Once Bollywood’s most reliable Khiladi, Akshay Kumar now finds himself in a worrying slump. The new release of Bhooth Bangla, his much-hyped horror-comedy reunion with Priyadarshan after 16 years, has opened to underwhelming numbers. Paid previews fetched Rs 3.5 crore, while Friday’s Day 1 collection stood at Rs 12.25 crore, taking the India net to Rs 15.75 crore so far. Worldwide gross has reached Rs 23.9 crore but these figures fall well below expectations for a big-budget genre film. Mixed-to-negative reviews and weak word-of-mouth have already signalled trouble ahead, with analysts projecting a lifetime India net of just Rs 75 crore at best. This latest disappointment is not the first. Between 2022 and early 2024, Akshay delivered a string of flops: Bachchhan Paandey, Samrat Prithviraj, Raksha Bandhan, Ram Setu, Selfiee, Mission Raniganj, Bade Miyan Chote Miyan, Sarfira, and Khel Khel Mein. A brief 2025 revival with Sky Force and Housefull 5 offered hope, but Bhooth Bangla now threatens to reset the narrative of decline. Industry watchers point to deeper issues. Audiences are increasingly rejecting Akshay’s familiar mannerisms; the same over-the-top energy, predictable comic timing, and larger-than-life hero template that once worked. Overexposure remains a major complaint; the actor’s habit of releasing multiple films a year has led to fatigue. More critically, the storylines and narrations feel non-inventive and recycled, lacking the fresh writing that defined his golden run with Hera Pheri or Bhool Bhulaiyaa. Akshay has acknowledged past criticism and even spoken about audience calls for “kuch alag karo.” Unless he breaks the cycle with genuinely original scripts and reduced output, the once-bankable superstar risks watching his box-office dominance fade further. Bhooth Bangla may still surprise with a miracle hold, but the early signs suggest another chapter in a challenging new phase for the Khiladi.

Opposition leaders who voted out the Constitution (131st) Amendment Bill providing for 33% reservation of seats for women in the Lok Sabha by 230 votes are somewhat perplexed by the government move to have allowed the bill to flounder on the floor of the House. Opposition benches felt the government had made no effort to reach out to them to secure passage of the Bill. “It was quite clear as if the government just wanted to make only a political point about the defeat of the Bill on women’s reservation…They made no effort to reach out to us, the Opposition,” pointed out a senior Kerala leader. Political analysts feel the government was simply not interested in passage of the Bills, was content with 298 votes and was fishing for a strong political message ahead of Tamil Nadu and West Bengal elections. Now the defeat of the women’s quota bill has provided the perfect handle for the BJP to carry a political message to woo women voters in these two states. There may be thousands of ambitious women panchayat members in these states who may have hoped to move up the ladder with gender quota coming up. However, that possibility has been crushed at least for now by both M K Stalin and Mamata Banerjee.  Of course, incumbent Tamil Nadu chief minister Stalin sees defeat of the Centre’s women’s quota bill as DMK’s triumph over the Centre. In his reply in Lok Sabha debate, the Union Home Minister Amit Shah said “Some may think that if they do not vote for this, the Women’s Reservation Bill will fall. But the women of this country are watching who is creating obstacles in their path. When you go to the ground, you will realise it.”

The initiative of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to introduce reservation for women in the Lok Sabha and state assemblies has had its genesis in Maharashtra. The introduction of Women’s Reservation in local self-government bodies in Maharashtra by then chief minister Sharad Pawar in the early 1994 was a landmark moment in India’s democratic evolution. It not only transformed grassroots governance in the state but also became a foundational model that influenced the present national-level legislation. It will be pertinent to recall how Pawar conceptualized and implemented the policy and understand how it has become a matter of pride. It was Maharashtra that set the ball rolling by being the first state to have successfully adopted a comprehensive women’s policy in 1994. Pawar as defence minister of India (1991-1993) instituted 11% reservation for women in the Army, Navy and Air Force. After returning as chief minister of Maharashtra, he transformed the Women’s Reservation Bill into a reality in the most progressive state in India. Decades later, the Modi government’s Women’s Reservation Bill at the national level can be seen as a continuation of this trajectory. While separated by scale and time, both initiatives share a common vision: to correct historical gender imbalance in political representation. Maharashtra has a strong legacy of social reform. It was in Mumbai and Pune that first schools for girls were started well before 1850. Widow remarriage was another revolution. The first medical lady doctor was Anandibai Joshi. Such an ideological background influenced later social and political leaders.

Former chief minister Uddhav Thackeray has once again kept the Opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi on the tenterhooks by not sending out any clear signal about his re-entry in the state legislative council. After his present term in the upper house expires, he will have to face a possible election to be held on 14 May to elect nine MLCs from the legislative assembly constituency. Given the existing statistics, the ruling Mahayuti can elect eight of its nominees easily while the MVA can be confident to bag just one seat. However, there are three claimants: the Congress, the NCP (Sharad Pawar) and the Shiv Sena (UBT), led by Uddhav. The Congress is sore with both partners because they unilaterally supported the candidature of deputy CM Sunetra Pawar for the Baramati assembly byelection, caused by the demise of her husband Ajit Pawar in a plane crash earlier this year.  The Congress was thus compelled to follow suit against its wishes. Now that an opportunity to send one of its leaders to the council is available, it finds itself in a tight corner as the possibility of Uddhav wishing to enter the fray is hovering over its head. There is speculation that Uddhav may nominate some other Sena leader. However, his detractors point out that he had declared his resignation as CM and in the same breath said he would give up council membership as well. However, he did not and hence no decision can be taken till he comes out with a clear, unambiguous stand, they say.

With just a week to go before the first phase of the two-phase West Bengal Assembly elections, the Trinamool Congress has rolled out an aggressive, data-driven campaign under its 250-Seat Strategy, aiming to expand beyond the 215 seats it won in 2021. Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has set a target of 226 seats, while party insiders say Abhishek Banerjee is pushing for around 250 seats in the 294-member Assembly. The strategy is based on granular analysis of past election data, focusing on 30–35 constituencies across 29 Lok Sabha seats won in 2024 and over 100 Assembly segments where 2021 margins were within 15,000 votes. At least 34 seats had margins below 5,000 votes, with BJP winning 21 and TMC 13. The narrowest margin was 273 votes in Balarampur, while Cooch Behar Dakshin saw just over 4,300. Similar trends appeared in 2024, including Balurghat at 9,673 votes and TMC wins in Arambagh and Bishnupur by 6,308 and 6,172. The Special Intensive Revision (SIR) has intensified focus, with 44 constituencies seeing deletions exceeding past margins. Seats with 5,000-10,000 margins numbered 33 with TMC winning 24 and BJP nine. The campaign emphasises booth-level management, with war rooms in all 294 constituencies staffed by about 20 Trinamool members. Over one lakh shadow agents monitor electoral rolls, while leaders hold three to four rallies daily and micro meetings of 250–300 people weekly per booth. The approach reflects a shift from charisma-driven campaigns to structured mobilisation, daily voter engagement, and continuous monitoring of outreach, grievances and constituency-level electoral dynamics across the state overall.

The BJP has intensified its Bengal campaign in the run-up to the April 23 polling, unveiling what party insiders describe as an “all-out strategy” to flood the ground with messaging, mobilisation and leadership presence. Almost 500 rallies, roadshows and meetings will be held across 152 constituencies voting in the first phase, with at least one event in each seat addressed by a senior leader to push last-mile outreach. Union minister and election observer Bhupender Yadav said a Bengal leader will also address at least one rally in every constituency, reinforcing coordination between central and state units. The campaign is led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union home minister Amit Shah, who together anchor the high-decibel push. Modi is addressing around 11 rallies for this phase, while Shah is addressing about 30. Chief ministers from BJP-ruled states, including Himanta Biswa Sarma and Yogi Adityanath, have been deployed to target regions such as border belts and tribal areas. Alongside physical outreach, the party has launched a structured media offensive from April 15, aligning with the Bengali New Year, with daily press conferences focused on manifesto themes and governance critiques of the Trinamool Congress government. The messaging marks a calibrated shift, avoiding direct personal attacks on Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee after backlash in 2021, and instead focusing on governance, economic distress and agrarian concerns. A central campaign issue is the potato crisis, highlighting price crashes, export restrictions and inadequate storage. This year, supply disruptions in Kolkata and price spikes halted inter-state sales. Combined with bumper output, this has hurt farmers even as consumers face volatility. The BJP argues this reflects administrative failure, promising market access and fair prices, while deploying over 700 external personnel to manage campaigns despite factional challenges.

The Indian Premier League (IPL) has once again proved how the domestic talent looks upon the tournament to show their mettle and take centre stage, hitting 4s and 6s. The likes of Rajasthan Royals’ Vaibhav Sooryavanshi have proved to be nightmares for the bowlers right from the first six over power play. Delhi’s Sameer Rizvi is another case, winning two matches in the ongoing Tata-IPL Season 19. The Punjab Kings’ Priyansh Arya and Prabhsimran Singh have also made an impact against the new ball. Lucknow Super Giants Mukul Chaudhary and the Kolkata Knight Riders Angkrish Raghuvanshi have also come into the limelight. It’s not just the heavy-duty batters alone; last week two pacers made their debut, winning a match for the struggling Sunrisers Hyderabad. Praful Hinge and Sakib Hussain took four wickets each and made the big splash. The league is just 23 matches old and a long way to go, but the above mentioned have already riveted attention on them. Two other bowlers who have made some news are Chennai Super Kings’ Anshul Kamboj and LSG’s Prince Yadav. With a lot more matches to be played the league could throw up a handful more. So much has happened when Jasprit Bumrah is still trying to get his first wicket! Clearly with India winning the Twenty20 World Cup back-to-back some batters and bowlers think that exposure during the IPL is at its peak and hence the best time to deliver the goods. With three tours scheduled in the coming months — to Zimbabwe, Ireland and England — the young and new brigade are keen and eager to be part of the big basket. While new players are doing their bit, someone like fast bowler Mayank Yadav is yet to start!

Nitish Kumar stepped down as Bihar CM within a couple of months after being elected for the 10th term as the state’s longest-serving leader — he has been CM since 2000. His exit surprised a number of his close associates. The JD(U) won 85 seats in the November 2025 elections which was a vast improvement from its 2020 tally of 43 seats. It was only marginally behind the BJP’s tally of 89 seats. Yet, for some reason the BJP had made it clear right from the start that it would lead the government even though the election was won in the name of Nitish as CM. It has also been a surprise that there was no serious resistance from top JD(U)leaders to the idea of Nitish being eased out. Which means it was not just the idea of Delhi cabal – Lalan Singh and Sanjay Jha—who were implementing wishes of the BJP game plan drawn up by Union Home Minister Amit Shah, everyone in the JD(U) too had fallen in line. Maybe the buzz about Nitish ‘s indifferent health may have persuaded the JD(U) cadre to accept the move. Nitish has of course resisted pushing his son Nishant into politics — though the son has joined the party. It is being said that the elevation of deputy CM Samrat Choudhary, an OBC (Khushwaha) as the Bihar CM, is being viewed as a perfect transition and successor to Nitish. Samrat essentially comes from the RJD or the Janata parivar mould; he does not belong to the RSS. As for Nitish, it is being said he may not rush for any role at the Centre and is likely to continue as Rajya Sabha MP. As such party leader Harivansh has been appointed as President’s nominee to Rajya Sabha. He is expected to continue as Deputy Chairman of the House.

Looks like the Vedanta Group chairman Anil Agarwal is oscillating between hope and despair. Reason: his group’s acquisition of 1,549 acres of Sijimali bauxite mines on a 50-year lease in Odisha’s Koraput district is facing trouble. The operations have been halted due to alleged tribal rights violations. In early April this year violent clashes broke out between local tribal and police over the construction of a 3 km approach road to the mines which was being constructed by Vedanta. The tribal multiple gram sabhas say their consent signatures submitted supporting the Vedanta mining project were forged; the gram sabhas have also rejected Vedanta’s claim of mines. Opposition leaders and civil society groups have expressed strong disapproval of the situation accusing the state government of coercion and using force against the tribal communities. Political observers define this new development as a litmus test — whether a small marginalised tribe located in remote Sijimalli hills can stand up to Vedanta’s might with an army of lobbyists, PR firms and ears of Mohan Charan Majhi’s government in Odisha. Majhi has a little playroom here. He has to not only attract investments into the state but provide an enabling environment to ensure investment stays within the state and not move out as happened in the case of LN Mittal who moved to neighbouring Andhra Pradesh. Plus, Odisha too has a role to play, if India has to become $ 30 trillion economy by 2047.

It seems Congress leader Rahul Gandhi has been very reluctant to canvas in Tamil Nadu which goes to polls on April 23. Party sources admit that Rahul has been so upset with the few seats – 28 — given by the DMK that he has not been responding to phone calls from the DMK. The DMK leadership has been keen to have Rahul Gandhi participate in a joint rally of leaders of   Secular Progressive Alliance in Salem on April 15. DMK picked Salem to showcase secular alliance as PM Modi has visited the place three times and three more visits are in the pipeline. Unfortunately for the DMK, Rahul refuses to take any call from Arivalayam. Keen to solve the imbroglio, DMK bosses have put party MP and actor Kamal Hasan to work on Rahul to attend the   Salem rally.  So far the only high profile leader who has shared a public forum with DMK Chief M K Stalin is Karnataka deputy chief minister D K Shivakumar who was in Chennai to release the party manifesto. Both Stalin and DKS had a joint campaign on April 11 in Chengalpattu.  It is not just Rahul Gandhi who has not officially endorsed the DMK-Congress alliance. Even his close aide Praveen Chakravarty has been found speaking out against the tie-up and how the Congress deserved more than two dozen seats it had been given. It is being said a section of TN Congress leaders apparently favoured a tie-up with actor Vijay’s TVK. Party sources said Rahul has been so miffed with the DMK that even in Puducherry when both he and Stalin were there in the Union Territory   around the same time, they did not deem it fit to either meet up or hold a joint rally. It remains to be seen if Kamal Hasan succeeds in breaking the ice.