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Self-proclaimed Godman Ashok Kharat’s arrest for his alleged sex atrocities against many women has stirred a hornet’s nest as pictures of some top leaders with him have started surfacing. The Nationalist Congress Party (NCP-Ajit) and the Shiv Sena (Shinde), the two major partners in the Mahayuti regime in Maharashtra, are finding themselves on the defensive with every new such disclosure. NCP leader Rupali Chakankar has become the focus of the sex scandal since many serious allegations are being made against her hour by hour. The plot has thickened since a couple of NCP leaders have charged that certain suspicious things found outside the official residence of late deputy CM Ajit Pawar when he was alive were part of black magic reportedly perpetrated by Kharat. Investigations so far have revealed that Kharat had been practising his questionable occultism to lure hapless women and that he has amassed huge wealth through this route over the years. The sordid racket of Kharat was exposed when chief minister Devendra Fadnavis himself ordered the police bosses to act against him. It is whispered that besides some prominent politicians, certain police officials also will face the heat as the probe progresses since they tacitly permitted Kharat to operate. Ironically, Kharat was caught by the police when he himself had filed a complaint against a couple of his acquaintances, who had been blackmailing him. Retired from Merchant Navy, Kharat was flaunting the title of a Captain while running his racket in Nasik in north Maharashtra.
Seeking a fourth consecutive term, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee who released a 291-seat candidate list clearly signalled a sweeping organisational reset. Defined by a “three-generation balance” strategy, the list represents a calculated gamble by Mamata and her nephew Abhishek Banerjee to neutralise anti-incumbency through a mix of youthful energy and seasoned stability. Didi’s focus this time has been on younger faces, increased representation of women, and caste & community equations. Party insiders describe a “three-generation balance”, an idea pushed by Abhishek. Of 291 candidates, 219 or 75% are under 60, 45% around 50, 72 above 60 and 25 over 70 — marking a clear shift from 2021. To address anti-incumbency, 74 sitting MLAs have been dropped. Veterans like Samar Mukherjee (83), Sobhandeb Chattopadhyay (82), Firhad Hakim, Madan Mitra, Jyotipriya Mallick have been retained. Younger faces include Madhuparna Thakur (27), Rituparna Adhya (28), Debangshu Bhattacharya (29), and Rajib Biswas (29). Thirteen recent entrants have been fielded immediately that includes Pabitra Kar against his mentor Opposition leader Suvendu Adhikari in Nandigram. Meanwhile, Partha Chatterjee, Chiranjeet Chakraborty, Kanchan Mullick, Paresh Pal and Swarnakamal Saha, Vivek Gupta have been dropped. Several second-generation leaders have been fielded, including Shreya Pandey (daughter of Sadhan Pandey), Sirsanya Bandopadhyay, Tirthankar Ghosh, Basundhara Goswami, Shubhankar Singh and Sandipan Saha; however, the exclusion of late Mukul Roy’s son Subhranshu Roy signals a selective legacy politics. The list includes 52 women, 40 Muslims, 78 Scheduled Caste and 17 Scheduled Tribe candidates. Interestingly, the TMC appears to have moved away from its earlier reliance on inducting fresh faces from the Bengali film industry.
Unstinted support by the Shiv Sena (UBT) of the Freedom Religion Bill in the Maharashtra legislature has once again renewed political speculation about Uddhav Thackeray’s next likely stance regarding the BJP. His silence on the coming two assembly byelections in the state has already created unease within the Opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA). The state Congress unit has declared that it will consider fielding candidates in the two constituencies, one of them Baramati, represented by late deputy CM Ajit Pawar. His wife Sunetra, who has taken over his place in the state cabinet, will contest from Baramati. Her sister in law and NCP(SP) leader Supriya Sule has announced that her party will not challenge Sunetra. However, that decision has been seen as a family matter. But the Congress party is sore since it was taken without consulting its state leader Harshwardhan Sapkal. Even earlier, the Congress was ignored by the other two MVA partners when it was decided that veteran NCP leader Sharad Pawar will be sent to the Rajya Sabha. This was a BJP strategy to compel the MVA to agree to elect the remaining six Mahayuti candidates unopposed. Hence, rather than alienating the Hindutva vote bank, Uddhav decided to support the Religion Freedom Bill, which will soon become a law with state governor’s consent. He ignored the Bill’s criticism by the NCP(SP), the Congress and the fringe Opposition parties. Uddhav’s stand has made MVA uneasy once again but it will hardly reflect in the state polity, it is felt.
With barely a few days left for nominations to close for Puducherry assembly elections (Mar 23), Congress leaders were hoping for a miracle. They were hoping that there would be some electoral arrangement with actor Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) in the Union Territory. This seemed possible as the party in power — All India N R Congress — sent a message to its partner BJP that it could go alone in the polls. The CM’s Congress colleagues were keen that he break away from the NDA and return to the Congress fold. Jose Charles Martin, the son of lottery tycoon Santiago Martin, had launched his own political party — Latchiya Jananayaga Katchi. But the CM was not keen to include anyone with a lottery background. The CM raised everyone’s hopes in the Congress in TN as he played truant. He had avoided meeting Union Minister Mansukh Mandviya in Puducherry. However, Home Minister Amit Shah ensured all outstanding issues were sorted out and the alliance for 30 seats was finally sealed on March 20. Meanwhile, it is being said Rahul Gandhi has not publicly endorsed the DMK-Congress alliance in TN; it is quite likely that he may not campaign for the alliance. With his close aide Praveen Chakravarty renewing contacts with Vijay, there is a possibility that there could be an informal understanding between the Congress and the TVK in select constituencies in the state. However, more than TN it is the contest in Kerala that is posing a challenge for the Congress. Party sources say return of the Left Front for a record third term is now inevitable with the Congress trailing a good 2% behind. With group clashes coming to the fore, party men feel Kerala can be reclaimed only if the Congress projects a different CM — say a Shashi Tharoor!
It’s a high stakes battle in Bhabanipur between West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee and Leader of Opposition Suvendu Adhikari. Didi will do everything to defend her urban stronghold, while Adhikari — former TMC heavyweight turned BJP leader defeated her in the 2021 Nandigram contest — has entered the fray to challenge her once again. Interestingly, Adhikari will also contest from Nandigram as well. Observers say this could be BJP’s strategy to pin down Mamata to a gruelling local fight in Bhabanipur so as to limit her ability to lead a state-wide campaign. Her presence remains vital for TMC candidates across West Bengal’s closely contested districts. The constituency itself, often called “mini Bharat,” features a diverse demographic where nearly 40% of voters are from non-Bengali communities—including Gujaratis, Marwaris, Punjabis, and Odias—alongside a 20% Muslim electorate. While the seat has leaned toward the TMC since 2011, the BJP is aggressively courting the business community to bridge the gap. The build-up to the April 23 and April 29 two-phase elections has been marked by a fierce dispute over the electoral rolls. Reports indicate over 47,000 names were removed during a special intensive review, with another 14,000 under scrutiny. While the BJP justifies the deletions as a clean-up of duplicate entries, the TMC alleges a conspiracy involving the Election Commission to disenfranchise genuine voters. Despite these tensions, Didi enters the race with a formidable record, having won her 2021 by-election by over 58,000 votes. Her party’s broader list reflects a push for representation, featuring 52 women, 95 SC/ST candidates, and 47 minority representatives.
TVK supremo Vijay’s consigliere Aadav Arjun is seen to be deranged by the political rank and file, especially after his loose cannon remarks. The one baiting Thalaivar Rajinikanth has raised the hackles of all …fans especially who are waiting to be roused to rise. What did Arjun say? In an extreme attempt to schmooze and schmaltz in his role of deifying Vijay, this indiscreet party member said, “Even Rajinikanth attempted to plunge headlong into politics, aping MGR, assuming he would be worshipped by TN. But what happened? The first family of DMK threatened him. And he withdrew. But our TVK leader Vijay is a rock…cannot be threatened by anyone”. You can imagine the storm raised by this indiscreet and vicious comment especially about Rajini who is worshipped by devoted fans all over the country. Tamil Nadu BJP chief Nainaar Nagendran tried to condemn Aadav’s pointless talk, with some meek, assuaging words and the challenge that Aadav should apologise to Rajinikanth. But it is the scathing repartee of journalist Mani that made a big impact. “This man is not just ignorant, but indecent…and he is not even a politician but a lottery ticket vendor. Earlier he tried to latch on to Thirumavalavan, then the DMK’s first family …now he has latched on to Vijay.” Rajini fans have protested but the DMK has brushed off the allegation like a fly. With a consigliere like Aadav who needs enemies?
West Bengal’s upcoming Assembly election will be held in two phases, dividing the state into contrasting political zones, with data from the 2021 Assembly polls and 2024 Lok Sabha segment mapping indicating the battle for power will unfold differently across the two regions. The first phase, scheduled for April 23, covers 152 constituencies across 16 districts, including North Bengal, the western belts, and coastal Purba Medinipur. A retrospective mapping of the 2021 results suggests a competitive landscape where the TMC held 92 seats against the BJP’s 59. While the BJP previously capitalised on anti-incumbency here, 2024 Parliamentary data shows a tighter race; the TMC secured a 52.6% vote share, the BJP 39.5%, and the Congress-Left alliance 7.9%. With an average victory margin of just 9.89%, this zone remains highly volatile. Social demographics add further complexity. Of the 39 constituencies with minority populations exceeding 40%, the TMC’s 2021 clean sweep faced fragmentation in 2024, with the TMC leading in 21 segments, the Congress-Left in 11, and the BJP in seven. Furthermore, voter list adjudication poses a mathematical threat: in 48% of these seats, voters under adjudication outnumber the 2024 victory margins. On April 29, the battle shifts to 142 seats in the South Bengal heartland, encompassing Kolkata and the 24 Parganas. This remains a formidable TMC stronghold; the party won 123 seats here in 2021 and maintained an 80.3% lead in 2024 segments with a wide 15.05% average margin. Interestingly, this region shows high voter deletion rates, averaging 12.7% in TMC-won seats. As the BJP’s strongest areas vote first, the TMC may benefit from a schedule that allows it to consolidate momentum toward its core base in the final.
Many political aspirants and Tamil Nadu party leaders are secretly coveting this extraordinary Brand status of Vijay, the leader of TVK. How lucky can a man get with such super branding, promos, press and news stature like the cine star Vijay? Of course he bungee jumped into the fray with a mind blowing fan following, star status and oodles of money and flash. Just two years into his splash down, Vijay gets to hog the press…41 people die in the Karur stampede at his first ever public meet, his overhyped and meticulously planned release Jana Nayagan, so called swan song hits the censor road block, allegations of an extramarital affair and the fury of his wife Sangeetha in her divorce plea, his two children openly cutting his name off as parent, toxic revelations about his parents distancing themselves from him, CBI summons and trips to Delhi so called pressure wooing from a national party. In fact, every facet of his public and private life is in the constant glare of publicity. Would any other politician go out on a limb and still smell of roses? Vijay does. The Kohinoor in Vijay’s crown is the happening development — V Senthil Balaji summoned to Delhi for CBI questioning. Balaji is the DMK MLA from Karur, his powerful stomping ground where the stampede killed 41 people. Vijay is alleged to have conveyed to the CBI, that though he was delayed coming to the mega meet, it was the henchmen of Balaji who sprayed a fainting agent on the crowd …the stampede, melee and deaths quickly happened.
Ahead of the March 16 Rajya Sabha poll, a complex tug-of-war situation is now brewing in Odisha between BJD-Congress and BJP. Parties are now guarding against possible poaching scenario ahead of Rajya Sabha polls. Already, Congress has shifted nine of its 14 MLAs to Bengaluru and BJD’s Naveen Patnaik has lined up daily meetings with his legislators to guard against possible horse trading. There are five competing candidates spread between BJD-Congress and BJP who are now competing for four Rajya Sabha seats. What seems clear is the growing prospect of cross voting, absenteeism or intentional rejection of votes scenario. This essentially means smooth sailing for Manmohon Samal (BJP), Sujeet Kumar (BJP), the outgoing MP who is now opting for another term and Dr Santrupt Misra (BJD). However, Congress-BJD supported candidate Dr Datteswar Hota seems to be in a tricky situation. He could be facing possible cross-voting and absenteeism scenario. This scenario could make Dilip Ray(Independent) ex-Union Minister win the Rajya sabha seat backed by BJP’s 79 MLA’s including three independents. Most agree that BJP will have 23 surplus first preference votes for Dilip Ray ensuring he sails in smoothly amidst fluid political situation.
In a strategic move to turf out West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee in the upcoming Assembly poll, the BJP is focussing on her stronghold – women voters. Didi’s Lakshmir Bhandar scheme has proved to be very popular. As a counter to that the BJP has launched Labharthi Sampark Abhiyan scheme which promises to top Didi’s scheme which is currently paying Rs 1,500– Rs 1,700 per month to Rs 3,000 if voted to power. Complementing this, Union Home Minister Amit Shah announced a separate Rs 5,700-crore special fund dedicated to women’s safety, education, skill development, and self-help groups. BJP manifesto committee members emphasize that this fund is an additional empowerment initiative distinct from the monthly cash transfers. To popularise its Labharthi Sampark Abhiyan, BJP has embarked on a massive door-to-door campaign targeting approximately 64 lakh families, or nearly 2 crore voters. Under this strategy, a dedicated committee and district-level teams have appointed a Labharthi Sampark Pramukh at 1,060 booths. Workers are instructed to show that while Lakshmir Bhandar provides roughly Rs 60,000 over five years, central schemes like the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana, Ujjwala LPG connections, and PM-Kisan provide benefits worth up to Rs 4 lakh per family over the same period. The BJP’s internal data highlights a significant reach, noting that 82 lakh families in Bengal have received central benefits, including 18 lakh minority and 64 lakh Hindu households. Within the Hindu demographic, 42 lakh families have accessed at least three schemes, while 35 lakh families have benefited from five. By focusing on direct individual benefits—such as housing, toilets, and piped water—and excluding general infrastructure like roads, the party aims to prove its efficacy. BJP leaders are betting that this “beneficiary-first” model will finally yield a breakthrough in West Bengal.
Aryan Khan’s directorial debut arrives with a confident, offbeat pulse that immediately distinguishes it from routine star launches. The promo’s cheekiest beat comes when Aryan breaks the fourth wall, addressing the camera as the familiar, violin-laced Shah Rukh Khan motif plays — an audacious, meta wink that signals reverence without reverence’s usual stiffness. That tonal gamble pays off: the piece feels mischievous and smart rather than self-important. Visually, the promo is polished and assured. Clean frames, slick colour palettes and an Arri Alexa–style sheen hint at streaming-grade cinematic ambition. Art direction and sound design suggest a larger production muscle at work, while the supporting cast — names like Bobby Deol and Raghav Juyal — promise layered turns that complement Aryan’s youthful voice rather than overshadow it. The world he sketches is slightly chaotic and deliberately uncertain, an apt playground for an emerging filmmaker aiming to stake out an identity. Beyond style, the project carries heavyweight goodwill. Glimpses of Shah Rukh Khan and buzz from industry peers amplify attention; Netflix’s visible enthusiasm — from executives in India to global leadership — underscores how much is riding on the series as a conversation-starter for the streamer. But flash isn’t the same as staying power. The promo does its job: it teases tone, talent and production values and provokes curiosity rather than answers. Whether Aryan “scores” will depend on what follows — sharp writing, assured long-form direction and committed performances across episodes. This moment also sits within a broader trend: star children and actor-turned-directors reworking industry legacies into new careers. From the lineage of filmmakers such as Randhir Kapoor and Rakesh Roshan to contemporary scions like Utkarsh Sharma, Junaid Khan and Krishna Shroff exploring directoral roles, filmmaking has long been a family trade.
Every controversy that breaks always has a celebrity quotient to it. The drug cases came into the limelight because of Sushant Singh Rajput and Aryan Khan; the Narcotic Control Bureau (NCB) made an example of them. From Deepika Padukone to Shradda Kapoor, Rakul Preet Singh, Rhea Chakraborty, Sara Ali Khan were under NCB scanner. Some like comedian Bharati Singh and her husband were arrested. Besides, many actors and actresses were issued summons by the Enforcement Directorate. Says an insider, time and again Bollywood has been targeted and some of them have been called anti-national. Looks like we are an easy target for police and politicians. Take the case of conman Sukesh Chandrashekhar, the case was hyped because names of Jacqueline Fernandez and Nora Fatehi were linked to him. Now the latest case is that of the Mahadev App which again is more about the celebrities who danced at the wedding of the promoter Saurabh Chandrakar and endorsement of the app. Ranbir Kapoor has been summoned by ED for endorsing the app. So too many actresses and singers are being investigated by the ED for accepting cash for attending the event. Sources say, it was a pure professional and commercial deal. Mumbai police have registered FIR against 32 people including promoters for ‘fraud’ of Rs 15,000 crore. Be it the drug case or now Mahadev App scam the end result is that most of the allegations on the celebrities haven’t really yielded any results.
Rumour mills are doing the rounds that superstar Shah Rukh Khan may do a repeat of Pathaan. That is, keeping media at bay during the release of his forthcoming film Jawan directed by Atlee. The action film which releases in June has just been wrapped up and the heroine of the film Nayanthara was in Mumbai for dubbing and surprisingly did not oblige the waiting paparazzi with poses as is generally the practice. All stars including those from south are always cooperative with paps. It may be recalled that King Khan has distanced himself from the media for quite some time for two reasons. First, there was no film release, and second, he is quite disturbed by the fact that media literally hounded his son Aryan Khan when he was arrested by the Narcotics Control Bureau in a drug case. The way media mishandled the case upset him. Although the actor has stopped covering his face with an umbrella but he refuses to pose for the media. This was evident at Congress leader Baba Siddiqui’s Iftaar party where he refused to stop even for a minute. The moot point is how long can SRK shun the media?
He knows how to market himself and emote with his audience. That’s what makes superstar Shah Rukh Khan very special. But at 57 he is battling on several fronts. His movie Pathaan to be released on January 25, has been dragged into controversy over the saffron-colored bikini worn by Deepika. The right wing has called for a boycott of the movie. And to make matters worse, the media has been going whole hog reporting it. Why not? SRK has been avoiding the media like a plague. Reason, he feels the entire tribe went overboard while reporting on his son Aryan Khan’s drug case. Now, he feels he could do without them. It may be recalled that in the eighties Big B was banned by the media but it made no difference to his career. SRK does not have that luxury. He needs a box office hit. So he is using different ways to reach his audience. At the Kolkata International Film Festival the actor spoke about the social media negativity that put spotlight on his film. He also visited Mecca and then Vaishnodevi. He has kept pushing the envelope. He landed at Sports18 studio just before Argentina-France final kick off. Besides, he is talking to social media influencers like Faye Dsouza to put his points across to the audience. In the past inclusion of Pakistani cricketers almost led to the ban of his film My Name is Khan. Now, all eyes on January 25.
These days Shah Rukh Khan carries an umbrella. Reason: he wants to make sure that paparazzi don’t get a glimpse of him. SRK who was once very friendly with journos is miffed with the entire tribe for going overboard while reporting on his son Aryan Khan’s drug case. He is also angry with the media for publicizing his personal life. But, does hiding behind an umbrella ensure that the media will stop reporting on him or his son? Senior journalists say that SRK cannot complain as every time they tried to reach out to him or his legal team, they were stone-walled. Given this situation they could do nothing but file stories after talking to reliable sources. For Bollywood this is not a new phenomenon. In the eighties, Amitabh Bachchan and Rekha had banned the media for publishing their alleged relationship. They neither gave interviews nor allowed journalists on their sets. Big B broke his 10-year ban and has now become the darling of the media. In the case of Salman Khan it is a love-hate relationship. It came to the fore during his affair with Aishwaryaa Rai. In fact, a leading film magazine, much to his annoyance, stopped writing about him after he misbehaved with their photographer. Now Sallu bhai is a changed man but occasionally the old Salman Khan does surface. Meanwhile, Aryan Khan continues to carry an umbrella and refuses to oblige the waiting paparazzi.
Vaccine hesitancy mindset seems to be the biggest challenge for both the Central and State governments. And, this hesitancy is more pronounced in Muslim-dominated areas, says Maharashtra’s Public Health Minister Rajesh Tope. With a view to address this issue, the Maharashtra government sought Salman Khan’s help to convince people to take jab. On his part, Salman very quickly put out a short video and appealed to people to take vaccines. Salman’s mass appeal should certainly help. On Twitter alone he has 43.2 million followers. It is quite well known that both he and his father, the well-known script writer Salim Khan are close to Prime Minister Narendra Modi from his days as the Chief Minister of Gujarat. During the Uttarayan Festival both Salman and Modi were seen flying kites. Yet, Salman surprised everybody visiting Shah Rukh Khan’s house when his son Aryan was arrested by the Narcotics Control Bureau in connection with the drugs-on-cruise case. Many stars did not show their solidarity openly for the fear of incurring wrath of the Central government but not Salman. Surprisingly, nobody trolled him for that. He is the only Khan who is known to be non-political and that has worked to his advantage. Yes, he has strong views but he does not hesitate to pick up the phone and talk to any politicians if he can help somebody.
Twenty-three year old Ananya Panday is probably one of the most promising millennial actors who won accolades from the audience right from the first film Student of the Year 2. Ananya who played a lead role in Pati Patni Aur Woh has already won two awards for ‘Best Female Debut’. The actress, daughter of the popular actor, Chunky Panday, has been quite vocal about social issues which is rarely a case with today’s younger actors in Bollywood. Ananya’s initiative – So Positive – seeks to create awareness about social media bullying, prevent negativity and build a positive community. This initiative has touched a chord with Bollywood. Ananya has over 20 million social media followers with almost all top youth brands in her kitty. She is also the first female brand ambassador for Skechers India. Currently, she is in the dock over a drug case and was summoned by Narcotics Control Bureau (NCB) post the arrest of Aryan Khan and others. But, people who are close to her say that the young actor was not nervous when summoned by the NCB. She not only appeared before NCB officials but post that she went about meeting her professional commitments — shooting for her forthcoming films and promoting brands. Clearly, Ananya knows how to balance the two worlds.
It is a wager within Bollywood that once Shah Rukh Khan’s son Aryan comes out of the jail there will be any number of producers willing to sign him as a hero. “He is bound to become a big star,” predicts an industry insider. Really? Twenty-three-year-old Aryan had already made his intent clear that he wants to be behind the camera. So, one has to wait-and-watch whether he succumbs to producers’ pressure and becomes a reel life hero. How do the public at large react to those stars serving jail terms? Salman Khan has two cases against him: a fatal hit-and-run case in Mumbai; and a blackbuck poaching case in Rajasthan. Salman’s brush with the law is in sharp contrast to his softer image supported via the Being Human foundation’s charity work. Also, reality show Bigg Boss helped him build a positive image. Likewise, Sanjay Dutt who served a jail term under the Arms Act continues to be Munnabhai for the people. Rhea Chakraborty – out on bail in a narcotics case – is also getting offers. So too Sooraj Pancholi post Jiah Khan’s suicide. But some careers were damaged: like Shiney Ahuja (out on bail in a rape case); and Monica Bedi, girl friend of gangster Abu Salem (who is serving life sentence) didn’t get any offers after a Big Boss show. Is it fear, one wonders!
TRENDS & VIEWS
Editor’s Note: Short Post Is Here To Stay…
Time, they say, flies—and how true that is. Here we are celebrating our 5th Anniversary. Five years ago, when Covid-19 was wreaking havoc across the globe, I took a leap of faith and launched Short Post, India’s first website for Authentic Gossip. That was on January 31, 2021. I was convinced there was a clear gap in the market for gossip that was credible, sharp, and impactful—especially if told in just 250 words.
In this, I was fortunate. Scores of senior editors across diverse verticals bought into the idea and, in the process, gave wings to my dream. Quite honestly, Short Post could not have crossed these milestones without the unflinching support of its contributing editors. Like all start-ups, we have seen our share of ups and downs, but these editors have stood by us like a rock. I take this opportunity to doff my hat to them.
Thanks to their commitment, we have published close to 5,000 stories spanning politics, business, entertainment, and sports. I say this with pride: we made our mark as people who matter read us. “Small packs, big impact” truly captures the essence of Short Post.
We all know that Covid-19 has reset businesses worldwide, and the media sector is no exception. In the post-Covid era, investors have become more cautious and selective—and advertisers too. To compound matters, the entry of AI has disrupted the media landscape in equal measure. So far, we have managed to hold our ground, hopeful that some angel investors will take a shine to us.
What gives me confidence is this: AI cannot smell news—especially the gossipy kind. In other words, AI cannot churn out Short Post-type stories, no matter the prompt. That puts us in a safe zone. As someone rightly said, “AI is a co-pilot, not a pilot.”