Mamachya Govyala Jauya, directed by Viju Mane and starring Santosh Juvekar, Kushal Badrike, Abhijit Chavan and Ankush Chaudhari, has delivered a modest box-office performance in Maharashtra. Early estimates place its India lifetime collection around Rs 1 crore, with an opening weekend of roughly Rs 72 lakh. In a year when titles like Raja Shivaji and Deool Band 2 have shown Marathi cinema’s commercial potential, these numbers feel underwhelming. More striking than the collections were the promotional tactics. The campaign repeatedly highlighted how Marathi films struggle for multiplex screens and cannot compete with a global franchise like Spider-Man: Brand New Day. There were also claims that Hollywood profits largely leave India, ignoring the substantial benefits that Indian exhibitors and theatre chains gain from such big releases. Adding emotional weight, it was publicised that director Viju Mane had mortgaged his wife’s, sister’s and mother’s gold ornaments to finance the film. While personal sacrifice may evoke sympathy, using it as a primary marketing tool risks coming across as victimhood rather than confidence. Comparing a mid-budget Marathi comedy to a multi-decade international franchise is neither fair nor strategic. Audiences and exhibitors respond to content that delivers, not to complaints about unequal treatment. Emotional rants about lack of shows or family jewellery do not fill seats. Quality does. Marathi cinema has repeatedly proved this with films like Ghabadkund and the Deool Band franchise, which succeeded through strong storytelling and craft. The industry does not need more orthodoxy or self-pity. It needs filmmakers who prioritise making better films. When the product is strong enough, screens and audiences follow.

RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat’s remarks in Mumbai on August 6 at an interaction with Gen Z is bound to make the top BJP leadership take note. The Sangh appears to be taking the lead over the Modi government in starting a dialogue with the youth, before PM Modi does. Bhagwat stated that Gen Z protests over issues like exam paper leaks are a legitimate form of dialogue. He has asserted that youth grievances are genuine and should not be labelled anti-national. Observers view his remarks as a nudge toward constructive engagement and systemic reform rather than confrontation.  He emphasised that the era of blind obedience is over, and today’s youth demand logic, discussion, and reasoning. Coming amid youth-led agitations and public debates, his comments are widely interpreted as advocating an empathetic, communicative approach rather than an adversarial response. Were the RSS Chief’s remarks a wake-up call for the BJP? The statement places the RSS directly inside the debate over how India’s political establishment engages with a generation often dismissed as unserious or confined to social media. The message is clear: disagreement is not disloyalty, and young people taking to the streets cannot automatically be portrayed as enemies of the nation. Bhagwat has pushed back against attempts by many government and BJP leaders to brand protesting youngsters as anti-national. He said Gen Z is more honest than earlier generations and has the right to question those in power. The “wake-up call” narrative is built on several key interventions by Bhagwat over the past few years.. Amid intense student protests over NEET paper leaks—which forced the resignation of Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan—Bhagwat asserted that “if Gen Z is protesting, they are not anti-nationals” and that the government must address grievances using logic and dialogue rather than dismissal. This directly contrasted with aggressive rhetoric from several BJP leaders.

Well it is not only PM Modi and the BJP who have been troubled by the youth agitations. Even LoP Rahul Gandhi too, following which he reached out to students, on August 6, protesting in Jharkhand over alleged irregularities in government recruitment examinations. He assured them that their concerns would be raised with the JMM-Congress state government and expressed support for their demands. The conversation comes amid the continuing agitation by JPSC-JSSC aspirants in Ranchi demanding the cancellation of the disputed exam, a fair investigation into the irregularities and comprehensive reforms in the recruitment process. Rahul and Opposition leaders did not expect the Ranchi protests to become such a huge embarrassment like the Jantar Mantar protests did to PM Modi. At Ranchi’s Jaipal Singh Munda Stadium, student leader Devendra Nath Mahto has been on an indefinite hunger strike and has drawn the same attention as activist Sonam Wangchuk’s in Jantar Mantar. On August 5, following a video call with Wangchuk, Mahto agreed to at least take water while continuing his fast. The demands of protesters were to cancel the disputed 14th Combined Civil Services Preliminary Examination, order a CBI probe and restore public faith in Jharkhand’s recruitment system. It started on July 2, when the JPSC announced the examination results, naming 2,204 successful candidates for recruitment to 103 civil service posts. More damagingly, the JPSC failed to publish category-wise cut-off marks, a basic requirement of transparency. On July 21, the Jharkhand CID arrested eight persons of TSR Data Processing Pvt Ltd (TDPL) which was entrusted with the examination process. Days later, JPSC chairman L Khiangte resigned. Nine competitive examinations, including the Civil Services Mains, have been postponed indefinitely. What began as a protest against one disputed examination has evolved into a movement demanding structural reform of Jharkhand’s recruitment machinery. CJP...

Who got the Meta top officials, including CEO Mark Zuckerberg, to tender an apology to the government of India? Was it IT Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw’s deft approach or BJP MP Nishikant Dubey’s aggressive posture as head of the Parliamentary Committee, who issued a three-day ultimatum to apologise for the brief removal of PM Modi’s July 23 video, and take action against those responsible for it? Or did Meta think it risked losing business in India if the government got very tough? Not only did Zuckerberg apologise for the temporary removal of Modi’s Facebook post, but his top executives also admitted to significant “content moderation” failures, including issues with child sexual abuse material, deepfakes, and the paid boosting of certain content. Meta’s global affairs head, Joel Kaplan, flew in from the U.S. for meetings with Vaishnaw. The IT Minister apparently grilled Meta global policy officials during the August 5 meeting. Vaishnaw knew Meta India’s gross advertising revenue reached Rs 29,392 crore ($3.5 bn) in fiscal year 2025. Meta needs India. Meta is one of the world’s most powerful companies, but its CEO had to accept its mistakes and tender an apology. This reflects the might of Indian laws. During the recent Jantar Mantar students’ protest, thousands of deepfake videos were circulated, rumours were spread through AI-generated content, inciting posts were sent from handles based in Pakistan, objectionable messages through Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp became viral. Meta did not take corrective action. Those who support Dubey think that it was he who forced the IT Minister to act tough. Dubey warned in a letter that protection and immunity available to Meta could be withdrawn if no apology was forthcoming. That is, the protection it receives under the ‘safe harbour clause’ would be withdrawn. Had the protection been withdrawn, the way to file a FIR against Meta officials could have been cleared.

Social media algorithms have rewritten the rules of visibility in Indian public life. They do not reward traditional hierarchy, institutional experience or even consistent ideology. They reward engagement, outrage, novelty, humour, emotion and shareability. The result is a new class of algorithm-born stars who appear everywhere, regardless of a user’s political leanings. Prashant Kishor exemplifies the phenomenon. Once a behind-the-scenes strategist, he is now omnipresent after his Bankipur by-election victory. Short, sharp clips of his speeches, critiques of the status quo and youth-focused messaging travel relentlessly across feeds. Platforms amplify what keeps users scrolling; Kishor’s content delivers high retention, so the algorithm pushes it into timelines of both supporters and sceptics. Neha Bora and the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) show how the same system can manufacture stars almost from nowhere. Founded by Abhijeet Dipke as satirical pushback against a judicial remark, CJP weaponized memes, AI-generated imagery and youth frustration over unemployment and exam scandals. Within days it amassed millions of followers. Neha Bora, an AISA activist linked to the movement’s hunger strikes and protests, became a recurring face after a viral dance video and protest footage. Algorithms detected the emotional charge and recirculated her content widely, making her unavoidable even for those who never sought her out. The same logic works in reverse. Established BJP-linked celebrities such as Ravi Kishan and Kangana Ranaut, once algorithm favourites, now face meme-driven decline when their content underperforms or invites ridicule. Platforms care little for loyalty; they care about what sustains attention. In the U.S., the 2016 Trump campaign thrived because X’s engagement-driven feed rewarded provocative posts, turning him into a constant presence. Similarly, TikTok’s For You page has elevated obscure creators into political voices, just as Instagram Reels did for CJP....

After facing intense heat from the student community, Opposition parties, and the media, Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan was left with little choice but to step down following the NEET paper leak controversy, despite retaining the support of PM Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah. His resignation was the core demand of the student-led Cockroach Janta Party to end their 36-day agitation at Jantar Mantar. Following his exit, rumour mills went into overdrive. Would he be assigned a new ministry, or roped in as an election strategist for the upcoming Punjab and Uttar Pradesh polls? Against this backdrop, his recent visits to his home state of Odisha—where he received a rousing welcome from local BJP leaders—are raising eyebrows. Was it a routine visit, or is he planning to base himself back in the state? Immediate speculation suggests an organizational shake-up in Odisha, where Pradhan could be handed a larger regional mandate focused on bolstering the BJP’s grassroots presence. With state elections less than three years away, political analysts believe Pradhan could well emerge as the BJP’s Chief Ministerial candidate for Odisha.

Bhumi Pednekar’s recent statements on the Cockroach Janta Party protests reveal a deliberate pattern of dual engagement rather than ideological flip-flops. In mid-July, she backed student protesters after the ‘Sansad Chalo’ march, condemning police force, highlighting education system failures like paper leaks, and calling for dialogue while noting she did not agree with everything said at the protests. Soon after, she posted a video criticising the abusive slogans against Prime Minister Narendra Modi, calling such language un-Indian and stressing respect for the highest office and cultural values. The video drew sharp backlash for perceived selective outrage. She followed up by defending a young female protester facing rape and death threats, linking it to broader women’s harassment and her own experiences of online bullying. Pednekar was never a hardcore “Modi Bhakt.” Early in her career she supported aligned government initiatives such as the plastic ban and Swachh Bharat messaging, and donated to PM-CARES. Simultaneously, she condemned police violence during the 2019 anti-CAA/Jamia protests and defended peaceful dissent. Her consistent public focus remains gender equality, climate action, and education. She has also indicated openness to politics, saying national service is “in her blood.” No imminent film release drives the timing. Her major upcoming project, the historical epic The Pride of Bharat: Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, is targeted for 2027. The statements appear aimed at sustaining a broad, responsible-celebrity brand: progressive on social issues, respectful of institutions, and positioned for constructive change rather than confrontation. This keeps her relevant across audiences without locking into one political camp

The arrest of former Tamil Nadu deputy CM Udhayanidhi Stalin by the Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) government under chief minister C. Joseph Vijay marks the latest chapter in TN’s long tradition of political vendetta. Booked for alleged sexually suggestive remarks linking Vijay and actor Trisha during a Cauvery protest, Udhayanidhi was detained from his Chennai residence, taken to Thanjavur for questioning, and released on station bail after Madras High Court intervention. The episode reveals how even a fresh political force quickly absorbs the state’s established grammar of power. This pattern is not new. The bitter rivalry between M Karunanidhi and J Jayalalithaa institutionalised revenge as governance. The 1989 Assembly clash, in which Jayalalithaa’s saree was pulled, poisoned relations for decades. After the DMK returned to power in 1996, Karunanidhi’s government filed multiple corruption cases against Jayalalithaa, leading to her arrest and the creation of special courts. In 2001, after AIADMK’s victory, Jayalalithaa repaid the debt with theatrical force: a midnight arrest of the 77-year-old Karunanidhi in a flyover scam case, complete with physical resistance, media cameras, and the detention of Union ministers who tried to intervene. Subsequent regimes followed the same script: raids, selective prosecutions and public humiliation of rivals whenever power changed hands. Vijay’s TVK, which ended nearly six decades of DMK-AIADMK dominance in the 2026 elections, was expected by many to break this cycle. Instead, it has deployed the identical toolkit. In TN, control of the police and prosecution remains the quickest way to assert dominance and settle old scores. Vijay’s early resort to this method shows that star power and outsider status offer no immunity. The train of revenge politics continues, simply with a new driver at the helm.

Though DMK president M K Stalin has lashed out at the TVK government after his son and Leader of the Opposition, Udhayanidhi Stalin, was detained by the police over his allegedly misogynistic remarks, which were seen as targeting a Tamil film actor Trisha, reports from Chennai say Stalin was quite upset with the DMK cadres for taking an anti-woman stance. He reportedly had a strong word for party cadres that had taken part in Udhayanidhi’s Thanjavur meeting. He felt an anti-woman perception about the DMK could put off women voters in the state. Stalin is one DMK leader who is always known to be moderate in his language. It is being said he did not expect the DMK cadres to get involved in his son personal brawl with CM Vijay. Before the Parliament Session, Stalin had even advised DMK MPs also not to directly confront PM Modi. Oddly, Lok Sabha MP Kanimozhi took a position in Udhayanidhi’s support. She dubbed his arrest by the TVK Govt as “blatant cowardice” done with the purpose of preventing him from attending the Legislative Assembly, whose Budget Session begins on August 5.  At the same time, Stalin said the TVK government, lacks the resolve to safeguard Tamil Nadu’s rights in the Cauvery water issue and showed no regard for Udhayanidhi’s position as LoP when it arrested him and took him to Thanjavur. He alleged that the government was attempting to intimidate Udhayanidhi by registering cases against him under multiple sections. He questioned the government’s actions, asking, “If the objective was merely to conduct an inquiry, why couldn’t it have been done in Chennai? Why was he taken to Thanjavur?

A day after cabinet expansion on August 3 when he inducted 19 ministers, Karnataka chief minister D K Shivakumar was heard talking tough as sulking MLAs who were left out of the gravy train threatened to quit the Congress party. He declared that he would have no hesitation in accepting their resignations. Interacting with the media, he said those who wish to continue in politics should remain with the party as “if there is a party, everything else follows.” What is the basis for DKS’s confidence in adopting a tough stand? Party sources insist that it is not just that Gandhis have decided to back DKS for now. It is also because the entire cabinet reshuffle exercise was fine tuned in Delhi with inputs of who should be included were filtered by two party functionaries or apparatchiks close to the Gandhis. It may seem odd but the buzz is that two people who helped DKS finalise the cabinet list are: Sunil Kanogulu and Sasikanth Senthil Kumar, a former Karnataka cadre IAS, who is now a Lok Sabha MP from Tamil Nadu. An election strategist, Kanogulu was appointed as advisor by CM Siddaramaiah. This courtesy was extended to him for bringing the Congress to power by strategising its campaign in 2022. Of course, it may be one thing to reward a poll strategist with a plum post but to let him call the shots in cabinet making! Many Congress leaders feel that perhaps the party bosses were perhaps going over the top. Or it is quite possible that Kanogulu may have only been a front; he was being used by a well-oiled machinery to make money for cabinet posts for a section within the party. Or else why would the Cabinet expansion have come exactly two months after DKS took oath as the CM?