s mission to break the last frontiers that are Kerala and Tamil Nadu. With the win under their belt, they have now named three Union ministers for talks with the AIADMK regarding seat sharing among the alliance with Piyush Goyal to lead the panel. The AIADMK, under Edappadi K Palaniswami has hit upon a formula to please the BJP by which it will take 160 seats and leave the other 74 for the allies to decide. The BJP will have to juggle with seat demands rising from the likes of Anbumani Ramadoss who brings his branch of the caste party PMK and the rump elements of the old undivided AIADMK like Sasikala, her confidant O Panneerselvam and her nephew TTV Dhinakaran and even the late actor Vijayakanth’s DMDK. But 74 is a good number with the BJP likely to keep at least half that give the rest to try and bring about a coalition of parties to boost the alliance’s vote share. Even so, Tamil Nadu may prove a tougher nut to crack than Kerala when it comes to letting in the BJP, which is considered a north Indian party trying to break its way into the south. The election scene has already got busier this season with Vijay’s TVK entering the fray to make it a genuine three-way contest.

In a surprise move, the BJP’s Parliamentary board on December 14 appointed Nitin Nabin, as the party’s new working president. Party sources said Nabin would be reaching BJP headquarters in Delhi on December 15 to take charge of his new assignment. It is most likely that he will continue as a minister in the Nitish Kumar government. His elevation is being compared to the appointment of another of PM Modi’s picks as BJP state president for Uttar Pradesh — Union Minister of State — Pankaj Chaudhary — an effective Kurmi leader. Sources said despatch of Chaudhary, widely acceptable OBC face to UP, was to send a message to supporters of state CM Yogi who were having a free-run of the state. As for zeroing in on Nabin — an upper caste pick, a Kayastha and high energy performer — to replace Nadda was PM Modi’s idea entirely going by organisational skills. Apparently both Chaudhary and Nabin will discharge their ministerial responsibilities for the time being. Does Nabin immediately replace Jagat Prasad Nadda? Unlikely. The term of the current president Nadda had ended way back in January 2024 but was extended in view of the 2024 general election. Though Nabin’s appointment as working president came into effect immediately, he will take charge only after he is formally elected as party president. Sources recall Nabin is following Nadda’s trajectory – Nadda was also appointed as working president in June 2019 when Amit Shah, the then president, took over as the Union home minister. Nabin’s elevation marks a generational change in the party. Lot of seniors may not be comfortable working with a youthful party chief. It is likely that Nabin’s elevation as party president could eventually be worked out via election for the top post only after the assembly elections.

In a major boost for the BJP in Kerala, the BJP-led NDA scored a historic win in Thiruvananthapuram Corporation marking the end of 45 uninterrupted years of Left (LDF) control, making it one of the most significant political upsets in Kerala electoral history. It retained power in Palakkad municipality, while the LDF lost control of its long-held stronghold in Kollam after 25 years.  The Congress-led UDF emerged as the dominant force across the state, consolidating its hold over a majority of panchayats and municipalities. In corporation-wise trends, the UDF is currently leading in Kochi, Thrissur, Kannur and Kollam, marking a significant improvement from the last local body polls when it won only Kannur. The LDF and NDA are leading in one corporation each. The rise of BJP in the capital Thiruvananthapuram Corporation as the single largest party is a big boost for the national party. Party sources acknowledge that a strong RSS-network and popularity of PM Modi delivered the results.” We have never won more than 34 seats in the Kerala capital. But the fact that we have gone up to 50 seats and that we have got our own mayor elected shows that we have grown in strength.” Besides Modi’s widening acceptability, full credit goes to state BJP chief Rajeev Chandrashekhar. Bringing him to helm the state unit was the best decision that the leadership took; it has given us the results according to RSS ideologue R Balashankar. At the same time, he felt the party had put up a below par performance in Thrissur. This in spite of the fact that the local MP, Suresh Gopi is a Union Minister. Inconsistencies of the minister may have upset the voters, it was felt. Rahul Gandhi took to X “salute to people for ‘placing trust’ in UDF.”

Veteran leader Sharad Pawar’s 85th birthday celebrations have refreshed speculation about his future moves. Showing clear signs of ageing, Pawar will retire from the Rajya Sabha in 2026. His parliamentary career began in 1967 when he won the Baramati assembly seat in Pune district. And for the last 58 years, he has been a member of either the state legislature or parliament. However, the assembly election last year has decimated his faction of the Nationalist Congress Party to such an extent that he will have to secure support from some other party to be re-elected to the Upper House of Parliament. While the BJP is unlikely to help him, Pawar will have to depend upon either his nephew Ajit Pawar’s NCP faction or the Shiv Sena splinter led by deputy chief minister Eknath Shinde. As both are with the BJP through the thick and thin so far, Pawar will have to weave his strategy. But he is a master in such political manipulations and can re-enter Parliament, if he wishes, his supporters are confident. However, there is a third possibility. The President of India can nominate Pawar to the Rajya Sabha, in view of his long career in public life. And none will object since Pawar is on friendly terms with all political parties and prominent industrial magnates. The presence of Gautam Adani at Pawar’s Delhi residence to join the celebratory dinner is quite eloquent, it is felt. All said and done, Pawar has once again shown that he is still active.

The Bengal BJP is recalibrating from its earlier hardline Hindutva stance to adopt a more measured political tone, even as chief minister Mamata Banerjee intensifies her charge that the party is anti-Bengali, communal, and attempting to bring the NRC into the state through indirect means. The shift became most evident when Leader of the Opposition Suvendu Adhikari softened his long-held claim that the BJP neither expects nor needs minority votes. After months of asserting that minorities never support the BJP and that a 5-6% rise in Hindu votes would be enough to form government, he has now reinterpreted his stance, saying the party simply does not receive minority votes rather than rejecting them. There is no indication that the BJP’s central leadership has instructed the state unit to soften its tone, and even central leaders acknowledge that polarisation has helped the party perform better in rural regions. Trinamool Congress leaders argue that Adhikari has realised Hindutva alone will not secure victory for the party. Party insiders see the shift as a strategic effort to weaken the strong perception that a BJP government would threaten minorities and instead minority votes may fragment rather than consolidate behind the Trinamool. Adhikari has recently suggested that AIMIM and ISF could draw minority support and predicted that the Trinamool may not win any seat in Malda, with the BJP securing a significant share. The BJP’s choice of Shamik Bhattacharya, viewed as a moderate, as state president was aimed at appealing to the liberal urban middle-class Bengali electorate that is harder to draw with hardline rhetoric.

The BJP took to social media to corner Shiv Sena (UBT) for signing up the anti-Hindu move launched by the DMK to corner a sitting judge of Madras High Court Justice GR Swaminathan who had restored an age-old religious practice of the Hindus. That is of lighting lamps to mark Karthigai Deepam at a spot sacred to the Hindus. Senior BJP functionary BL Santosh in a post on X “SS (UBT) members sign impeachment motion against Madras HC Judge for giving a judgement in favour of lighting Karthigai Deepam. Shame on them who chose vote bank politics & political expediency over their Balasaheb’s legacy”. Among the signatories shared in his post was SS (UBT) MP Arvind Sawant. On December 9, the DMK submitted a notice with 120 signatures to the Speaker seeking impeachment proceedings against Justice GR Swaminathan. DMK parliamentary party leader Kanimozhi, the party’s Lok Sabha leader TR Baalu, Samajwadi Party leader Akhilesh Yadav, Congress leader Priyanka Gandhi Vadra handed the impeachment notice to Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla. The DMK was keen to appease their Muslim vote bank. In fact, the DMK even dared to mention the judge’s Brahmin caste as a factor in the impeachment motion and forced many north Indian MPs to sign it without explicitly knowing it. The notice alleged that Justice Swaminathan’s conduct raised questions on judicial impartiality and transparency, accused him of showing undue favour to a senior advocate and lawyers from a particular community–Brahmin — and claimed that verdicts were influenced by political ideology, going against “secular constitutional principles”. The opposition move against Justice Swamination shocked many BJP leaders. BJP leader K Annamalai was heard saying how the judge had passed many adverse orders against him. Tamil Nadu Congress sources are only hoping that Justice Swaminathan is quietly elevated to Supreme Court soon.

It seems the Congress leadership is once again very serious about maintaining its alliance with the DMK as its traditional allies in the North are rethinking its ties with the Congress post Bihar results. With the Samajwadi Party planning to go alone in local body elections in Uttar Pradesh and the ruling JMM in Jharkhand is exploring option of joining the BJP-led NDA, the Congress is now determined not to lose its traditional INDIA bloc partner in the South such as the DMK. With this view, the AICC leadership has completely distanced itself from its functionary Praveen Chakravarty’s meeting with TVK president actor Vijay on December 6. When asked how could Praveen meet the TVK chief for a personal reason, a top AICC functionary dealing with Tamil Nadu said, “It is possible Praveen ji may have dropped in on actor Vijay for a cup of coffee or just have idlis or some other personal work. We are not aware. He was not assigned or authorised by anyone in Delhi.” Praveen, who heads All India Professional Congress, called on the TVK chief three days after the Congress set up a panel to engage with the DMK on seat-sharing talks for 2026 assembly elections. Vijay-Praveen meeting completely unsettled the traditional DMK-Congress equation. Of course, it is quite likely Praveen, a close Rahul Gandhi aide, may not have got an audition with Vijay for a private reason. It may be recalled post Karur stampede Rahul Gandhi had also spoken to Vijay. However, now there is an intense speculation that the Congress party may have to take some punitive step against Praveen to win confidence of the DMK. Yet at the same time Congress leaders dealing with DMK conceded that Arivalayam has been playing tough, factoring in Bihar drubbing. “We wanted to finalise the seat-sharing agreement with the DMK by December 15,” says a top Congress leader.

The lines of communication between Rahul Gandhi and actor Vijay who leads the TVK in Tamil Nadu are open. The Congress leader sent an emissary to meet Vijay and the meeting lasted a good hour even as the talks between Congress and DMK began on a negative note with the Dravidian party saying it was not willing to part with 40 seats like in 2021 because it had so many allies to accommodate. The Congress’ overture to Vijay is, however, not about Tamil Nadu whose politics is too complex now with the arrival of Vijay into full time politics. The party would like to take a dash at gaining power in the Union Territory of Puducherry by joining hands with Vijay and standing together as one front against reigning chief minister N Rangasamy and his alliance with the BJP. The party is confident that it can gain power in the UT with the actor’s popularity and if that materialises it could take a different view of TN politics in the future. Vijay was inclined to talk to Rahul on a political alignment since the leader had called him and spoken at length to him after the terrible stampede took place to disrupt his fledgling political campaign. While TN might not see a big rupture in alliance coming about before 2026, the Congress is not averse to testing the waters in Puducherry and then taking a call in the south.

The BJP’s plans of ruling Maharashtra single-handed at a future date are becoming gradually visible. Various tiny sections of population like Banjara, Laman, Valmiki and other fringe communities will be approached under a systematic strategy by the party’s rank and file. Chief minister Devendra Fadnavis has organised three mega events through the Medical Assistance Cell he has set up with a view to integrating them into the mainstream. Details in regard to the timing and location of the three gatherings will be announced soon. In the long run, the BJP will have to garner at least 40% of the votes if it wants to go it alone in the state. At present, its vote bank is nearly 27%. Since 2014, the BJP has faced three elections each, for the assembly and the parliament. While some were solo, it had found partners for others. Overall, its own vote tally has remained between 25% and 28%. The Shiv Sena (Eknath Shinde) has secured over 12% of the votes while the NCP (Ajit Pawar) managed to clock 9%. Union home minister Amit Shah’s statement last year that the BJP will not need ‘crutches’ (support of other parties) in 2029 is recalled in this connection. Already, the BJP is in a comfortable position in the state. Hence, the concern felt by its allies about its planning has been on the rise.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi will remain the Bengal BJP’s main campaign face for the 2026 West Bengal Assembly polls, but the party is consciously limiting his appearances to avoid “overuse” of its most popular leader. State unit insiders believe Modi’s speeches and announcements at select rallies will shape the state-wide narrative, with the party machinery ensuring these messages resonate across districts. Modi is expected to begin his Bengal campaign later in December. BJP sources said he may address his first rally on a Saturday or Sunday during Parliament’s winter session. From December until the end of the campaign, he is likely to hold 14–15 rallies across the state, according to a senior party source. With the election announcement still at least three months away and the polling process expected to stretch two to two-and-a-half months, the campaign period could run nearly five months. Sources further informed that under the current plan, Modi will not exceed 15 rallies. This marks a shift from 2021, when the BJP’s campaign was heavily Modi-centric. Despite the high-voltage campaign, the BJP could not breach Mamata Banerjee’s stronghold. Since then the party has adopted a restrained approach in other states. In Maharashtra, Modi addressed only nine rallies during the 2024 polls, compared to far more in 2014 and 2019. In Haryana, he reduced from 10 rallies in 2014 to four in 2024. State BJP president Shamik Bhattacharya said no formal decision had been taken on Modi’s rally count. He maintained that whether Modi holds 21 rallies or 12, the BJP is confident of the Trinamool Congress’s exit in 2026.

With the central BJP leadership ticking off former Tamil Nadu chief K Annamalai for running a campaign against incumbent president Nainar Nagendran and AIADMK chief Edappadi Palanisawami (EPS), Annamalai’s options are now running out within the BJP. He has been so severely censured for running a social media campaign against NDA ally — AIADMK chief EPS — using his personal troll army, that he has been advised to disband it forthwith. It is being said Annamalai may have felt a little encouraged after PM Modi patted his back at Coimbatore airport during his mid-November. But that did not help him get an appointment with the PM even after multiple requests. This hugely disappointed him. Party sources feel Annamalai’s lack of access to PM Modi may have a lot to do with declining clout of a key official — Hiren Joshi in the PMO (more about it later) — his pointsman for Delhi operations. So, what triggered the tough talk on Annamalai? It has a lot to do with TN BJP chief Nagendran’s recent visit to Delhi, where he met national general secretary (organisation) BL Santhosh, national secretary Arvind Menon, and election in-charge Baijayant Panda. It was Santhosh who read the riot act to Annamalai that he must stop using his troll army against EPS and Nagendran from BJP-linked handles. It is being said he had already begun to skip key party strategy meetings.  With Delhi leaders also being hostile to him, Annamalai is also expected to go out like the way rebel AIADMK leader Sengottaiyan did and join actor Vijay’s TVK. Only it is not clear if Annamalai exits the BJP will he first float his own party or directly land at Vijay’s office. Will he exit from BJP’s Kamalalayam to land in TVK’s Panaiyur office?

The opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA)has perhaps forgotten the adage – once bitten, twice shy. Despite its humiliating defeat in the Maharashtra assembly elections just a year ago, MVA partners have failed to team up to take on the saffron Mahayuti, led by the BJP. While voting for the local body elections is scheduled to take place on December 3, only three days are left for campaigning. However, the Congress has refused to include the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena led by Raj Thackeray into the MVA fold. The NCP-SP led by veteran Sharad Pawar is hardly visible except in certain pockets in Pune and Satara districts. Moreover, it has aligned with the NCP faction led by deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar, who split the parent party three years ago. Thereby, confusing signals about the Pawar clan in particular and about MVA in general are becoming viral, adding to the vexation of the voting public. Surprisingly, no prominent MVA leader has ventured out for campaigning against the Mahayuti. On the other hand, chief minister Devendra Fadnavis and both deputy CMs, Ajit Pawar and Eknath Shinde, are combing the countryside tirelessly. MVA leaders are visible only in front of TV cameras or through press notes, making impossible demands. Perhaps sensing the verdict, they have started shouting in chorus against EVMs and charging that the electoral rolls are suspicious. Re-enactment of Bihar is, thus, feared by the rank and file of MVA.

Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis has consciously made clear distinction (course correction) for BJP’s further growth in the state. With elections for over 29 municipal corporations, a higher number of municipal councils and even more local self-bodies due imminently, Maharashtra’s Chanakya has put his party first, over alliance considerations. During the 2024 Lok Sabha polls political alliance-Dharma exuberance saw BJP suffering sharp losses in Maharashtra, down to a single digit victory figure of nine MPs despite contesting 28 seats as against the tally of 23 enjoyed in 2019 after pitting 25 candidates back then. The Sena similarly won 18 of the 23 seats it contested in alliance with BJP in 2019. The bifurcated Shiv Sena faction under former Chief Minister Uddhav Thackeray (UBT) contested 21 seats in 2024, sending only nine MPs to parliament. Just before the subsequent state assembly elections Fadnavis was anointed ‘Maharashtra’s Sarvashri’ by Union Home Minister Amit Shah. Fadnavis micromanaged the whole process, putting up BJP candidates to include Nilesh Rane, Shaina NC to contest even as alliance partner Shiv Sena candidates (deputy CM Eknath Shinde led party). The result was an overwhelming victory for the Mahayuti alliance, with BJP bagging 132 by itself, the NDA alliance securing 235 out of 288 assembly seats in all. And yet, post facto analysis of the Lok Sabha debacle clearly revealed to Fadnavis that alliance partner NCP’s vote share (led by deputy CM Ajit Pawar) did not transfer to BJP candidates. Now, Fadnavis has made it clear that no micromanagement, political exuberance will be shown in an each-party-for-itself political showdown though alliance understanding will decide seats to be contested in the civic polls. Poaching of Eknath Shinde’s men in Thane by the BJP and Ajit Pawar’s recent political embarrassments only point in this direction.

In a stinging public rebuke that has unsettled the Bengal BJP unit, Tamluk MP and former Calcutta High Court judge Abhijit Gangopadhyay has said he is “disillusioned” with the party barely 18 months after joining politics, declaring that the BJP is “nowhere close” to removing chief minister Mamata Banerjee. Gangopadhyay, who quit the judiciary last year to contest the Lok Sabha polls on a BJP ticket, said his “only purpose” in entering electoral politics was to “remove Didi from power”. Holding the Modi government, central agencies and the Election Commission for their collective to make headway, and questioned the Centre’s intent toward Bengal. The former judge also stated that Mamata Banerjee who leverages the “anti-Bengali sentiment” issue as a poll plank, as the BJP continues to “misread Bengal’s sentiment”. Expressing “discontent” over the dominance of “non-Bengali leadership” in the state unit, he said the “mindset of North India does not match that of West Bengal” and that the party cannot import leaders from the Hindi belt and expect to win. Delhi-based leaders, he added, do not grasp the “mentality, temperament or sentiments” of Bengal’s electorate. Gangopadhyay further criticised central agencies for “failing” on matters such as the teachers’ recruitment scams and the RG Kar Medical College rape case, alleging that sections were influenced by ruling party leaders for the teachers’ recruitment scam. As a judge, he had once handled recruitment scam cases before resigning to join the BJP. He also accused the Election Commission of failing to enforce FIRs it ordered against officials for alleged irregularities, saying the state instead issued suspensions. His remarks have left the Bengal BJP in an awkward position, with state leaders privately expressing discomfort over his public doubts about the party.

It is really amazing to see that both the Dravidian parties in Tamil Nadu — the ruling DMK that is part of INDIA Bloc and aligned with the Congress, and  the Opposition AIADMK that is aligned with the BJP — are drawing a lot comfort from the historic verdict in Bihar which saw return of Nitish Kumar as CM for a record 10th term. Of particular interest is the way DMK leader and Tamil Nadu CM MK Stalin, who had even travelled to Bihar in August and joined Rahul Gandhi and Tejashwi Yadav in a rally against SIR of electoral rolls. Stalin was convinced that Nitish Kumar decisively won the electoral battle for “fulfilling the expectations of the people of Bihar”.  On X he tweeted “Election outcomes reflect welfare delivery, social and ideological coalitions, clear political messaging, and dedicated management until the last vote is polled. The leaders of the INDIA bloc are seasoned politicians capable of reading the message and planning strategically to address emerging challenges.”  At the same time, he felt the results cannot whitewash the misdeeds and reckless actions of the ECI. On the other hand, AIADMK leader Edappadi K Palaniswami in a X post which has a tagline “Say YES to Women Safety”, said how on Nov 14 the people of Bihar had given a fitting response to the Congress-led INDI alliance, rejecting its falsehoods and attempts to undermine the institutions of democracy. In more ways than one, the Bihar verdict had ended uncertainties about the NDA alliance in Tamil Nadu. In fact, a group of AIADMK leaders were already in Patna on Nov 14 cheering for the NDA win. This is in contrast to the way Stalin had been mocking Biharis for flocking to Tamil Nadu for low skilled jobs.

The BJP government in Odisha led by Mohan Charan Majhi won the prestigious Nuapada bypoll. Its candidate Jay Dholakia won by over a margin of 83,748 votes polling 123,869 votes while Congress candidate Ghasiram Majhi polled 40,121 votes and BJD’s Snehangini Chhuria 38,408 votes. BJD was relegated to the third position in spite of the fact Naveen Patnaik was personally campaigning. Shockingly, BJD’s vote share crashed to 18.8 % from 40.22% in 2024 when it won the assembly seat. Patnaik’s party BJD which dominated Odisha politics for over 24 years seems to be losing its hold. Political commentators say “Brand BJD has been eroded”. This clearly indicates that the BJP in Odisha is controlling the political narrative. One of the reasons for BJD’s downhill run is attributed to Naveen babu’s frail health, no succession planning thereby leading to infighting. This scenario led to some of the veteran BJD leaders crossing over to BJP. Political watchers say, BJD’s future cannot rest on Patnaik’s shoulder alone. This means BJD must resolve its leadership issues, inner-party contradictions and address the vacuum in its current leadership style.

The BJP’s emphatic victory in Bihar has prompted the party leadership to project confidence about replicating the outcome in West Bengal in 2026. Yet, despite the celebratory rhetoric, the ground situation in Bengal presents a far more complex—and arguably unfavourable—terrain for the saffron party. Buoyed by Bihar, senior leaders such as Union ministers Giriraj Singh, Sukanta Majumdar, who was the former state president have asserted that the mandate reflects a decisive shift toward the BJP. Singh, who has previously had several direct confrontations with the TMC, stated unequivocally that with Bihar delivering its mandate, Bengal would be next, as the people of the state are growing increasingly dissatisfied with chief minister Mamata Banerjee. Majumder, meanwhile, likened the TMC regime to what he described as a shadow of the “jungle raj” associated with Lalu Prasad Yadav’s era. However, analysts argue that such comparisons reveal more political impatience than electoral realism. A section of political analysts pointed out that Bihar’s outcome was shaped by pro-incumbency and by the NDA’s existing administrative footing—advantages the BJP does not enjoy in Bengal. The TMC’s long tenure, rather than weakening it, has consolidated its organisational strength, particularly across the rural belt where nearly 70% of the state’s electorate resides. While the BJP has succeeded in capturing segments of the urban vote with its Hindutva messaging and pro-industry posture, it continues to lag the TMC’s 48% vote share by a significant margin. More critically, the party has yet to develop a robust grassroots network capable of countering the TMC’s deeply entrenched cadre structure built since 2011, when Mamata rode the Singur and Nandigram land movements to power.

The resounding victory of the NDA and the BJP in the Bihar assembly election will result in scripting the future prospects of many individuals. Although the focus will remain on PM Narendra Modi, Union home minister Amit Shah and Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar, there are many more who have influenced the outcome to some degree, according to the assignments entrusted to them. Prominent among them are Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis. There are several reasons for his glee at the results, a fabulous achievement for the saffron outfit. Fadnavis found time to visit Bihar to campaign for NDA’s Bihar candidates while handling various tricky situations in the state. Agitations by Maratha and OBC leaders, the flood devastation, the opposition attacks and daily problems concerning law and order had been taking much of his time. Known to be working till 2 am every night and starting his next day at 7 am, Fadnavis planned his Bihar sojourn carefully and gave a series of campaign speeches in Bihar’s 61 assembly constituencies spread over seven districts. To his delight, 49 of these seats have been bagged by the BJP. Expectedly, he was lambasted by the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi for ‘abandoning’ Maharashtra which needed his attention. However, those who knew Fadnavis ignored this criticism. The Bihar victory has further consolidated his firm political clout. No doubt, BJP rank and file has started expressing confidence that the coming local body elections will be a cakewalk for the party. But Fadnavis is cautious.

Nothing has more shaken the incumbent Modi government than the blasts near Red Fort. The blasts shook the national capital after a gap of 14 years. PM Narendra Modi, who is away on a two-day visit to Bhutan conveyed his resolve to punish those involved in the blasts. Warning that the horrific blast in Delhi on November 10 evening has deeply pained everyone. India stands with those who have suffered, PM Modi said “I assure everyone that the agencies will get to the bottom of the entire conspiracy. All those involved will be brought to justice.” He spoke both in Hindi and English from Bhutan reminding many political watchers of his utterances before Operation Sindoor. In fact, it is believed that the nation could well be on the verge of launching Operation Sindoor 2 as agencies uncover the real perpetrators. It is felt Pakistan may feel encouraged to experiment with some misadventure as it enjoys unstinted backing of the U.S. President Donald Trump. Modi has held extensive consultations with Home Minister Amit Shah. Shah has already held four meetings with security agencies. The government will not proceed with any Op Sindoor till security agencies neutralise all jihadi networks in the country. Interestingly, the Al-Falah University in Faridabad, Haryana where the suicide bomber and his colleagues worked was set up in 2015. There are also reports that Umar made trips to Tamil Nadu.

The BJP central leadership is watching with interest the tantrums that its former Tamil Nadu state president K Annamalai is throwing. Even as he dismissed reports that he may launch a new party, it seems Annamalai may not last in the BJP for long. He expressed his discontent by saying none can put a gun to one’s head and force a person to remain in a party. Annamalai has been sulking ever since Nainar Nagendran replaced him as TN BJP president in April this year. Sources in BJP headquarters say Annamalai has been working overtime to undermine Nainar and weaken the AIADMK-BJP alliance. Though he officially maintains that “the NDA should win” the 2026 Assembly elections, it is being said he is not comfortable with the idea of AIADMK chief Edappadi K Palaniswami (EPS) clinching a win. He is also known to have played a role in bringing together former AIADMK leaders like VK Sasikala, KA Sengottaiyan and O Panneerselvam. More than these disparate groups of former AIADMK leaders, Annamalai’s real interest is in floating a new party and striking an alliance with actor Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK). With Vijay recently declaring that the 2026 Assembly elections would be a contest only between the TVK and the DMK, virtually writing off the AIADMK-BJP alliance, Annamalai may feel more encouraged to float his own outfit. But then the future of leaders who have quit the BJP to launch their own outfit has not been very bright. From late Kalyan Singh (UP) to BS Yediyurappa (Karnataka) to Shankersinh Vaghela (Gujarat). They have all floundered. Meanwhile, the ruling DMK is also welcoming into its fold former AIADMK leaders such as PH Manoj Pandian, son of former Speaker PH Pandian. Pandian charged AIADMK of “functioning as an extension of the BJP.”

Top BJP leader Ashish Shelar has been entrusted with the responsibility of the coming Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) election by the BJP, underscoring the importance of the electoral fight considered the decisive battle for the existence of the Shiv Sena (UBT). Although Andheri MLA Amit Satam was appointed Mumbai BJP chief just a month ago, his predecessor Shelar has been reassigned this assignment given the enormity of the challenge. Of late, Shelar has been mounting one attack after another against Sena leader Uddhav Thackeray and the Congress party, main partners of the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA). The BJP is determined to wrest the BMC’s control from the arch rival Shiv Sena, which is not joined by Maharashtra Navnirman Sena leader Raj Thackeray. The two organisations are trying their best to lure the Marathi-speaking population’s vote by constantly harping on the ‘outsider’ tag against several BJP bigwigs, who are from Gujarat or north India. This has put the Congress party in a quandary, given the Bihar assembly election voting, forcing its top leaders to stay away from a joint morcha taken out by the two cousins. By next week, the picture is expected to be clear on this count. Nonetheless, the BJP is going ahead as the main constituent of the Mahayuti under the stewardship of Ashish Shelar, who knows Mumbai like the back of his hand.

In a major political development in Odisha, senior Biju Janata Dal (BJD) strategist and former Rajya Sabha MP Amar Patnaik has quit BJD after serving it for seven years and joined the BJP ahead of the prestigious Nuapada assembly bypoll slated on November 11. The bypoll was necessitated by the death of BJD’s Rajendra Dholakia, four-time MLA and a former cabinet minister. In an interesting twist of turn, the late Dholakia’s son Jay is fighting from his father’s constituency on a BJP ticket. Naveen Patnaik headed BJD has fielded Snehangini Chhuria. BJP which is keen to win this prestigious seat has given a carte blanche to  Amar Patnaik to campaign for Jay Dholakia. Amar Patnaik’s decision to join the BJP is more than an individual move, sources say—it’s a signpost of a deeper realignment in the state’s power structure. His exit lays bare the widening cracks within the BJD, sources say. His joining BJP is now seen as a fresh blow to BJD as the Odisha chief minister Mohan Charan Majhi is determined to win the three-cornered BJP-BJD-Congress battle where BJD’s Naveen Patnaik and Congress Bhaktahari Mahatab’s are campaigning.

The Rs 1000-crore Sub Inspector Recruitment Scam in Odisha seems to have put the former chief minister Naveen Patnaik and his party, Biju Janata Dal on the backfoot. The mastermind Shankar Prusty (32), who is the leader of a syndicate involved in leaking the SI recruitment question papers, has been arrested by the Odisha state crime branch near Nepal border. Brought back to Bhubaneswar he is singing like a canary. According to him “this scam is worth at least Rs 1,000 crore” So far, BJD has denied any connection with this scam. However, the BJP terms BJD’s denial saying “chor machaye shor”. BJP says the contract for the recruitment process was signed during Patnaik’s tenure. But, the general public is asking what prevented BJP which was making big changes in the state to deep dive into Sub-Inspector recruitment issues and procedures immediately when they came to power? So far, the initial investigation report however  says the scamsters collected original certificates and blank cheques from aspirants in exchange of leaked papers, wherein the aspirants were charged Rs 20-25 lakh per candidate. The main accused Prusty has been interrogated in the presence of Munna Mohanty, his close associate to unravel the truth. Sources say both Mohanty and Prusty had reportedly amassed significant assets through recruitment scam. The SI scam gained further momentum after the arrest of Odisha’s Silicon Tech owner Suresh Chandra Nayak.

The electoral rolls for the forthcoming local self-government elections in Maharashtra will be updated up till two days before the elections. Since the state election commission is not equipped to delete duplicate names in the electoral rolls, it has devised a completely new system to identify and pinpoint duplication and try to nip instances of duplicate voting in multiple constituencies by voters. Maharashtra’s electoral department has been at the receiving end with complaints of large-scale duplications and discrepancies in electoral rolls by almost all political parties including the ruling BJP. There have been shocking claims of 127 names listed against the official address of the commissioner of the Navi Mumbai municipal corporation and also voter’s address registered as a public toilet block. Incidentally, the recent parliamentary and assembly elections were held with these discrepancies in the electoral rolls and the EC hopes that this new affidavit system will hopefully prevent the corrupt practice of voting duplication. There has been open admission of grave mistakes in rolls. Shiv Sena MLA Sanjay Gaikwad had also claimed that there were over a lakh bogus-voters in his home constituency including 20,000 bogus voters which had not been deleted despite official complaints. Ruling party legislators like Vilas Bhumre had boasted from political dais about how they managed to get the winning edge thanks to voters being brought in from outside their constituency. The Opposition parties had been demanding that local polls be postponed and held only after cleaning up the electoral rolls. However, the state election department has chosen to go ahead with their schedule and stick to the Supreme Court deadline of January, 2026.

The BJP-run Odisha government seems to be facing the wrath of the Supreme Court. This is because they have failed to take action on mining companies who have over-mined iron resources –in excess of their environmental clearances. The apex court has now put the onus on the Odisha government to enforce recovery against erring mining companies and present a status report by December 1, 2025. The Supreme Court stance is clear — the defaulting mining lessees must bear the consequences of over mining and cannot go scot-free pocketing the value of illegal mined ores. Sources say, the outstanding amount currently stands at Rs 2,700 crore plus accrued interest. The Supreme Court is now insisting on a 100% penalty on the value of illegally mined ore earlier. How will the state government act on the Supreme Court’s directive as this issue has been pending since 2018? The key issue is twofold: one, how the Odisha government will enforce recovery orders against erring mining companies with regard to compensation and second, how capping of iron ore mining would lead to substantial deficit of production of steel and other metals in view of growing market demand. Incidentally, Odisha contributes to half of the country’s iron ore production. Both the Centre, and State governments have urged the Supreme Court not to impose a cap on iron ore mining in Odisha, warning it could derail India’s growth story and Atmanirbhar Bharat mission.

All eyes are on Odisha’s high voltage triangular seat contest for the Nuapada Assembly bypoll to be held on November 11. The ruling BJP and opposition BJD, Congress have made this bypoll a prestigious issue. If BJP loses then there will be a question mark on the popularity of Odisha chief minister Mohan Charan Majhi’s leadership. If Naveen Patnaik’s BJD loses it would indicate Patnaik’s popularity as the Leader of Opposition is waning. Even though Patnaik would like his party to win this one, he has not gone whole hog for the fear of inviting BJP’s wrath vis a vis launching probe into financials of his BJD. It is learnt that Patnaik is opting for soft strategy, basically, eyeing the 12% SC votes and deliberately not playing the tribal card and opting to play SC card instead by fielding heavy weight Snehangini Chhuria.  Congress on its part is now playing up the tribal card and is hoping to win this seat. Now all eyes on the November 11 outcome.

UP chief minister Yogi Adityanath’s internal problems came to the fore during Diwali. As Yogi gathered in Ayodhya on October 19 to celebrate Deepotsav, the focus was not on festivities but the absence of his Deputy CMs Brajesh Pathak and Keshav Prasad Maurya. It sparked talk of a rift in the UP BJP and differences between the bureaucracy and BJP legislators. While people close to Maurya said his busy schedule in Bihar, which goes to polls next month, for his last-minute cancellation — the Deputy CM is the party’s co-in-charge in the Assembly polls — party leaders blamed an administrative mix-up. “It is the first Deepotsav in nine years that Deputy CM Brajesh Pathak has missed. While no one is saying anything officially, the miscommunication has to be looked into. There was no mention of the Deputy CMs in the advertisement for the celebrations. Not just that, it was not clear which event they would attend and where they would sit, as per the protocol. The same was true of the Governor (Anandiben Patel), whose name was missing from the local invite. The BJP’s loss in UP in the Lok Sabha elections last year sparked speculation about differences within the party’s state unit. Several leaders in the state unit also took note of Maurya’s appointment as the party’s Bihar poll co-incharge in September, months after Union Home Minister Amit Shah referred to him as “mere mitr (my friend)”. It is being said Maurya’s involvement in Bihar polls would give a boost to him ahead of UP assembly polls. It must be mentioned that Yogi is the most sought campaigner in Bihar polls. Meanwhile, Ayodhya once again lit up the world stage with a record-breaking celebration of Deepotsav 2025, illuminating the sacred city with over 26 lakh oil lamps.

A public admission by senior BJP minister Chandrashekhar Bawankhule that mobile and WhatsApp communication of BJP cadres in Buldhana were under surveillance, has sparked much uproar in Maharashtra. Though the senior leader later clarified that he was simply referring to the one lakh WhatsApp groups of their party’s booth leaders which are linked to their party’s war room. These WhatsApp groups, he claimed, were monitored to gauge public sentiment and determine party policies and were the sole mode of communication between the party and its cadres, it gave ample ammunition to the Opposition which raked up the party’s link with Pegasus and even suggested that the Opposition and coalition leaders too were under watch. The admission comes at a time when the disciplined party has been agog with internal rifts threatening to embarrass the party and its senior leadership. In Solapur, the party cadres held public protests opposing the entry of Dilip Mane, an ex-legislator from another party. In Pune, the party’s senior union minister of state for civil aviation, Murlidhar Mohol has been at the receiving end with allegations of corrupt deals. Though the sustained attack is from a Shinde-aide Ravindra Dhangekar, the general buzz is that the allegations are being fed from his own party. All this comes at a time when the party’s senior most leader in Maharashtra, chief minister Devendra Fadnavis has been emphasizing regularly that he would be very much around in the state till the next elections in 2029. He has been trying to nip a strong buzz that he would be shunted to the Centre from the top post in the state. The BJP has also been battling friction within its coalition partners emphasising that partners must follow coalition norms.

U.S. President Donald Trump finds himself in the midst of the ongoing controversy about electoral rolls in Maharashtra. As the state’s Opposition with allied parties demanded revised scrutiny and verification of electoral rolls before the upcoming local self-government elections, alleging glaring errors and ascribing it to access by politically connected third party agencies, they found Trump could help drive home their point well. NCP-SP MLA Rohit Pawar, nephew of Sharad Pawar displayed an Aadhaar card in Donald Trump’s name alleging how legislative constituencies had witnessed more than 30,000 outsiders in many electoral constituencies in the recent 2024 assembly elections after illegal entries in rolls. These allegations come in the wake of open admission at a Dharashiv public meeting by an Eknath Shinde legislator Vilas Bhumre that getting 20,000 migrant voters to vote for him had got him the winning edge in his election. Persistent Opposition allegations range from large-scale illegal entries bearing the same address, of names disappearing from electoral rolls within hours of errors being pointed out, of ruling BJP workers having third party access to electoral rolls and thus enjoying an unfavourable edge in polls. Former finance minister Jayant Patil pointed out how an erroneous entry disappeared from online rolls at 6 pm, within three hours of it being detected and pointed out. Not surprisingly, the Opposition has been insisting on no local polls till the rolls are corrected and even challenging to take polls on ballot papers.

Followers of Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis and deputy CM Eknath Shinde have started clashing openly over the proposed seat sharing for the coming local body elections in Thane despite assurances by both leaders that they will fight the polls jointly under the Mahayuti banner. A stronghold of the saffron forces for a long time, Thane has occasionally proved to be the bone of contention between the BJP and the Shiv Sena even when Balasaheb Thackeray and Pramod Mahajan were alive. However, the differences would vanish once a directive was received from above for both camps. That camaraderie has evaporated after the emergence of Shinde as a power centre. The BJP has asked its powerful leader Ganesh Naik to ‘look after’ Thane while Shinde’s Man Friday Naresh Mhaske, Thane MP, is in the vanguard of the Sena (Shinde) campaign. Thane city’s MLA Sanjay Kelkar of the BJP has repeatedly warned the Sena of a serious fallout if his demand for 70 seats in the civic house of over 130 is not honoured. On the other hand, Mhaske is firm on his stand that his party must get at least 80 seats. While Fadnavis has made it clear that winning the election for the Mahayuti is crucial, Shinde is yet to shed his reticence. Surprisingly, the INDIA Bloc is yet to spell out its plans for the third most important municipal corporation in Maharashtra, after Mumbai and Pune.

After successfully pushing through GST-2 reforms, PM Modi had been looking for innovative ideas for governance. It was this search for ideas to further fuel his Viksit Bharat that led to him to interact with about 85 secretary-level officers of the government on October 6. About two dozen secretary-level officers heading various ministries and departments actively participated in the discussions. It is learnt officers were thrilled with the personal interaction they had with the PM. Three days after the meeting, Cabinet Secretary TV Somanathan was already acting on their suggestions. On October 9, he wrote to the secretaries and asked them to roll out their ideas. Among the key points of action was promoting “indigenous development” of digital and social media platforms. The directive on digital platforms is significant as the number of internet subscribers in India as on March 2025 stood at 969.1 million, with most using foreign platforms like Instagram, Facebook, WhatsApp, YouTube and X. Significantly, PM Modi pushed for use of local platforms coinciding with the launch of Arattai, the messaging app developed by Tamil Nadu-based Zoho Corporation. Earlier, IT Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw posted on X that he was switching to Zoho’s homegrown office suite software. Likewise, Home Minister Amit Shah too switched his official email service to Zoho Mail. In his letter, the Cabinet Secretary had also dissuaded ministries/departments from avoidable litigation and filing unnecessary court cases and wasting resources. Officials were also told to reorient PhD programmes to promote innovation and development of new ideas, and technologies, through topics that fit the emerging needs of the country – and conceptualise awards at the international level to recognise excellence in various fields. Overall, the ministries have been asked to promote “Atmanirbharta” and reduce imports.

Why has BSP leader Mayawati realised that her main enemy is the Samajwadi Party and its leader Akhilesh Yadav, and not the BJP? Is it because the SP wooed her Dalit voters? At a rally in Lucknow on October 9, she lavished praise on the Yogi Adityanath-led BJP government in UP for maintaining the Kanshi Ram memorial. The BSP supremo had returned to deliver a fiery address at the Shradhanjali Sabha for her mentor Kanshi Ram. “I am grateful to the current state government because they did not hold back the collection of funds from the sale of tickets to the memorials built during my regime, for their upkeep,” she said. Mayawati said she had written to CM Yogi Adityanath in this regard, who, she added and he had kept his promise. “Isliye humari party unki abhari hai (So, the BSP is grateful to CM Adityanath).” In contrast, she said, “The SP regime had held back the funds meant for these memorials, which had led to their deterioration.” At the same time, Mayawati blamed the BJP-led Centre for “falsely framing” her and her family members in some corruption cases through the CBI and Income-tax. She said that the Congress regime had done the same thing during the UPA regime. Mayawati also urged BSP supporters to back her nephew Akash Anand in the same way they supported her. The BSP’s electoral fortunes have been steadily declining since the 2022 UP Assembly elections when its vote share fell to 12.88% and it won only one seat. In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, BSP’s vote share dropped further to 9.39% and zero seats. These BSP vote share figures indicate that the party’s support base is now confined to its core group of Jatav community.

BJP has escalated the recent attack on its Maldaha Uttar MP Khagen Murmu and Siliguri MLA Shankar Ghosh in flood-hit North Bengal into a major political narrative, framing it as violence against a tribal leader. The party plans to use the image of Murmu’s bloodied face to highlight what it calls the TMC’s failure to protect elected representatives and to question the INDIA Bloc’s commitment to tribal welfare. While BJP has accused TMC supporters of carrying out the assault, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee visited Murmu in a Siliguri hospital. According to BJP sources, the state leadership had recently submitted a report assessing its North Bengal strength, predicting 44–48 wins out of 54 Assembly seats, up from 30 in 2021. The report highlighted TMC’s weak position, except in a few minority-dominated areas in Malda and the Dinajpurs, and suggested the Murmu incident could further consolidate BJP support. In 2021, BJP won 30 seats, TMC 23, and the Tamang faction of GJM one; by-elections have since adjusted the tally to 25 for BJP and 28 for TMC. In the last Lok Sabha polls, BJP led in 32 segments, TMC 15, and Congress-backed candidates seven. State general secretary Deepak Barman said relief may not sway rural votes but can influence urban middle-class sentiment. The party intends to nationalize the Murmu attack, highlighting tribal issues in Jharkhand, Bihar and Odisha, aiming to weaken Mamata’s national stature and put Congress and JMM in a difficult position within the INDIA Bloc. Interestingly, BJP believes this campaign could influence tribal voters in Bihar’s border areas.

India’s stunning win against Pakistan in the Asia Cup final and refusal of Congress leaders particularly Rahul Gandhi to acknowledge it has become an intense subject of political scrutiny. The BJP was quick to point out that it was perhaps similar to how the main Opposition party couldn’t congratulate the Indian Army for its stupendous strike during Operation Sindoor. Party’s I-T chief Amit Malviya in a post even suggested that the Congress was perhaps “waiting for permission from Pak minister Mohsin Naqvi and their other handlers in the neighbouring country” before joining the nation in celebrating the Indian cricket team’s success. Launching a scathing attack on the Congress, BJP Rajya Sabha MP Dr Sudhanshu Trivedi said “both Rahul Gandhi and Priyanka Vadra should keep sports separate from politics”, as they did not give any reaction to India’s victory over Pakistan. He said that the Congress and the opposition alliance are always ready to side with Pakistan at every level be it sports or diplomacy and this is their true identity. He pointed out it was India’s 9th victory in the Asia Cup. In this tournament, India defeated Pakistan three times consecutively. The Indian team made a clean sweep by winning all the matches in this Asia Cup. For this, the Indian cricket team, its captain Surya Kumar Yadav, and all the fellow players certainly deserve congratulations. PM Modi tweeted “Operation Sindoor on the games field. Outcome is the same — India wins!. Congrats to our cricketers.”

Climate activist Sonam Wangchuk, who was spearheading the demand for statehood for Ladakh and had been on an indefinite fast for 15 days, has been arrested. Wangchuk’s journey from thanking PM Modi for granting Ladakh’s UT status in August 2019 to inciting violence that left four people dead as recently as September 25 symbolises the dangers of political opportunism and external manipulation. Thousands of people had come out and indulged in arson and stoning. Local BJP office was set on fire. Wangchuk called off his indefinite fast soon after the violence spread. It is worth mentioning that the Centre had scheduled October 6 for talks between the agitators and the high-powered committee. Previously, informal talks were scheduled to begin on September 26. Despite these firm assurances, the agitators resorted to arson and violence. It’s not easy to understand the logic behind it. BJP leaders allege that Congress instigated the violence because the party wanted to create a “Nepal-type” situation in India. Why does Wangchuk now raise hackles in India’s power circles? One it is his close and continuing association with foreign funded LEAD India and International Association for Ladakh Studies. His climate project ICE STUPAS faced criticism from the locals for being unsustainable. His recent calls to halt the Army’s infrastructure projects in Ladakh citing climate concerns have sparked serious unease. Besides his American wife Rebecca Norman and her connection with Ford Foundation and Soros’s Open Societies have been a matter of concern. In 2023, Wangchuk began his outdoor hunger strikes, demanding “constitutional safeguards” like inclusion in the Sixth Schedule. It is unbelievable that the engineer-innovator Wangchuk who had developed solar power tents for Indian Army and inspired actor Aamir Khan’s character Phunsukh Wangdu in the popular film Three Idiots, is being portrayed as a NGO person using foreign funds– to undermine the country.

Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis has asserted that he will stay in the state for the full term of five years. Talking to senior editors at the India Today Conclave in Mumbai, Fadnavis reiterated that he is making this statement since he is conversant with the way the BJP takes important decisions. Fadnavis is considered a front-runner to take up the BJP’s presidency and media speculation has been rife on this count. Rejecting any such possibility, he said the successor to present BJP president JP Nadda will be a staunch follower of the RSS ideology. Nadda has been given extensions amidst reports that the RSS and the BJP are still to agree on the next incumbent of the single largest political party in the world. Taking a dig at the media forecasts, Fadnavis said he was amazed to read some of the names mentioned to be in the race. Fadnavis has also discounted reports that a discord exists between him and deputy CM Eknath Shinde. He said, “During my first tenure, Shinde was in my cabinet. Later, I became deputy CM in his cabinet. Now, the position has reversed again. We are working in close coordination and there is no substance in the reports that we are at loggerheads.” Fadnavis has been the focus of opposition criticism for some time on different issues and it has been suggested obliquely that some of his cabinet colleagues are fomenting unrest against him. Hence, his unambiguous assertion about leading the state for the full term is likely to dampen any such attempts, if they are made in reality.

West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has once again turned Durga Puja into a campaign arena and cultural outreach, leaving Opposition parties scrambling to match her scale. While the BJP views the festival as a potential political weapon, Mamata has neutralised it, ensuring the celebrations remain firmly under her influence. Over the past seven years, the number of Puja committees spanning Kolkata and remote districts has grown from 28,000 to 45,000. Likewise, the financial support during the same period has also scaled up from Rs 10,000 to Rs 110,000 this year alongside electricity bill waivers. In effect, Mamata expanded her reach from Cooch Behar to Kakdwip as chief patron of the festivities. During the Left Front era, the CPI(M) maintained organisational control in several spheres but deliberately kept a distance from Puja. Leaders like late Subhash Chakraborty occasionally engaged, but the party never made the festival a political stage. This allowed Mamata, post-2011, to steadily enlarge her presence, transforming Puja inaugurations into high-visibility public relations opportunities. Even Opposition leaders like BJP’s Suvendu Adhikari seldom attended Puja inaugurations in Kolkata or districts, leaving the party largely absent from major events. Apart from Sajol Ghosh in Kolkata, BJP has no significant foothold. Initially questioned in courts, these grants have been strategically tied to Bengali cultural identity, intertwining Durga Puja with heritage and pride recognized by UNESCO, effectively transforming the festival into both a cultural and political instrument. Didi has also expanded the Puja arena not only through grants but the puja idol immersion carnival inspired by Brazil’s Rio de Janeiro, now institutionalised and set for Red Road on October 5.

Ahead of assembly elections in Bihar, West Bengal and Tamil Nadu, the BJP has deployed several Union ministers to take charge of these states’ elections. For Bihar, the BJP has appointed Union Minister Dharmendra Pradhan as its election in-charge. Alongside him, Union Minister CR Paatil and Uttar Pradesh Deputy Chief Minister Keshav Prasad Maurya have also been named as co-in charges. Significantly, Pradhan and Maurya are prominent OBC leaders. With the Congress trying to play catch up with the NDA in OBC politics by releasing a resolution for Most Backward Classes or Atipichda Nyay Sankalp at its recent Patna CWC meeting, it is interesting that the BJP managers are prominent OBC leaders. The Bihar Legislative Assembly election for all 243 seats is scheduled for October–November 2025. The previous polls were held in October–November 2020, after which the NDA formed the government with Nitish Kumar as chief minister. In August 2022, JD(U) broke ties with the NDA and joined the RJD-led Mahagathbandhan, only to return to the BJP-led NDA in January 2024, once again installing Nitish Kumar as CM. For West Bengal, the BJP has appointed Union Minister Bhupender Yadav as its election in-charge. Former Tripura CM Biplab Kumar Deb has been named as co-incharge. It is important to note that the BJP has appointed senior leader Baijayant Panda as election in-charge for Tamil Nadu, while Union Minister of State for Civil Aviation Murlidhar Mohol has been named as co-incharge. Party sources feel the choice of Panda for TN assumes significance as he was credited for turning around BJP’s fortune’s in Delhi and wresting the state from AAP this year. It is quite possible that the party leadership has similar expectations from him in the southern state too.

Former Tamil Nadu BJP chief K Annamalai is once again in focus. The buzz in Chennai BJP is that he is probably working for the DMK. Or else it is inexplicable that after being cajoled into coordinating with his party colleagues by senior BJP leader BL Santosh — he had even dropped by Annamalai’s residence only last week — and had promised to work for the AIADMK-BJP alliance. Party sources say he was found liaising over the weekend with a breakaway AIADMK faction – TTV Dhinkaran’s AMMK — which he had insisted must be re-inducted into the NDA. This development so upset the state unit that TN BJP chief Nainar Nagenthran rushed to Delhi to meet BJP national president JP Nadda. It was felt Annamalai could be reaching out to Dhinakaran as part of Home Minister Amit Shah’s general advice to ensure BJP presence in southern districts of TN. But does that mean Shah would signal Annamalai to wreck the very foundation of BJP’s ties with the AIADMK and the understanding reached with party chief Edappadi K Palaniswami (EPS)?  Possibly not. Party insiders feel Annamalai was most likely acting on his own as he   expressed regret over Dhinakaran’s exclusion from the alliance. Sources say Annamalai is determined to weaken AIADMK chief EPS and split the BJP-AIADMK alliance. All this is being done with an eye to benefit the incumbent DMK, which is bound to benefit from a split in non-DMK votes. It is also possible he may be driving AIADMK, in desperation, towards the actor Vijay-led TVK. He wants to take revenge on EPS and prevent him from becoming CM in 2026.Within BJP, he is targeting his successor Nainar Nagenthran.

The Maharashtra Navnirman Sena is testing its own concoction, that too, in Dadar, Mumbai where the Shiv Sena was born. The Shiv Sena and its breakaway faction, MNS, have invariably championed the cause of Marathi and Marathi Manoos. It always taunts the BJP on this count. But the wheel has turned a full circle now. The trigger is an eatery, ‘Indori Chaat and Much More’ started by staunch MNS spokesman, Sandeep Deshpande in the heart of Dadar. The chef and the menu are, of course, from Indore. The restaurant attracted attention when two famous food bloggers visited and then praised it. The BJP has seized the opportunity to troll Deshpande. The media, too, has reminded MNS of its original agenda of preserving Marathi, jobs for locals and justice for the sons of soil. A BJP social media activist has taunted Deshpande for an earlier MNS declaration that the next Mumbai mayor will be a Marathi Manoos. “You can’t even find a Marathi chef but boast of installing a Marathi mayor in Mumbai,” says one of the posts. Incidentally, Maharashtra and Indore have a historical connection. The Indore rulers, the Holkar clan, had their origins in Maharashtra. Indore’s most illustrious ruler, Devi Ahilyabai, was born in the state’s Ahmednagar district, which is now renamed as Ahilya Nagar after her. Deshpande’s restaurant has given his detractors a chance to hit back, literally in the belly.

The sweet and sour friendship between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and NCP leader Sharad Pawar has been vexing political circles for all these years. Neither loses a chance to reiterate its existence nor to take pot shots at each other. But both have maintained a dignified level. On the other hand, the Congress and the Shiv Sena (UBT) don’t waste a single opportunity to criticise Modi and the BJP. Both these parties had reminded Modi on his 75th birthday that he himself had imposed the age limit for retirement from active politics. Of course, the BJP had soon thereafter clarified that the observation did not apply to Modi. Still, some mediapersons approached Pawar to elicit his comments on the issue, hoping to extract a juicy quote. Pawar being Pawar, he floored them all. He said, “If I myself have not retired, how can I advise anyone to bow out?” Pawar was born on 12 December 1940. Interestingly, there were no further questions. Pawar has disappointed INDIA Bloc and other Opposition parties on many occasions by taking a clear stand on several issues without caring for the possible criticism. For instance, when there was a demand to appoint a JPC to probe the Hindenburg allegations against the Adani Group, Pawar had dismissed the proposal as a non-starter. It is another matter that the industrialist has been a regular caller on Pawar. It is also a coincidence that Pawar’s statement about Modi’s 75th birthday has come on the day Adani has been exonerated by the SEBI of any wrongdoing.

BJP MLA Gopichand Padalkar’s shocking statement expressing doubts about the parentage of senior NCP(SP) leader Jayant Patil has been roundly condemned and is causing grave concern the depth to which political culture is sinking in the state. Chief minister Devendra Fadnavis has admonished Padalkar, who has declared that he will abide by the CM’s order and refrain from making such a statement again. Padalkar, a former aide of Republican leader Prakash Ambedkar, is known for his audacious utterances. But the barb at Jayant Patil has crossed all limits, Sharad Pawar told Fadnavis in a phone call.  Initially, Padalkar had refused to apologise by arguing that Pawar was silent when some INDIA Bloc bigwigs had made objectionable statements about Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his mother. However, as the intensity of the criticism went on mounting, Padalkar relented. Jayant Patil is the son of the late Rajarambapu Patil, who was a heavyweight leader in the 1970’s and 80’s. He was tipped to become the chief minister of Maharashtra. His son Jayant is an astute politician and has handled the finance portfolio of the state for a long time, creating a record of presenting the maximum number of budgets. Jayant is among the closest colleagues to Pawar. The other angle to the acrimony between Padalkar and Jayant is that while the former belongs to the OBCs, Patil is a Maratha. At present, the two communities are at loggerheads on the issue of Marathas demanding reservations from the OBC quota. Tempers have been running high between the two sides. Padalkar has only added fuel to the fire by his reckless remark.

With the Bengali persecution issue placing the Bengal BJP under pressure, the party is seeking to recalibrate its electoral strategy by leaning harder on the Hindutva plank. The Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA), already implemented but seen by insiders as an “unfinished project,” has been identified as the rallying point in the run-up to the 2026 Assembly elections. The BJP, along with its ideological parent RSS, is preparing a coordinated campaign to push for citizenship benefits under the CAA. The RSS convened a special coordination meeting attended by senior leaders of both organisations. BJP state president Shamik Bhattacharya represented the state unit, national general secretary BL Santhosh represented the central leadership. From the RSS, senior office-bearers Pradeep Joshi, Ramapada Pal, Jaladhar Mahato and Jishnu Basu, representing the all-India leadership in eastern India. BJP sources confirmed the central focus was ensuring the maximum number of refugees eligible under the CAA secure citizenship without delay. A concrete plan was drawn up to guarantee swift, fear-free submission of papers. The meeting also reviewed the upcoming Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls. Besides Bhattacharya, BJP regional leaders were present during the meeting, including legislator Deepak Barman from North Bengal, MP Jagannath Sarkar from Central Bengal, and state general secretary Jagannath Chattopadhyay from South Bengal. Insiders said these three leaders will supervise the CAA campaign across their respective regions. The RSS indicated that organisations under its umbrella will join the ground campaign, though sources stressed the BJP will lead. Ensuring citizenship for all eligible applicants was described as a non-negotiable target. The meeting, convened on an emergency basis, sought to prepare for large-scale mobilisation on the CAA agenda.

It is not just the BJP and its cadres that celebrated PM Modi’s 75th birthday. Even NDA’s ally and TDP Minister Nara Lokesh, currently on an official visit to the UK made it a point to pray for PM Modi’s health and longevity at ISKCON Temple in London, asserting confidence in Modi’s Leadership to build Viksit Bharat. Sharing his birthday wish for PM Modi, Andhra Pradesh IT, HRD, and RTGS Minister Nara Lokesh offered prayers at ISKCON London. He tweeted, “Started the day with prayers at @iskconlondon on the 75th birthday of our Hon’ble Prime Minister @narendramodi ji. I sought blessings for his long life and his visionary leadership of our great country. I am confident we will achieve Viksit bharat under his guidance.” Interestingly, a day earlier the Andhra Pradesh government had hosted a high-profile Investor Roadshow in London at the Institute of Directors, Pall Mall, as part of its global outreach to attract investments ahead of the CII Partnership Summit 2025, scheduled to be held in Visakhapatnam on November 14–15. The event brought together more than 150 senior executives and global leaders representing sectors such as advanced manufacturing, finance, energy, and technology. In his remarks during the conversation with global leaders, Lokesh positioned Andhra Pradesh as India’s fastest-growing state. “Our message in London is clear: the sunrise state of Andhra Pradesh is the best place to do business in India. In just 15 months, we have facilitated investments worth over Rs 10 lakh crore and are now engaging global partners to be part of our journey towards becoming a $ 2.4 trillion economy by 2047″

The BJP leadership is all geared up to putting its Tamil Nadu house in order. With AIADMK leader Edappadi K Palaniswami (EPS) meeting Home Minister Amit Shah in Delhi on Tuesday (Sep 16) evening to firm up alliance in the state, ground was laid in TN to ensure smooth working within various groups and leaders. For a start, a coordination meeting of various state-level leaders within the state BJP was held in Chennai. The meeting was held in the presence of senior BJP functionary BL Santosh. The effect of the meeting was such that former TN BJP chief K Annamalai who was so far playing truant appeared mellowed down. For the first time, Annamalai conceded that EPS was drawing crowds in the state. Party sources said he had praised EPS in the party’s internal meeting too. This means Annamalai has come a long way; from initially opposing BJP’s alliance with the AIADMK to now agreeing to campaign with EPS. This would not only consolidate Gounder community votes in favour of the alliance but also consolidate victory. With Santosh in the chair along with TN BJP chief Nainar Nagendran it was decided that Nainar, Annamalai and EPS would now jointly campaign from Oct 1. It is not clear if Annanmalai had toned down his anti- AIADMK position because of a personal compulsion He is now compelled to answer queries over purchase of around six acres agricultural land in Coimbatore worth several crores of rupees. Annamalai said he had purchased it using a loan, his personal savings and that of his wife Akila. He had paid Rs 40 lakh in stamp duty and registration charges. Of course, no one in the BJP believes it.

The ruling BJP-led NDA’s candidate CP Radhakrishnan’s (CPR) election win as the Vice-President of India with 452 votes did not come as a surprise. What did was the margin — 14 additional votes that went in his favour! There is much speculation from where the extra votes came in. It is believed that MPs from secular bloc — including those belonging to DMK — at least four of them had reportedly voted for him. CPR is known to have good ties with the DMK and had won Coimbatore Lok Sabha seat twice with DMK’s support. Besides the DMK, other parties’ MPs from the SP and AAP too voted for CPR. The NDA already had 427 votes. With the declared support of 11 YSRCP MPs, that number went up to 438. Besides these extra votes, there were 15 invalid votes — 10 from the NDA side and five from the Opposition. The Opposition candidate — B Surendra Reddy polled 300 votes, 15 short of the 315 votes polled in his favour. Meanwhile, the Congress officially mocked the BRS and BJD for boycotting the Veep election with a post on the X, “If you call them the B team of BJP, they take offense. What more proof is needed than this? What compulsion does BRS have that it won’t even vote for a Telugu candidate? And Naveen Babu, even after such a humiliating defeat, you haven’t stopped giving them support”. It is being said Telangana CM Revanth Reddy apparently played a role in ensuring that the BRS with four Rajya Sabha MPs boycott V-P poll. The BRS has been under pressure ever since the Revanth Reddy government ordered probe into irregularities in Kalleshwaram project, argued a state MP. However, privately Congress leaders will have to thank Revanth Reddy for keeping the BRS away from the NDA.  The Opposition candidate pick for V-P was Revanth Reddy’s choice.

The Congress may be basking on the “success” of its Vote Adhikar Yatra in Bihar but one tweet by its Kerala unit on GST saw the party apologise. A political storm was kicked up by the controversial tweet drawing a parallel between Bihar and bidis in an attempt to mock the BJP over latest GST reforms lowering GST on bidi from 28% to 18%. The Congress’s Kerala unit wrote, “Bidis and Bihar start with B. Cannot be considered sin anymore”. The tweet was deleted soon after RJD leader Tejaswi Yadav phoned Rahul Gandhi to contain the damage following backlash in social media. The Congress issued an apology on X and said that the jibe was twisted. “We see that our jibe at Modi’s election gimmick with GST rates is being twisted. Our apologies if you felt hurt.” The now-deleted post, which appeared to deride the state, triggered sharp reactions from the BJP and its ally, the JD(U), who accused the Congress of insulting the people of Bihar, a state headed for polls before November. The government’s action on bidis was apparently inspired by the RSS-linked Swadeshi Jagran Manch which wrote to finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman, saying that the 28% GST had hit employment in the registered sector of bidi manufacturing. This had also caused hardships for workers in unregistered beedi production units. The GST on tendu leaves used to make bidis has been reduced from 18% to 5%.

The war of words between BJP leader and actor Mithun Chakraborty and TMC spokesperson Kunal Ghosh has now escalated into a full-blown legal battle, with Mithun slapping a Rs 100-crore defamation suit on Ghosh. The BJP star accused Ghosh of launching a politically motivated smear campaign by linking him to chit fund scam, alleging he joined the BJP to escape investigation, dragging his son into a rape case, and even questioning his wife’s financial dealings. Mithun said the remarks were “false, baseless and malicious,” tarnishing his image as a Padma Bhushan and Dadasaheb Phalke awardee, while also costing him film and advertising projects. Seeking damages and a bar on future comments, he has deposited the maximum Rs 50,000 court fee. Ghosh, however, remained defiant. He retorted that a person with true honour would not switch political sides repeatedly and added that the matter would be settled in court. He claimed he too has filed a case against Mithun, vowing to expose the actor’s alleged connections with four to five chit fund companies and demanding a CBI probe. Taking the fight a step further, Ghosh invoked the “Rajeev Kumar model,” referencing his face-to-face grilling with the former Kolkata Police Commissioner during the Saradha probe in Shillong. He announced he would ask the court to similarly confront Mithun under CBI supervision. Once close allies, the duo’s relationship soured after 2011, and today their personal fallout has turned into a high-stakes political slugfest.

It may seem odd that the 56th GST Council meeting headed by FM Nirmala Sitharaman and state FMs which met for nearly 12 hours could clear the two-slab GST 2.0 reforms on a single day, but will be rolled out only from September 22 (Navratri begins)? Is the Modi government waiting for an auspicious start? The government is not waiting out the austere period of pitru paksha. Official sources say that the government was not really following a Hindu calendar and explained that the roll-out would need preparation of about 150 circulars and this would require working on the details, It was for this reason alone FM Sitharaman had refused to give any media interviews. And ironically, Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal, who had more to do with the failed Indo-US trade deal, was all over TV talking about it. Meanwhile, some details have emerged about how Sitharaman and her team fought and won the September 3 high-stakes late-night battle, with Opposition-ruled states digging in their heels. According to sources, opposition-ruled West Bengal, Punjab, Kerala, and Karnataka strongly opposed rate cuts, citing fear of revenue loss. The meeting, slated to end by 7 pm, dragged late into the night, stretching beyond 9.30 pm. While Punjab and West Bengal eventually softened their stance, Kerala and Karnataka held firm, insisting on concrete assurances from the Centre on compensation. Some even pressed that the decision be postponed till the next day. At this point, Sitharaman told the gathering she was ready to sit through the night if needed, but relief for the people could not wait another day. It was the idea of voting if consensus wasn’t possible that made Kerala and Karnataka eventually climb down.

The BJP central leadership is apparently running out of patience with former Tamil Nadu BJP President K Annamalai. He was among a handful of leaders — nearly all past party chiefs of Tamil Nadu — who were asked to reach Delhi for a meeting this week with Union Home Minister Amit Shah and BJP chief JP Nadda for a discussion on TN assembly elections next year. Barring Vice-President candidate CP Radhakrishnan, who was also TN BJP chief, all were expected to join the meeting. Nadda had apparently phoned Annamalai to ensure he attended the meeting. However, Annamalai, who has been sulking since the 2024 Lok Sabha polls, seemed to have other plans. Not only did he fail to show up, but also shared on X how he was preoccupied with some wedding receptions rather than attending party work. During a recent visit to TN, Shah had advised him to focus on party work. So had FM Nirmala Sitharaman, who had suggested that he give up factionalism and take everyone along. Annamalai had resented Nirmala’s suggestion so much that he had even launched a campaign against her for poking her nose in TN affairs. Delhi leaders were shocked as the FM had no stake in TN and had acted only on Shah’s behalf. BJP sources now feel Annamalai is so upset with the AIADMK-BJP pact, he will now do anything to emerge as a spoiler, halting the AIADMK-BJP in its tracks. Annamalai is aware that AIADMK chief Edappadi K Palaniswami’s tours are a big draw now and can’t tolerate a fellow Gounder (a OBC caste) doing so politically well. BJP feels he may try to bail out the DMK or Vijay’s TVK as a vote spoiler.

At a time when the Modi government is thinking of handing a bonanza to the Indian consumers and kickstarting the economy, the Opposition is already thinking of ways and means to create hurdles. At a meeting convened at Karnataka Bhavan in New Delhi, 8 eight Opposition ruled states resolved to demand protection of their revenue interests when the GST rationalisation exercise comes up before the GST Council at its 56th meeting on September 3-4. The biggest cut in GST is expected now, and apprehensions about revenue losses to states have surfaced. These states estimate a revenue loss to be around Rs 50,000 crore during this financial year and nearly Rs 1.5 lakh crore next financial year. While NDA-ruled states are backing the Centre’s strategy of cutting GST, the Opposition-ruled states do not want to grapple with potential revenue losses, especially at a time when Tamil Nadu, West Bengal and Kerala are heading for Assembly elections. Besides, the Congress has a political problem with GST cuts. That is because the GST cuts were part of PM Modi’s Independence Day speech when he promised GST cuts on items used by common people as a Diwali bonanza. The Opposition states are demanding a 5-year compensation for the rate cut, the sort of compensation that they received when GST was introduced in 2017.  Congress leader Jairam Ramesh demanded compensation to all states for a period of five years with 2024-25 as the base year, since their revenues are bound to be adversely impacted by the rate cuts. He also wanted additional levies on ‘sin’ and luxury goods over and above the proposed 40% should be fully transferred to states. Today the Centre gets close to 17-18% of its revenue from various cesses that are not shared with the states.