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When a city like Chennai is already having its own issues with traffic and travel, a Chennai-based startup called The ePlane Company is working on India’s first electric air taxi, which can take off and land like a helicopter. The plan for this air taxi is called e200x. As fascinating as it sounds, will it be feasible in terms of money, electricity and battery limits? Half of the roads in Chennai are already occupied with barricades, saying “inconvenience today for a better tomorrow” where parking space for this e taxi will be allocated, considering Chennai’s limited parking space. Even though it might help to overcome traffic and everything, how many individuals can really afford to go in an air taxi that replicates a helicopter? The company is building a computer model as of now. What about the after-math effects of building a real one? What will happen if the battery drains down in the middle of the ride? Will Harry Potter come with his Nimbus 2000 (a magic broomstick) to rescue people and to drop at their locations? And Charging stations? Fares to ride in these helicopter replicas? It’s a lot to unpack. As futuristic as it sounds, practicality is what will decide the outcome of this idea.
The BJP’s much-publicised Parivartan Yatra in West Bengal will be flagged off on March 1 by the Union Home Minister Amit Shah from Raidighi in South Bengal, a stronghold of the ruling TMC. The two-day mobilisation –March 1—2 — will span nine of the BJP’s 10 organisational divisions in the state. The Kolkata Metropolitan division has been excluded, as it is tasked with organising the party’s concluding Brigade rally. The decision to have Shah launch the yatra from Raidighi is politically significant. The area falls within South 24 Parganas, a district that has stood firmly behind TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee since 2008 — even before she came to power in 2011. In the 2008 panchayat polls, the TMC wrested the South 24 Parganas Zilla Parishad from the Left Front. In the last Assembly elections, the party won 30 of the district’s 31 seats; only Bhangar went to the ISF. Raidighi is under the Mathurapur Lok Sabha constituency, while TMC national general secretary Abhishek Banerjee represents neighbouring Diamond Harbour in Parliament. Joining this yatra will be eight central leaders and nationally prominent BJP faces marking an unprecedented concentration of the party’s top leadership in West Bengal. The two-day event will be attended by Union ministers like Rajnath Singh, Shivraj Singh Chauhan, Jagat Prakash Nadda, Dharmendra Pradhan, Annapurna Devi including Maharashtra CM Devendra Fadnavis. Newly elected BJP national president Nitin Nabin will be present on both days. Five years after its high-profile “joining fairs” ahead of the 2021 polls, the BJP is avoiding mass inductions. Instead, it is banking on a concentrated show of organisational strength to signal its intent to breach what the ruling party calls its most impregnable fortress.
The Congress leadership is apparently worried about losing numbers in the biennial elections to 37 Rajya Sabha seats to be held on March 16. Its worry is that it may not be able to return as many of its MPs to the House from states like Maharashtra and Chhattisgarh. The party which currently has 27 Rajya Sabha is worried that any reduction in numbers could effectively cost it the office of the Leader of Opposition in the Upper House, a position currently held by Mallikarjun Kharge. Incidentally, his term is coming up for renewal in June. The anxiety to maintain LoP status has made the Congress push for an extra Rajya Sabha seat with its allies in TN or Maharashtra. In TN, of the four vacancies, the Congress is the DMK to share 2. DMK has offered one seat to DMDK leader Premalatha’s son/kin. It is apparently willing to offer one seat to the Congress. As for the second seat it is not clear at this stage. Rahul is keen to accommodate his close aide Meenakshi Natrajan — a resident of Madhya Pradesh — from TN now. He can’t wait for Digvijay Singh’s vacancy which will happen in June. The Congress is demanding a second from Stalin for Pawan Khera. Stalin, it seems, is keen to accommodate the former The Hindu editor N Ram. It is being said that the Congress is not worried about limitations of the DMK and is very keen about reaching its target of two RS seats. In fact, AICC Tamil Nadu in-charge Girish Chodankar told DMK MP Kanimozhi that his party wants more assembly seats than the previous election. TN Congressmen are wondering why is the party talking tough for RS seat? Is something else cooking?
The Election Commission announced biennial elections for 37 seats of the Rajya Sabha in 10 states. In West Bengal there will be a contest for five seats on March 16. The Bengal BJP unit is hopeful of increasing its tally to the Upper House to three from the present two. Currently, two Rajya Sabha members are: Ananta Maharaj and Samik Bhattacharya. Sources indicate that the Bengal BJP is keen to nominate a prominent woman leader. However, consensus remains elusive, with two factions backing rival candidates. The camp led by senior leader Dilip Ghosh, along with Bhattacharya, is understood to be supporting Locket Chatterjee, former MP from Hooghly. While Leader of the Opposition Suvendu Adhikari is rooting for Agnimitra Paul, the MLA from Asansol Dakshin. Party insiders say the choice will not only determine representation in the Upper House but also signal which faction holds greater sway within the State unit. Paul’s candidature, however, has drawn scrutiny. During recent outreach initiatives in parts of Raniganj’s Egara area and Damra, she reportedly faced “go back” slogans from sections of residents. Local grievances have centred on alleged gaps in development in Asansol Dakshin, including drinking water supply and drainage infrastructure. Questions have also been raised in some quarters over the utilisation of MLA funds. Both contenders have faced electoral setbacks. Paul suffered a heavy defeat to TMC’s Shatrughan Sinha in the Asansol Lok Sabha by-election, while Chatterjee lost the Hooghly seat to Rachana Banerjee in the 2024 Lok Sabha polls. With the March 16 election approaching, the final decision is expected from the party’s central leadership soon.
Thiruvarur, the diamond pendant in the golden Thanjavur Delta chain has spawned many famous historical and cultural legends that endure even today. The Thiruvarur Temple chariot of Thyagaraja Swamy, the presiding deity, is the biggest and most challenging chariot. If you are a Carnatic music connoisseur, the eternal legend and musical legacy of Saint Thyagaraja evokes awe and admiration. But devotion and Hinduism also raised another ideological icon, Kalaignar Karunanidhi whose Dravidian philosophy gained unstoppable currency through his party, the DMK. His grandson Udhayanidhi Stalin, Secretary -Youth Wing is now being prepped for Tamil Nadu Assembly Election. Naturally, the incumbent CM ‘son and heir in waiting is no push over, for any other aspirant …including film rock star Vijay, the Johnny-come-lately claimant. Udhayanidhi is busy choosing the right bailiwick not that he is set to lose in a DMK stronghold. The party’s wise ones suggested Thiruvarur as the most appropriate setting for the rising son. But sometimes karma, nemesis bung their own roadblocks. Legend has it that Lord Thyagaraja of Thiruvarur can never be challenged as the religious or temporal power. Kalaignar himself won twice but could not become CM. For our readers who want to learn more about our rich culture ….Sarafoji Raja 2 , impressed by St Thyagaraja’s musical genius and undiluted love for Lord Rama wooed the poor Saint …he sent minions bearing untold wealth to bring Thyagaraja to the King’s court as his Aasthana Vidwan. Refusing all the wealth, the Saint rendered one of his most loved and popular Kritis on the spot… “Nidhi Chaala Sukhama, Ramuni Sannidhi Seva Sukhama” (I will not sing praises of a mere man for all the wealth). The emissaries retreated …just like Udhayanidhi, to choose another constituency.
Ex-IPS officer, former Mumbai police commissioner, Prambir Singh’s name still spells controversy, and now, Singh stands accused of attempts to extort junior consulting doctors at Bandra based super-specialty hospital – Lilavati — by offering posts of senior consulting doctors for cash before it stood exposed. Subsequently, the hospital management issued show-cause notices to its CFO, VP (supply chain) among others who promptly resigned over an alleged Rs 100 crore scam, as per a written complaint filed before Bandra police station. Only two days back Singh’s latest collusion with the erstwhile top management came to light when audit, stock taking revealed that Rs 46 crore was paid for purchasing medicines over last year for hospital although the medicines remain as yet untraced, unaccounted for. Latest instance of Singh’s brazenness being cited relates to planting fake news-media articles claiming an illusory ‘interim relief” accorded by the Bombay High Court. Twin board room resolutions passed by trustees of Rs 800 crore Lilavati super-specialty Hospital Trust on February 16, 2026 against permanent trustee Rajesh Mehta sought to be challenged by HC by Mehta allegedly Singh’s accomplices in the scam. While the headline of a English daily blared “Bombay HC Grants Interim Relief to Rajesh Mehta in Lilavati Trust Row”, the court of Justice Milind N Jadhav had actually only issued notice to trust to respond to averments by Rajesh Mehta and posted matter for replies from the trust based on the field praecipe by Mehta and “For Directions” thereafter come February 25, 2026.
Bhiwandi near Mumbai is a communally sensitive town. It has been in the news after the recent civic election in Bhiwandi had dispensed a mixed mandate and political permutations and combinations were cooking for the past few days. Ultimately, the BJP has turned out to be the loser in the mayoral election, which it lost miserably. Interestingly, there is no communal angle to this contest but the loss is due to the power play between the BJP and the Shiv Sena (Shinde), the two main partners of the ruling Mahayuti in the state. As neither party was ready to relent, BJP’s Narayan Choudhary deserted it and teamed up with Bhiwandi Secular Front, which is opposing the saffron forces. The cause of this decision was that he was refused mayoral candidate by the BJP, which fielded Sneha Patil. An angry Chaudhary was supported by six BJP rebels, 30 Congress members and 12 of the NCP(SP). His tally of 48 against Patil’s 16 has shown the BJP in poor light since it failed to woo former mayor Vilas Patil, whose Konark Front won 25 votes, a dozen from the Shiv Sena led by deputy CM Eknath Shinde. Thus, failure to forge a strategic alliance has cost Mahayuti an important municipal corporation in Maharashtra. Moreover, the Congress is in a celebratory mood for humbling the BJP, which has threatened to take stern action against the rebels. Congress corporator Tariq Momin has been elected deputy mayor with a comfortable majority.
The Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)) Bengal unit, grappling with an existential crisis, has been rocked by fresh turbulence after senior state committee member and former Lok Sabha candidate Pratik Ur Rahaman launched a sharp attack on the leadership, alleging favouritism and lobbying at the behest of state secretary Mohammad Salim. Terming it a “triple talaq” given by the CPI(M), Rahaman — the party’s Diamond Harbour candidate in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections and a new-generation leader promoted by the Politburo — resigned and gave up his membership. He has declined an invitation from veteran leader and Left Front chairman Biman Bose to attend a meeting at the party’s Alimuddin Street headquarters after accusing a section of leaking internal communications. On speculation about a switch to the ruling All India Trinamool Congress, Rahaman remained circumspect. Insiders say Bose attempted to defuse tensions, but Rahaman has grown disillusioned, holding Salim responsible for sidelining younger leaders. A section has voiced concern that emerging student and youth leaders are being marginalised, with the state unit seen as divided between factions under Salim and senior State Central Committee member Sujan Chakraborty, who is eyeing Politburo membership and eventually the state secretary’s post. Rahaman has conveyed to close associates that repeated attempts to raise organisational issues went unheeded, hinting at “influential” leaders shielding aides. Though sections favour retaining him as a young minority face ahead of the 2026 Assembly polls, his absence from the two-day state committee meeting beginning Thursday has intensified speculation of an imminent break. A direct face-off has emerged between Rahaman and Shatarup Ghosh. Without naming him, Rahaman earlier targeted Ghosh, who acknowledged Rahaman’s competence but said he is “everyone’s favourite”. Political circles report Rahaman has met a Trinamool MP in Kolkata about possible induction into the party.
The present party strength is such in the Maharashtra legislative assembly that the combined opposition can elect just one candidate to go to the Rajya Sabha. While NCP leader Sharad Pawar at 85 is still likely to be in the ring, the Congress and the Shiv Sena led by Uddhav Thackeray have indicated that they are not too enthusiastic about the prospect. In the 288-member Maharashtra assembly, which is the electorate, the ruling BJP has 132 members. It is supported by the Shiv Sena led by deputy CM Eknath Shinde’s 57 and the NCP faction under deputy CM Sunetra Pawar’s 40. Thus, the ruling Mahyuti has about 220 MLAs on its side. On the other hand, the three major opposition parties have a joint strength of under 50. There are a handful of independents, too. Thus, the winning quota to enter the Rajya Sabha is of around 40 votes. Hence, it is barely sufficient for the Opposition to win one seat. The Shiv Sena (UBT) and the Congress are wary of standing by Sharad Pawar since they are afraid that he and his daughter Supriya Sule, MP, can switch over to the BJP or NDA at any moment. As of now, behind the door confabulations are gaining speed. Other notables who are retiring include RPI leader Ramdas Athawale, former Union minister Bhagwat Karad and Sena (UBT) Priyanka Chaturvedi. Their Rajya Sabha term ends on 2 April 2026.
The Bengal Pradesh Congress has decided to contest the forthcoming West Bengal Assembly elections independently, ending nearly a decade of electoral coordination with the Left. Since the 2016 state polls, Congress and the CPI(M) had worked in tandem in a bid to challenge chief minister Mamata Banerjee and her party – TMC. That partnership, however, failed to yield significant gains, culminating in a washout for both sides in 2021 when neither secured a single seat. Party leaders say the decision to go solo is aimed at rebuilding the organisation in a state where Congress has not governed on its own since the Left Front came to power in 1977 under the CPI (M). Strategists argue that fighting alone may help the party reclaim political space and prepare for the 2029 Lok Sabha elections. The move also reflects an effort to disrupt the entrenched TMC-versus-BJP narrative that has dominated Bengal politics since 2019. Questions persist over whether Congress possesses the organisational depth and resources to field candidates across all 294 constituencies. Its limited booth-level presence during the Election Commission’s voter roll revision exercise has raised concerns internally about campaign preparedness. In traditional strongholds such as Murshidabad and Malda, once associated with leaders like A B A Ghani Khan Choudhury and Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury, the party is attempting to regain lost ground. The recent return of former TMC MP Mausam Benazir Noor to Congress has provided a morale boost. Political observers suggest that as the CPI(M) works to assemble a broader front excluding both the TMC and the BJP. The Congress opting out of alliance with CPI(M) will lead to fragmented opposition that could ultimately benefit the ruling TMC.
Congressmen are enjoying the media attention their party polls have generated. It just seems everyone is competing for a brief spot in the sun. That is why a little after spokesperson Pawan Khera tweeted about how he had sought leave as “chairman of media and publicity department to campaign for the candidate” of his choice and found AICC general secretary media Jairam Ramesh had not granted him leave “citing compulsions of running” the department, party election authority Madhusudhan Mistry made it clear to all party functionaries that if they wished to campaign for either of the candidates — Shashi Tharoor or Mallikarjun Kharge — they will have to resign from their organisational post first. It must be mentioned at least three spokespersons — Syed Nasir Hussain, Deepinder Singh Hooda and Gourav Vallabh – were first to quit their posts to assist Kharge. Sending WhatsApp messages to all functionaries, Mistry made it clear “Utmost care will be taken to ensure that there is no mala-fide campaign against any candidate”. More than 9,000 Pradesh Congress Committee (PCC) delegates will vote in the poll to be held on October 17. Kharge has the support of many party leaders including Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi and is emerging as the front-runner. Tharoor, meanwhile, is focused on his campaign #ThinkTomorrowThinkTharoor.
In his first media interaction in Delhi, Mallikarjun Kharge asserted that there was no G-23 camp now in the Congress. The Congress presidential candidate who is tipped to win the party polls said all those leaders wanted to fight unitedly against the RSS-BJP and therefore had supported him. Several dissident leaders such as Bhupinder Hooda, Anand Sharma, Manish Tewari and Prithviraj Chavan of the group of 23, who had written to party chief Sonia Gandhi in 2020 seeking scale organisational reforms, have put their weight behind Kharge by becoming his proposers instead of backing Tharoor who was a prominent member of G-23. Party leaders agreed if Kharge got elected it immediately raised the prospect of AICC headquarters functioning full throttle. That is because in his own words he has the habit of “working full-time”. “If I sat in Parliament then I would get up only in the evening at the time of shutdown.” With the Gandhis at the helm, most party functionaries preferred to operate out of their own homes as the Gandhis rarely visited the party office. “Unlike Indiraji and Rajivji who always met party workers before beginning their official work, Soniaji and Rahul never had time for Congress workers, ” pointed out a Himachal leader. Aided by three spokespersons, Kharge will start touring states beginning with Karnataka followed by Chennai on October 7.
If there was one candidate that the Gandhis were really worried about — it was former Madhya Pradesh CM Digvijay Singh. His entry enthused party cadres in north India. Many partymen were hoping Singh would move in as party chief and energise the moribund organisation. It was in this backdrop that the Gandhis adopted a strategy to stop Singh from filing his papers. They endorsed 80-year old Mallikarjun Kharge, a Dalit leader from North Karnataka, as their candidate. After a late-night meeting, AICC general secretary KC Venugopal conveyed to Kharge that the party leadership wanted him to contest. Entry of Kharge was enough to persuade Singh to withdraw from the fray. It is significant that Sonia Gandhi did not opt for younger Dalit leaders such as Kumari Selja or Mukul Wasnik who are in their 60s. Besides, Sonia opted to endorse Kharge on the day Rahul Gandhi’s Bharat Jodo Yatra entered Karnataka. Immediately BJP spokesperson Amit Malviya tweeted that Kharge at 80 is an inspiring choice to be party chief…He should just pick Dr Manmohan Singh’s manual on “Living by the Remote Control” and it is all sorted”. Was Kharge chosen because the Karnataka assembly elections are scheduled early next year? Possibly. Kharge will resign as LoP in Rajya Sabha. Will Divijay Singh succeed him? Shashi Tharoor files his papers, vows to remain in fray but party hopes he may finally withdraw.
The issue of picking the next Rajasthan Chief Minister has turned into a full-blown crisis for Congress high command. With 85 MLAs of the Ashok Gehlot camp in a protest mode, meeting the Speaker and claiming they want to resign if Gehlot doesn’t continue as CM, it has now become imperative for the Congress leadership to establish its authority in Jaipur. The Gehlot loyalists became so defiant that they even dared to skip a CLP meeting to interact with AICC observers Mallikarjun Kharge and Rajasthan in-charge Ajay Maken. The AICC observers first wanted to meet with MLAs collectively, then later sought one-on-one meetings to assess their views. It just seemed Gehlot was working on a different sub-plot. His loyalists instead preferred to attend a meeting at the residence of Cabinet Minister Shantilal Dhariwal where they set out terms and conditions to the party command. In a video that has gone viral, Dhariwal could be heard saying Rajasthan could go Punjab way for the Congress. With Gehlot’s closet rebellion his prospects of becoming AICC President are now dim. Maken has already dubbed the proceedings at Dhariwal residence as an act of “indiscipline”. As for Sachin Pilot, architect of 2018 Congress victory, Srimadopur MLA Deependra Shekhawat says “Sachin’s appeal isn’t limited to the Gurjar community”. That’s why Gehlot ministers like Raghu Sharma and motor-mouth Pratap Kachariyavas are covertly supporting him.
Elections in the Congress could just be farcical since as many as 11 Pradesh Congress Committees in states including Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, Jharkhand, Maharashtra, Himachal, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Bihar, Haryana and J&K have passed resolutions backing Rahul Gandhi as party president. While these resolutions are being prompted by the AICC managers, party media-in-charge Jairam Ramesh gave an altogether different spin; he dismissed it as “measures that have no binding effect”. He insisted that any person could contest for the post. It is in this context that the possible entry of Rajasthan CM Ashok Gehlot that comes as a bit odd and curious. Gehlot said “If people in the party think I am needed in the role of party president or CM, then I won’t say no….I will again request Rahul Gandhi (to become Cong president). If he conducts Bharat Jodo Yatra as party president, then it will create an aura for the party,” he says. Party sources say the Gandhi family could be hugely betting on Gehlot as its trustee to head the Congress. The Gandhis want a non-Gandhi to steer the Congress as a stop gap atleast for six months. It is felt Rahul could make a comeback as Congress chief just before 2024 polls. Only Gehlot could be flexible to make such adjustments provided he gets to continue as CM.
If the Congress has three MLAs left in its fold in Goa, it is not because of any commitment towards the party. Apparently, pressure from priests of the local church had prevented Cuncolim MLA Yuri Alemo, Quepem MLA Altone D’Costa and Aldona MLA Carlose Alvares Ferreira from making the switch to the ruling BJP. Sources say that eight party legislators had crossed over to the ruling BJP largely due to the pressure from their constituencies. With the BJP returning to power for a third term in a row, a number of them felt compelled to meet demands of their voters. In July, when party managers like AICC in-charge Dinesh Gundu Rao got first whiff of plans of Digambar Kamat and Michael Lobo to engineer a split in the CLP, Lobo was removed as CLP leader/Leader of the Opposition. Subsequently, Rao got busy with Rahul Gandhi’s Bharat Jodo Yatra in Karnataka. Goa PCC chief Amit Patkar was found to be a rookie. The Congress termed defection of eight out of its 11 MLAs in Goa as the “height of betrayal and shamelessness.” Prior to the February elections Congress candidates had taken an oath not to defect. So “how can someone defy God?” asks Alemao. BJP Goa chief Sadanand Tanavade summed up extra support as “unconditional”. It also means securing both North and South Lok Sabha seats for 2024.
As Rahul Gandhi embarks on his ambitious 3,570 km Bharat Jodo Yatra by foot from Kanyakumari in Tamil Nadu on September 7, the Congress touted it as a campaign to connect the party with people. AICC media in charge Jairam Ramesh described it as “a mass mobilisation campaign”. Unveiling theme song of the yatra of “Ek tera kadam, ek mera kadam, mil jaye, jud jaye, apna watan” Jairam admitted that the Congress had never attempted such a yatra though there have been smaller yatras by Congress leaders. He referred to Digvijaya Singh’s 3,000 km Narmada yatra as a “spiritual yatra, not a political yatra”. Incidentally, it was Digivijay who was incharge of putting together the Bharat Jodo Yatra. Jairam pointed out that Rahul’s yatra was the first political yatra in Indian political history.”Chandra Shekharji did a Bharat Jodo Yatra in 1983, but it was an individual yatra, this is the first time a political party has launched such a massive Bharat Yatra on foot. There will be 118 people accompanying Rahul completing this entire length”. Though the yatra is to last for 150 days, Rahul will be available for campaign in poll-bound states. 27% of the 118 volunteers are women, age-wise those selected to walk the entire 3,570 km stretch across 12 states are mostly in their late 30s. Rahul and AICC spokesperson Pawan Khera are in their early 50s.
In a major setback to the Congress, party veteran Ghulam Nabi Azad quit as its primary member; he announced he would launch his own party in J&K. Short Post broke the story on August 18. In a 5-page letter to party president Sonia Gandhi, Azad made it clear that the situation in the Congress had reached a point of ‘no return’. In a parting shot, Azad bitterly criticised Rahul Gandhi as a “non-serious person “for conceding political space at the national level and at state levels to the BJP and regional parties. “Post 2019 elections after Rahul Gandhi stepped down in a huff and not before insulting all the senior party functionaries who have given their lives to the party. The remote-control model that destroyed the UPA got applied to Congress,” said Azad. “While you are just a nominal figurehead, all important decisions were being taken by Rahul Gandhi or rather worse his security guards and PAs,” he said. Congress leaders attacked Azad for writing a letter when Sonia was abroad with her son Rahul for a medical check-up and claimed it was aimed at demoralising party workers gearing up for September 7 Bharat Jodo Yatra. Top party leaders from Rajasthan CM Ashok Gehlot to AICC media-in-charge Jairam Ramesh to Tamil Nadu MP Jothimani trolled Azad. Gehlot said: ”For 42 years, Congress had given Azadji important responsibilities. No one expected such a letter from him “.
Bihar deputy chief minister Tejashwi Yadav’s meeting Congress president Sonia Gandhi in Delhi (Aug 12), three days after he took oath along with Nitish Kumar has come as a booster dose to the secular alliance. The Mahagatbandhan government will face a floor test on August 24. Bihar Congress leaders described Tejashwi’s visit as a courtesy call and said specifics of portfolios of Congress ministers would not be discussed. Congressmen are delighted with the Yadav scion’s visit, as 10 Janpath is back in the reckoning. After all it was Sonia who had played a crucial role in forming the Nitish-Tejashwi government. Reportedly, Nitish had reached out to Sonia when she was battling Covid in early June. While discussing her health, Nitish had shared with her how the BJP was trying to break his party. Sonia had asked him to contact Rahul Gandhi as well. Nitish had asked Tejashwi to get in touch with Rahul. Years ago, Rahul had taken out Tejashwi for lunch. But, Rahul will not be part of Sonia-Tejashwi meet. Even as all 19 Congress MLAs want to be ministers, a section of Bihar leaders are keen that the party does not join Nitish-Tejashwi and like the Left parties they should provide outside support. “Whenever we have shared power with RJD, Congress has lost. Whether in 2005 or in 2015, our tally has always gone down,” says AICC member Kishore Jha.
In what seemed like a show of unity, Karnataka Congress stalwart Siddaramaiah and PCC chief D K Shivkumar hugged each other as prodded by Rahul Gandhi at a humongous event held at Davangere to mark Siddaramaiah’s 75th birthday celebrations. The multi-crore bash was primarily aimed to display bonhomie between the popular and ambitious birthday boy who is Rahul Gandhi’s favourite to be CM and a patient Shivkumar who has been endlessly biding his time. Rahul Gandhi used the occasion to bury reports of intense competition between the two leaders as to who would be the CM if Congress wins the 2023 Assembly elections. It was feared the clash between the two leaders would spoil the Congress’s chances of getting the magic tally of 111 seats out of 224 seats. “Today, I am happy to see Siddaramaiah and D K Shivakumar hugging each other on the stage”, remarked a relieved Rahul Gandhi. “I and Shivakumar are together. There is no difference of opinion between us,” said a triumphant Siddaramaiah.” Of course, the state Congress leaders are not sure about the truce. They still feel a Channi-Siddhu style street fight could still be in the offing. Meanwhile, one person most missed at Davangere was AICC General Secretary in-charge Randeep Surjewala. He has gone abroad for a medical treatment. But, since elected as MP from Rajasthan, he has barely attended Rajya Sabha.
Maharashtra Congressmen simply cannot get over the fact that they had to elect AICC minority cell head Imran Pratapgarhi to the Rajya Sabha. It was a tough call to elect an outsider for the single seat that fell vacant in the state. But then it was a whip from Priyanka Gandhi Vadra. So all the 44 MLAs duly voted Pratapgarhi. Yet what is riling many party seniors is how Pratapgarhi, a well-known poet-qawwaali singer, had played hard to get during the 2019 assembly election campaign. State party managers recalled when asked to do some shows in Muslim-majority pockets in western Maharashtra, the snooty poet had quoted Rs 2 lakh per show. It was a price the state unit found too high to afford. Pratapgarhi had lost from Moradabad, Uttar Pradesh in the 2019 Lok Sabha polls. Today, Maharashtra has quietly sent him to Rajya Sabha, hoping he may not send a huge bill for the campaign again. In this context, old timers recall how when veteran Ghulam Nabi Azad was sent to the Rajya Sabha for one term in the 90s there was a howl of protest. That too after he had already been twice elected to Lok Sabha from Washim in Maharashtra.
There is much disquiet within the Congress over its list for Rajya Sabha elections next month. Rahul Gandhi and Priyanka Vadra have nixed senior Congress leaders including Ghulam Nabi Azad and Anand Sharma, the torch bearers of the G-23 grouping, in their quest for a Rajya Sabha berth from Rajasthan and Haryana. Sharma, confident that friend Bhupinder Hooda would get him elected to RS finds himself stranded, as Rahul has thrust AICC in charge of Rajasthan Ajay Maken, who partly handled Punjab upon Hooda. Chattisgarh CM Bhupesh Bhagel, who publicly pitched for Priyanka as a RS candidate was told to get Rajiv Shukla elected. Party sources say Baghel’s aversion to giving another term to retiring MP Chhaya Verma had prompted him to accept the Bihari candidate Ranjeet Ranjan. Of the 10 candidates, only P Chidambaram is contesting from home ground Tamil Nadu. Priyanka has imposed Imran Pratapgarhi, an AICC Minorities Cell chief, a young rabble-rouser from UP on Maharashtra Congressmen. Priyanka also sent another favourite from UP Pramod Tewari to Rajasthan. Rahul got fanboy Randeep Surjewala a RS berth from the same state. All this rush made Sanyam Lodha, an MLA in poll-bound Rajasthan to raise the son of soil bogey. AICC functionary Jitendra Baghel wants a break-up of candidates as the UP BJP list represents an array of castes.
When news of Thrissur MP TN Prathapan’s resignation as National Chairman of the All India Fishermen Congress came in, everyone felt an idea of NavSankalp Chintan Shivir — about fixed tenure of 5 years — had kicked in. But then senior Congress leaders were quite surprised. Was Prathapan jumping the gun? After all, Congress President Sonia Gandhi had announced a compact Task Force that would be set up to drive the process of internal reforms that “are essential and that has been discussed in different groups at Udaipur.” The task force was to cover all aspects of reforms with focus on the 2024 Lok Sabha polls including appointments to party posts. The composition of the Task Force was to be notified in the next ttwo-three days. Prathapan’s colleagues felt he was probably trying to grab some five minutes of fame. “Don’t take Prathapan seriously — this is just his antics. The task force will take a call on all aspects of what Soniaji has said,” said a senior Kerala leader. Incidentally it was AICC general secretary Mukul Wasnik who had proposed a 5-year tenure freeze for party posts. Wasnik feels everyone must get a chance at the top. “I have put in 24 years — held various positions; I have been a general secretary for 20 years. I held it even as a Union Minister in the UPA Government.”
From the way the three-day brainstorming session of Congress in Rajasthan’s Udaipur took off on May 13 it was quite clear the focus would be more futuristic than post mortem — what happened early this year. It was decided that there would be no chintan over how it lost four state assembly elections. The shivir had already been renamed as Nav Sankalp Chintan Shivir. That is how the Congress could emerge with a formula to fight its challenges in the next two years. A number of ideas were floated .There was a proposal to ensure that party leaders don’t give tickets to their kin or relatives without any work in the party, at least 5 years of prior work in the party will be required. Indicating the return of Rahul Gandhi back as AICC president, senior Congress leader Ajay Maken said “Any person who is holding the post continuously has to step down and a cooling period of three years in case that person comes back to the same post.” Rahul had quit as Congress president in 2019 accepting responsibility for the party’s rout. Udaipur shivir is being touted as a bid to crown Rahul again as Congress chief. Those close to Rahul are not sure if the Wayanad MP could be easily persuaded.
Looks like the Congress is emulating PM Narendra Modi’s idea of setting an upper age limit for party posts. However these copycat ideas on age-limit simply caught Congress leaders by surprise as they were brought into the public domain even without a discussion. Senior Congress leaders were gripped by a sense of uncertainty. Now it is easy to see why a senior MP such as Kapil Sibal, 73, decided to give the Udaipur event a miss as he surely must not be depending on the Congress to find him a Rajya Sabha seat. Sibal is an MP from Uttar Pradesh where the Congress has just two MLAs. Party sources also said the guest lists to the chintan shivir seemed to have been drawn up very whimsically. “Most of the leaders from election-going states such as Himachal or Gujarat were missing. They have not called MLAs. It is as if the Congress does not want to have MLAs,” said the Telangana leader. “I would be shocked if I were invited. I know Congress leadership only wants to hear nice things. They want to put Rahul Gandhi back in the saddle. So they ensured discordant voices are kept away,” says a Himachal MLA. Yet in midst of all this pick and choose, Karnataka strongman D K Shivkumar managed to take a contingent of 50 people to Udaipur. Total number of delegates allowed: 430.
AICC General Secretary Priyanka Gandhi Vadra kept her word giving 40% tickets to women in Uttar Pradesh as she released her party’s first list of 125 candidates for the state that featured 50 women candidates. There are going to be 120 women candidates out of a total 403 seats. Prominent among Priyanka’s picks were Asha Singh, mother of the Unnao rape victim, who battled for justice for her minor daughter. The other candidates include Poonam Pandey, an Asha worker who was allegedly roughed up by the police while trying to meet UP Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath in Shahjahanpur in November last year, and Congress leader Sadaf Jafar, who was incarcerated over the anti-CAA stir in the state. The list also has Ramraj Gond, who had spearheaded the Gond tribals’ legal battle over land in Umbha village in Sonbhadra. Significantly, Priyanka took a lot of pride in her candidates that she aired a short video clip on her activist candidates. Priyanka feels by setting a gender agenda, she has made other political parties follow suit. Has she? The BJP dismisses such challenges. After all, in the Lok Sabha, out of 81 MPs, 42 belong to BJP.” It is not enough that more women are fielded; it is important that the party helps them get elected,” says BJP spokesperson Anila Singh.
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