The West Bengal government’s action is once again under scrutiny after political cartoonist Manjul received a takedown notice from Cyber Crime wing of the state police.  News website, The Wire, reported that the notice targeted two 2019 cartoons featuring chief minister Mamata Banerjee; one depicting defections from TMC to BJP, and the other on chit-fund scams under her regime. The state police cited alleged legal violations behind the notice. Earlier in March, FIRs were filed against CPI(M)’s Mohammad Salim and BJP IT cell head Amit Malviya for sharing a video showing a woman being flogged by a TMC leader in North Dinajpur’s Chopra. The post led to public outrage, prompting police to seek content removal. These instances reflect a long-standing pattern. In 2012, Jadavpur University professor Ambikesh Mahapatra was arrested for forwarding a cartoon featuring Banerjee; his case dragged on for a decade. Farmer Shiladitya Chowdhury was branded a “Maoist” by Banerjee after questioning fertiliser prices, then detained and legally pursued. In 2019, Sanmoy Banerjee, ex-Congress spokesperson, was arrested for criticising the chief minister’s nephew. In June 2022, YouTuber Roddur Roy was arrested from Goa for allegedly abusing Banerjee and her nephew. In 2023, advocate and former Congress spokesperson Kaustav Bagchi was also detained for allegedly derogatory remarks about Banerjee. Both later joined the BJP. Notably, during protests over the rape and murder of a junior doctor at Kolkata’s RG Kar Medical College in August 2023, artists criticised the state’s response. In retaliation, the TMC initiated a cultural boycott led by Kunal Ghosh, backed by MP Kalyan Banerjee and Education Minister Bratya Basu.

In recent times, the release of politically nuanced films ahead of elections has become a pattern too deliberate to ignore. Movies like Uri or The Kashmir Files, The Accidental Prime Minister or Mein Atal Hoon’s releases were timed so as to stir public sentiment during elections time. Now, with West Bengal’s assembly elections scheduled next year, acclaimed Bengali filmmaker Arindam Sil is on overdrive to get his film Karpoor, released this December. A politically charged mystery thriller it could test the boundaries between art and electoral influence. Karpoor is based on Dipanwita Roy’s novel Antardhaner Nepathye, which draws from the real-life disappearance of Manisha Mukhopadhyay, a former Assistant Controller at the University of Calcutta. Her vanishing in 1997, amid an alleged education scam, rocked Bengal’s academic and political landscape and triggered accusations against the then-ruling CPI(M) regime. Nearly three decades later, Sil revisits the unsolved case, threading it through dual timelines — 1997 and 2019 — with veteran actress Rituparna Sengupta leading the cast. The film is already generating buzz, not just for its sensitive storyline but also for its notable ensemble, which includes several political figures stepping into acting roles. Trinamool Congress spokesperson Kunal Ghosh makes his screen debut in a role reportedly inspired by the late CPI(M) heavyweight Anil Biswas. Minister and theatre stalwart Bratya Basu portrays the lead investigator, while TMC councillor Ananya Bandopadhyay takes on the role of a powerful media editor. Despite the presence of figures aligned with West Bengal’s ruling party, Sil has firmly denied any deliberate political messaging. The film’s content and timing could reignite and provoke fresh political discourse in the state.

In the wake of the Murshidabad killings and the terror attack in Pahalgam, Bengal’s political battleground has heated up, with both BJP and CPI(M) scrambling to secure the Hindu vote bank. While CPI(M) leaders like State Secretary Mohammed Salim and youth leader Minakshi Mukherjee visited Murshidabad post-violence, BJP’s Suvendu Adhikari downplayed the incident, claiming victims were targeted for being Hindu, and dismissed the CPI(M)’s recent Brigade rally, stating Hindus have distanced themselves from the party. This intensified BJP attack is part of a broader strategy to erode the Hindu support base that still aligns with the Left in certain pockets. BJP leaders believe converting this segment could significantly alter Bengal’s electoral dynamics. Despite failing to win any seats in recent elections, the Left’s 11% vote share — largely perceived to include Hindus — remains a target for the BJP, especially as the Trinamool-BJP vote gap stood at 7% in the last Lok Sabha polls. Senior CPI(M) leaders assert Adhikari’s focus reflects his intent to pull Hindu voters from the Left into the BJP fold. Salim countered, stating Suvendu’s attacks show BJP’s internal frustration, citing leaders like Dilip Ghosh distancing themselves from the party. Districts like Murshidabad, Nadia, Malda, Uttar Dinajpur, and Hooghly — once Left strongholds — have witnessed increasing communal tensions, providing a backdrop for BJP’s polarisation strategy. BJP finds Hindu voters aligned with the Left more reachable than TMC supporters, who are seen as bound by secular ideology or economic factors. However, a section of Bengal BJP leaders feel that after peaking in 2019, setbacks in 2021 and 2024, indicate that Hindu consolidation alone may not ensure success without strong momentum or triggering events.

The West Bengal CPI(M) is poised for a significant generational shift as several senior leaders are expected to retire from the central committee due to age restrictions. Key figures like Politburo member Surjya Kanta Mishra, along with Rabin Deb and Rekha Goswami, are expected to step down. The positions of Anju Kar (Burdwan) and Amiya Patra (Bankura) are also under discussion. These vacancies have sparked debates about potential replacements reflecting internal power dynamics. Minakshi Mukherjee, a prominent youth leader, is a leading contender for elevation. Some are advocating for women leaders like Kaninika Ghosh or Jahanara Khan, citing Kerala’s precedent of including women’s organization leaders in the central committee. Anju Kar has reportedly expressed a desire to make way for younger leaders. If she retires, either Kaninika or Jahanara could be included. However, if Minakshi replaces Rekha Goswami, Jahanara’s chances might diminish due to both being from West Burdwan, favouring Kaninika. For Amiya Patra’s potential vacancy, Kolkata district secretary Kallol Majumdar and tea garden workers’ leader Ziaul Alam are being considered. Additionally, North 24 Parganas district secretary Palash Das and Hooghly district secretary Debabrata Ghosh are in contention. Palash Das benefited from party intervention in his district appointment, while Debabrata Ghosh gained recognition for successfully organizing the state conference in Hooghly. The most critical decision involves the Politburo. With Surjya Kanta Mishra’s retirement, Srideep Bhattacharya is the frontrunner. However, Abhas Raychaudhuri’s recent prominence has led to discussions about his potential elevation. A minor faction also supports Sujan Chakraborty. The final decision will be made at the CPI (M) 24th Party Congress in Madurai, Tamil Nadu scheduled from April 2–6.

Trinamool Congress General Secretary and MP Abhishek Banerjee’s recently launched healthcare initiative, Sebaashray, seems to have raised a lot of questions about the existing healthcare landscape in West Bengal. By introducing a programme that delivers free medical services at the grassroots level, Banerjee has not only demonstrated a proactive approach to addressing healthcare gaps but has also sparked debates on the adequacy and accessibility of state-run facilities. In a message via social media Abhishek said, “Administration cannot be run with words alone; it requires action. Actions that can transform lives.” The party’s second-in-command highlighted the impact of Sebaashray by sharing statistics on its beneficiaries. Launched on January 2, 2025, in his parliamentary constituency, the initiative has already served 341,000 people, drawing significant attention and popularity, with many traveling from distant areas to access its services. The programme’s success has also prompted scrutiny, particularly regarding the necessity of a separate initiative alongside the state government’s existing free medical services. Responding to such concerns, Abhishek clarified that the initiative is not intended to replace or compete with the state’s healthcare framework but to complement it. While acknowledging the state’s progress over the past 10-15 years in establishing primary health centres and super-speciality hospitals, he explained that his initiative focuses on delivering advanced treatment directly to villages through a cluster-based model. Abhishek said that similar programmes would be replicated across West Bengal over a period of time. The initiative, however, has not escaped criticism. CPI (M) leader Sujan Chakraborty argued that Sebaashray signals the inadequacy of the state government’s healthcare delivery at the local level.

Given the current strained relationship between India and Bangladesh, this move by CPI (M) has shocked everybody.  The Kolkata-headquartered party has invited Rezwana Choudhury Bannya, the noted Rabindra Sangeet artist from Bangladesh, as a special guest to inaugurate the “Jyoti Basu Social Studies and Research Center” on January 17, the death anniversary of former chief minister of West Bengal Jyoti Basu. CPI (M) state secretary Mohammed Salim explained the significance of inviting Rezwana, emphasizing the shared heritage between West Bengal and Bangladesh rooted in the ideals of the Liberation War. He also expressed concerns over recent attempts at religious polarization, stating that the event seeks to reinforce harmony and solidarity between the two Bengals. Rezwana, who has a long-standing connection with West Bengal as a former student of Visva-Bharati and a disciple of late legendary Rabindra Sangeet singer Kanika Bandopadhyay, is expected to perform during the programme.  As expected, the decision has drawn sharp criticism from the BJP. In the past too, Rezwana’s participation had sparked controversy; her planned performance at a municipal event in North 24 Parganas was cancelled following public protests against inviting a “Bangladeshi artist.” Despite the backlash, CPI (M) remains steadfast, viewing the invitation as a political statement. Within the CPI (M), the decision has sparked mixed reactions. While some members praise it as a stand against cultural narrow-mindedness, others question the party’s broader strategy regarding Bangladesh. Critics within the party argue that CPM’s perceived ambivalence toward addressing issues like the persecution of minorities in Bangladesh could further alienate Hindu voters.

Once a political powerhouse, CPI(M) is grappling with organizational crisis in Kolkata, as highlighted in the report presented at its district conference. The party now faces a stark disparity in its presence across South and North Kolkata, with the party nearly vanishing in several areas, particularly the slums. While select areas show some signs of organizational activity through fund collection, magazine sales, and event turnouts, the situation in the northern parts of the city is dire. The report describes South and North Kolkata as “two extremes” in terms of party strength. Neighborhoods with significant minority populations, such as Rajabazar, Kidderpore, and the port areas, have witnessed a sharp decline in CPM’s influence. In South Kolkata’s refugee colonies, the growing presence of the BJP further erodes the party’s traditional support base. However, the most concerning trend for the party’s district leadership is its diminished presence in slums across areas like Beleghata, Maniktala, Chetla, Ballygunge, and Park Circus. On the contrary, Trinamool Congress leaders and MLAs, such as Paresh Pal in Beleghata and Firhad Hakim in Chetla, have secured critical voter base in the slums. Efforts to revive the party’s presence through initiatives like the Slum Federation have yielded little success. A reluctance among the younger generation to engage in grassroots-level work has compounded the crisis. The party also faces significant challenges in attracting women and individuals under the age of 31. The report highlights systemic failures in promoting women within the organization contrasting sharply with the ruling Trinamool’s success. The findings underscore the deep-rooted issues facing the CPI (M) in Kolkata, from internal structural challenges to the changing political landscape dominated by the TMC and BJP.

In a significant political development, the CPI(M) and CPI(ML) have formed an alliance ahead of the by-elections in six Assembly seats. The CPI(ML), known for its radical leftist stance and Naxalite roots, will contest the Naihati seat, which was left by CPI(M). This coalition marks a shift as CPI(M) has struggled in recent elections, seeing a steep decline in votes since 2011. In previous elections, CPI(M) had allied with Congress and ISF but has now partnered with CPI(ML) as Congress is contesting all six seats despite Biman Bose and former MP and Pradesh Congress chief Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury’s plea to continue with the alliance. The Left Front, which includes other leftist parties like Forward Bloc and RSP, was consulted on this move, and Left Front Chairman Biman Bose approved it. Debajyoti Majumdar of CPI(ML) has been fielded for the Naihati seat, with support from CPI(M) leaders. This alliance signals an attempt to revive leftist politics in Bengal, which has been in decline since the Left’s ouster from power in 2011. The CPI(M)’s previous alliances with Congress for the 2016, 2021 Assembly, and 2024 Lok Sabha elections did not yield significant results. The CPI(M) has been advocating for greater left unity for years, but its ties with CPI(ML) have been strained due to differences, particularly over CPI(ML)’s softer stance on the Trinamool Congress, which it prioritized over the BJP as the “big enemy.” CPI(M) leader Sujan Chakraborty emphasized the importance of assessing political realities in today’s context, stating that the revival of the Left is crucial to take forward the civil society-led movements.

The sudden demise of CPI(M) National General Secretary Sitaram Yechury has left the Left party grappling to find a suitable replacement. In a recent politburo meeting Prakash Karat was appointed as the ‘coordinator’ instead of naming him as ‘Acting’ General Secretary, indicating the party’s hesitance to rush into appointing a successor. Sources say, the CPI(M) is considering West Bengal State Secretary Mohammad Salim as Yechury’s replacement. Salim is reportedly being given time to consider the role ahead of the party congress in April 2025. Salim, who took over as the state secretary in 2022, has been instrumental in revitalizing the party in Bengal despite its diminishing grassroots presence. He played a key role in forming an alliance with the Congress in Bengal. Yechury’s demise has created a leadership vacuum, but Salim’s experience makes him a strong contender for the national post. A two-time Rajya Sabha MP, two-time Lok Sabha MP, and former state minister, Salim’s parliamentary experience is invaluable. Additionally, his fluency in Bengali, English, Hindi, and Urdu positions him well for the national role. With CPI(M) adopting a new age policy of 75 years, Salim, now 67, could potentially serve three consecutive terms, making him an ideal candidate to steer the party through its current crisis. If Salim ultimately accepts the offer, Bengal is likely to choose Sridip Bhattacharya, who is also the choice of present patriarch of Bengal CPI(M), Biman Bose to head the Bengal unit.

CPI(M) is poised for a significant transition in its leadership during the 24th Party Congress, set to take place in Madurai, Tamil Nadu, April 2025. This transition is likely to drop several senior leaders from the Politburo in accordance with the party’s age rule. As per the party’s new legislation, no leader above 75 years of age can remain in the Central Committee, from which Politburo members are elected. Possibly seven veteran leaders — Prakash Karat, Vrinda Karat, Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan, Tamil Nadu leader G Ramakrishnan, former Tripura Chief Minister Manik Sarkar, West Bengal’s Suryakant Mishra, and Suhasini Ali may be removed from the Politburo.  The decision to implement the age restriction marks a pivotal moment for the party, which has long been deliberating a generational shift in its leadership ranks. However, West Bengal state secretary and Politburo member Mohammed Salim confirmed that this move was planned over a decade ago and this time, it will be implemented. However, there remains the possibility of exemptions, where the party may grant special permission for some leaders to continue despite surpassing the age limit. The names of replacements are already doing the rounds. For instance, in place of Brinda Karat and Suhasini Ali, names that are going rounds include CITU All India President K Hemalata and Mahila Samiti All India General Secretary Maryam Dhawale as potential female replacements in the Politburo.

In a significant move, Congress has appointed Subhankar Sarkar as the West Bengal State President, replacing veteran leader Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury. The decision marks a critical tactical shift in Congress’ approach to Bengal politics, signalling a recalibration of its relationship with both the ruling Trinamool Congress and CPI(M). Sarkar is known for his softer stance toward TMC supremo and chief minister Mamata Banerjee in contrast to Adhir Ranjan who was a vocal critic of Didi. The appointment comes amid speculation that Congress is keen on easing tensions with the TMC. The timing of Sarkar’s appointment is significant, particularly for the CPI(M). The party is still reeling from the recent death of its National Secretary, Sitaram Yechury, who played a key role in navigating the delicate relationship between Congress and the Left in Bengal. Yechury had close ties with Congress leader Rahul Gandhi, and his absence leaves a void in the CPI(M)’s ability to engage directly with the Congress high command. A senior CPI(M) leader has remarked that it is a double blow for the party as they lost Yechury, who was instrumental in maintaining dialogue with Congress. Now, with Adhir replaced, it’s clear that the Congress is moving towards a more TMC-friendly stance. Despite the growing concerns within CPI(M) ranks, the party leadership at Alimuddin Street has remained largely silent on the issue. Many believe that the leadership is still assessing the long-term implications of Congress’ strategic shift. 

 The Communist Party of India (Marxist) in Bengal is grappling with a significant leadership void following the sudden demise of Sitaram Yechury, the party’s General Secretary since 2015. Known for his pivotal role in steering the CPI(M) through turbulent political waters, Yechury’s death has left a profound impact, particularly on the Bengal State Committee, with which he had close ties. His demise has now triggered discussions within the party regarding his successor, with sources close to Alimuddin Street indicating that the Bengal faction is seeking someone aligned with its interests. Among the names being floated for the interim general secretary position are Brinda Karat and Prakash Karat. However, sources close to the party’s leadership in Bengal suggest that Brinda Karat has the edge, primarily due to her past association with Bengal. She was nominated to the Rajya Sabha by CPI(M) Bengal secretary Anil Biswas, further solidifying her connection with the state’s leadership. As there are also whispers about Maryam Alexander Baby, a former Kerala minister, as a possible successor to Yechury, in the upcoming Central committee meeting, the state unit is likely to push hard for a leader with pro-Bengal sentiments to take up the national leadership role owing to Yechury’s Bengal connections. Mohammad Salim, the current Bengal State Secretary, is another figure whose name has been suggested for a possible elevation to the national level. If Salim were to step up, the Bengal unit would need to find a new state secretary..

Amid a series of electoral failures, including a hat-trick of zero wins in major elections, the CPI(M) in Bengal is facing growing internal pressure to reconsider its approach and hire an external political strategist. Alimuddin Street, party’s headquarters, has received feedback that the organization’s current state is “disgraceful” and it must consider “alternatives.” Most political parties – BJP, Cong, TMC, AAP and DMK — have from time to time roped in political strategists/consultants. For instance, the Trinamool Congress’s 2021 victory was largely credited to IPAC, led by Prashant Kishor. Likewise Congress party has benefited from strategic insights provided by Sunil Kanugolu. CPI(M) State Secretary Mohammad Salim stated that though the party cannot afford to hire a professional agency, professionalism must be increased. The party had hoped that its alliance with Congress for the Lok Sabha polls would increase its vote share. Leaders had predicted a three-way contest between Trinamool, BJP, and the Left-Congress combine. However, the reality was a two-way fight between Trinamool and BJP, leaving CPI(M) without a seat, and Congress lost key constituencies like Baharampur, where five-time MP Adhir Chowdhury was defeated by TMC’s Yusuf Pathan. Party insiders have highlighted organizational failures, including an inability to deploy agents in polling stations. Again, in the RG Kar incident relating to rape-murder of doctor, where the CPI(M) youth wing DYFI, led protests in Kolkata, the party failed to mobilize at the district levels. Also, it has alienated women voters in the state by terming the Lakshmi Bhandar scheme as “alms”.

CPI(M), once a dominant force in West Bengal, is finding it increasingly difficult to connect with the masses in the current political landscape. After the party’s significant loss in the 2011 state elections, the presence of veteran leader Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee at rallies and public gatherings continued to provide a semblance of continuity. However, as Bhattacharjee’s health began to fail, the CPI(M) had to adapt modern ways to send out his messages. During the recent Lok Sabha election 2024 campaigns, the party relied on his video statements and even experimented with AI-based videos to keep his message alive. It may be recalled that Bhattacharjee’s controversial land acquisition policies in Singur (Hooghly district) and Nandigram (Purba Medinipur district) remain a significant blot on his legacy. These events, which led to widespread protests and violent clashes, symbolized the disconnect between his vision for industrial development and the concerns of the rural populace. Ironically, the same party that once criticized Bhattacharjee for his “perform or perish” attitude and his opposition to the bandh culture promoted by the Left’s trade union wing, CITU, has repeatedly turned to him in times of crisis. His televised video and audio addresses to the masses, particularly his call for a judicious decision to defeat the “undemocratic” Trinamool Congress and the “communal” BJP in the 2021 assembly elections, were seen as efforts to resurrect the party’s dwindling influence. As the CPI(M) navigates a rapidly changing political environment, the challenge of connecting with the masses without the charismatic presence of Bhattacharjee looms large after his death on August 8.

In a bid to revitalize its political strategy following recent electoral setbacks, the Bengal CPI(M), has broadened its outreach to include public opinion outside traditional party lines. The Left party recently made a public appeal to share their perspectives via email, an initiative that quickly garnered significant attention. Although the specific contents of these messages remain confidential, sources within the district CPI(M) have revealed that the feedback highlights several critical issues such as concerns about organizational weaknesses, structural problems, leadership fragmentation, and inefficiencies in booth-level operations. Additionally, there is growing discontent regarding disconnect between the youthful representation at the state level and its effectiveness in grassroots activities. This outreach initiative underscores the party’s commitment to introspection and its efforts to address internal challenges by engaging directly with the public. Despite reserved positions for an age group of under-31 members in Area Committees aimed at youth inclusion, numerous committees across the state have struggled to fill vacancies even after three years, prompting widespread lower-level discontent. A CPI(M) member expressed concern that while the party organizes social media campaigns at the state-level, there is a disconnect at the booth level. A senior CPI(M) district leader questioned why state-level leaders are not more active at the grassroots, lacking awareness of local constituents, despite booth-level workers engaging with senior leaders on social platforms. Furthermore, allegations have surfaced alleging ‘understanding’ between local leadership and the Trinamool in various areas, reaching the attention of Alimuddin Street, the headquarters of the Left. Senior state leaders have acknowledged in internal discussions that they lack awareness of the true organizational dynamics at the booth level.

Post the poll debacle, West Bengal CPI-M is wary of its position in the Politburo. It is learnt that at the first Politburo meeting that was held on June 9, to analyse the poll performance of the CPI-M, there was no mention of the Bengal unit in the statement released after the meeting. Incidentally, top leaders from Bengal have expressed serious concerns over this stating that they are somewhat shocked at this and cannot recollect anything similar like this has happened in the past. Interestingly, CPI-M politburo mentioned in the meeting that while BJP has failed to match its tallies of 2014 and 2019, INDIA bloc has performed quite well to stop the BJP. It further stated that although Left parties have managed to improve their tally with eight MPs (CPI-M – 4, CPI -2, CPI-ML-2), it is disappointed with the performance of the Kerala unit. What has surprised the Bengal leaders is that there has been no mention of Bengal’s performance or an analysis of allying with the Congress in the state. Politburo member Nilotpal Basu said that the politburo knew Bengal’s situation was much more unfavorable than in Kerala. The Politburo congratulated Bengal for fighting against these difficult conditions. However, in Bengal speculations are rife that absence of mention of Bengal in the Politburo statement is a sign of loss of importance.” The Politburo has three members from Bengal — Mohammed Salim, Ramachandra Dom and Suryakanta Mishra. As Mishra’s term comes to an end owing to his age, the state CPM leaders fear that the ‘quota’ of Bengal in the Politburo may be reduced with no one replacing Mishra. Bengal CPI-M committee will hold its poll review meeting on June 19-20.

The high-voltage Lok Sabha Election 2024 is witnessing several eye-catching claims, dialogues and then taking a complete u-turn from those. None other than Prime Minister Narendra Modi who has been making statement after statement saying that he has never used “muslim polarisation” as his crux of any poll speech. Now joining him is Trinamool Congress supremo and West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee back tracking from her statement of “outside support” to the I.N.D.I.A government if voted to power within 24 hours. Didi has made it clear that her statement has been misinterpreted since she’s the one who created the Bloc, hence there is no room for outside or inside support since she’s part of it. However, her statement explains that Mamata wants the attention of the Bloc, maybe an invitation to lead it, after giving it the cold shoulder for months. Congress choosing Left over her in Bengal left Didi miffed which led her to distancing from the Bloc. Further, she was also angry that Rahul Gandhi’s Nyay Yatra passed through Bengal without informing her.  However, Didi’s comments can be influenced by the state’s 2026 assembly election, with Congress and CPI-M becoming formidable opponents. She must prepare to tackle the anti-incumbency campaign and stop BJP’s 77 MLAs, and potential Left revival, which could increase their vote shares. Having said so, not to be forgotten that Mamata like many veteran politicians has an eye on the PM’s chair.

 Once known for its archaic outlook, CPI-M is going all out using an AI-generated video of ailing former Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharya to usage of AI-generated news anchor and whistleblowing Bollywood dialogues to revive the Left Front’s fortunes in West Bengal in this Lok Sabha Election. But, can it counter Trinamool Congress and BJP’s political binary in the state? CPI-M recently created buzz with a teaser post “aei bhabe-o phire asha jay” (this way can also be returned) before releasing Bhattacharjee’s message urging voters to vote for the Left and secular forces. The video shows the former CM addressing a spectrum of concerns spanning from Sandeshkhali to unemployment and accusations of corruption in West Bengal, criticising the ruling TMC. The video also scrutinised the BJP-led Centre on demonetization, electoral bonds, and inflation by saying “Who is Narendra Modi? Who is Mamata Banerjee? Don’t give them a chance to ruin our country, our state.” Incidentally, questions have been raised about missing star campaigners. Countering it, Srijan Bhattacharya from Jadavpur Lok Sabha constituency has garnered significant attention with his inverse statement of the famous SRK dialogue from Jawan — Bete ko haath lagane se pehle baap se baat kar to Baap ko haat lagane se pehle bete se baat karna parega. It may be noted that CPI-M since 2019 Lok Sabha and 2021 State Assembly polls has failed to open any accounts. Though candidates such Bhattacharya, Saira Shah Halim from Kolkata South and Dipsita Dhar from Serampore are trying to revive the Left Front’s fortunes in Bengal. But, it certainly seems like an uphill task.

The Calcutta High Court judgement of nullifying the appointments of 25,000 teachers in the Teachers’ Recruitment Scam seems to have impacted the fortunes of the political parties particularly the ruling Trinamool Congress in West Bengal. It has dealt a severe blow to the credibility of TMC supremo and chief minister Mamata Banerjee-led government.  Not only has it tarnished the image of the Trinamool government but raised questions about its commitment to transparency and meritocracy. The party is now grappling with the fallout from the scam. The cancellation of such a large number of teaching jobs has not only sparked outrage among the affected candidates but has also fueled discontent among voters in Bengal. Prime Minister Narendra Modi during his rallies in Bengal on May 3, reassured the youth of Bengal that those responsible for their distress would face severe consequences. He encouraged the BJP Bengal to set up both a legal cell and a social media platform to support the victims of the scam. Incidentally, several people blamed the CPI-M’s Rajya Sabha MP and senior leader Bikash Ranjan Bhattacharya as well as BJP for the verdict as their main aim was to gain power and not think about common people. The verdict’s implications extend beyond the immediate loss of jobs for thousands of aspiring teachers; it has become a focal point in the broader political contest for power and legitimacy.

In the run up to the Lok Sabha Election, Trinamool Congress supremo and West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s absence from the major meeting of I.N.D.I.A. bloc is seen as her desperate attempt to continue consolidating her grip over the minority section that hold a chunk of her vote bank. The “Muslim math” continues to remain one of the significant vote shares eyed not only by ruling TMC but also Congress and CPI-M who are jointly opposing both TMC and BJP in Bengal. Sources within TMC admitted that with decline of political hold of Congress and CPI-M, Didi is now attempting to seize the bulk of minority vote share. Experts believe that one of the main reasons is that Mamata and her nephew Abhishek, are avoiding the large national gatherings of the I.N.D.I.A. bloc is because of their focus on the Muslim vote bank. Out of 42 Lok Sabha seats, 14 to 15 seats have more than 30% Muslim population. Both CPI-M and TMC have a history of securing sizable Muslim votes. So too Congress which has always dominated Muslims belt like Murshidabad, Malda, and parts of Birbhum districts. Didi seems to be looking at the combination of an absolute consolidation of Muslim votes and an extra 10-12% of “anti-BJP” votes to win majority seats. Hence, for Didi, publicly shaking hands with the Congress may run the risk of confusing her supporters and hurting her party’s chances of winning.

It is a big question mark but that does not preclude West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee making it categorical that her party will be playing a significant role if I.N.D.I.A front is voted to power. In her recent poll campaigns, Didi dismissed the claims of NDA winning 400 plus Lok Sabha seats by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah. She stated that the claims seemed to be a reflection of nervousness of both leaders. Expressing her assessment of the political landscape, Banerjee emphasized her belief in the resilience of Opposition parties against the ruling BJP. According to her calculations, Bengal goes to TMC, AAP will be the majority in Punjab, Samajwadi Party will garner maximum seats in Uttar Pradesh and DMK will clinch Tamil Nadu. Denying the claims of exiting the I.N.D.I.A front, Didi made it categorical that she’s the one who coined the alliance name. However, TMC supremo criticised the CPI-M and Congress alliance in the state in opposing TMC Is indirectly helping the BJP. Banerjee claimed that the alliance between the two opposition parties is splitting the anti-BJP vote, thereby benefiting the saffron camp. It is for this reason she did not attend several I.N.D.I.A. meetings but maintained relationships by sending her representatives. In her campaign speech, Didi has been driving home the point that if I.N.D.I.A front forms the government then they will do away/relook into NRC, Citizenship Amendment Act and Uniform Civil Code. The Alliance will repeal all discriminatory laws implemented by the BJP.

Bengal CPI-M found itself on a sticky ground after the allies of Left Front– Forward Bloc, CPI and RSP gave an ultimatum to announce the candidate list in 42 Lok Sabha seats. Chairman of Left Front Biman Bose announced the first list of candidates for 16 seats — three seats for the allied parties respectively and 13 for CPI-M on March 14, after being given a deadline of 24 hours by the allies a couple of days ago. The situation turned extremely volatile when Left Front allies questioned CPI-M’s alliance talks with Congress. Left Front sources confirmed that even during the internal discussion of announcing the names, these three smaller parties declined CPI-M’s offer of exchanging seats so that they could leave room for Congress and ISF. Interestingly, sources claimed that CPI was offered to exchange its usual Basirhat seat with some other seat in South Bengal. However, a senior CPI leader said this is a heritage seat since the party’s stalwarts like Indrajit Gupta, Ajoy Chakraborty used to contest from these seats. Similarly, Forward Bloc has made it categorical that it will continue to contest from its usual seats of Cooch Behar, Purulia and Barasat. Meanwhile, Congress has informed CPI-M that it will contest the Purulia seat. Meanwhile, CPI-M’s State Secretary Mohammad Salim accepted that it’s the responsibility of his party to take the Left Front and Left Unity forward and keep it intact.

Congress and CPI(M) seems to have once again struck a chord with each other after West Bengal Chief Minister and Trinamool Congress supremo Mamata Banerjee made it categorical that her party will contest the Lok Sabha elections in all constituencies in the state. Interestingly, Congress scion and Wayanad MP Rahul Gandhi who was in Bengal with his Bharat Jodo Nyaya Yatra found support from CPI(M) at a time when Didi expressed her displeasure that she remained uninformed about Gandhi’s programme in her state. Senior CPI(M) leaders including state secretary Mohammad Salim, state committee member Sujan Chakraborty met Rahul during his tour in Murshidabad. Significantly, the Left leaders not only joined Rahul but also held a closed-door meeting, where Salim has been categorical in stating that they are in support of Rahul’s programme. Congress sources confirmed that Pradesh Congress chief Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury has been behind this meeting since Adhir is known to be a close-aide of Rahul. Following this meeting, the Congress has once again shown its trust in Adhir by appointing him as chairman of the party’s Pradesh Election Committee.  The 24-member committee includes ex-MP Pradip Bhattacharya, CWC member Deepa Dasmunsi, DP Roy and others. Further, Bengal Congress chief has not lost a Lok Sabha election since 1999 and will be able to negotiate seat-sharing talks with CPI(M) since the TMC has blamed him for the seat-sharing debacle in the state.

The CPI(M) which has been out of power for over a decade in West Bengal and reduced to zero seats in both the Lok Sabha and the Assembly, is contemplating contesting the 2024 Lok Sabha election only in constituencies where it feels confident of doing well. In other words, it will contest only from a few constituencies. According to CPI(M) sources, the Left party is keen on contesting from Murshidabad, Maldah North, Krishnanagar, and Raiganj. There were also talks that if the tripartite alliance with Congress and ISF works out it would give up seats like Diamond Harbour, Uluberia, and Sreerampore to ISF and the Basirhat seat to sole ISF MLA Naushad Siddiqui, if its partner CPI agrees. Interestingly, CPI(M) is optimistic about the Krishnanagar seat owing to its vote percentage in the 2021 State Assembly election and 2022 panchayat poll. The party’s vote percentage was more than 30% in several areas including Nakashipara, Palashipara, Tehatta and Krishnanagar, won by TMC’s Mahua Moitra in 2019. It may be noted that CPI(M)’s last representation in Lok Sabha was in 2014 where two seats of Raiganj and Murshidabad were won by Mohammad Salim and Badruddoza Khan respectively. But, in 2019, Congress refused to let go of these two seats thus helping TMC to gain Murshidabad seat and Raiganj to BJP.  However, Congress blamed CPI(M) for announcing the candidate list unilaterally which led to the calling of the alliance. However, the CPM state secretariat is still not sure what will be the final understanding with the Congress.

The CPI(M) in West Bengal has largely voted in favour of an alliance with the Congress but with a rider. The heavyweights at Bengal headquarters in Alimuddin Street have made it categorical that the Congress will have to make its position clear on alliance for 2024 general election since the Congress high command seems to be in favour of alliance with Trinamool Congress. According to sources, CPI(M) state secretary Mohammad Salim has explained to the party’s rank and file that it will keep fighting BJP and Trinamool in the state. Significantly, Salim has also made it categorical that if Congress manages an alliance with the Trinamool and at the same time look for holding hands with CPI(M), the Left will come out of such a tripartite alliance. The state secretary of CPI(M) has made it clear that there will be no ‘reconciliation’ with the Trinamool. According to political analysts, CPI(M) decision of going alone in Bengal is mainly because of the results of panchayat elections and last year’s civic polls which shows that the combined vote share of the Left, the Congress and the Indian Secular Front – which stood at a meagre 10% in the 2021 assembly election – has crossed the 20% mark in the panchayat election. Interestingly, CPI(M)’s share of vote percentage has gone up from 6% to 14% in comparison to 2018’s panchayat elections.

Walking the same path of the CPI(M) and Trinamool Congress (TMC), Bengal BJP, has created a new cell, ‘Cultural Promotion’ within the Election Management Committee to promote its ideologies and visions. It may be noted that CPI(M)’s Indian People’s Theatre Association (IPTA), the cultural wing, has always been used in election campaigns. Ditto TMC. Incidentally, BJP’s Cultural Promotional Wing will be having two divisions namely ‘Loksanskrit Dal’ and ‘Path Natak’ to be handled by actors Papiya Adhikary and Rudranil Ghosh respectively. Papiya’s association with films and commercial theatres (jatras) will be catering to BJP’s needs. Moreover her dance group ‘Mukti’ mainly stages programmes which will help BJP to spread its political messages. However, Papiya refused to give any details about the arrangement but admitted to having been present during the recent BJP’s election management committee meeting. Even Rudranil unwilling to speak about the development, but is learnt that he directed the theme song that the state BJP made ahead of Union Home Minister Amit Shah’s meeting in Kolkata. BJP sources said that this time, the BJP wants him to set up small street drama groups all over the state and stage dramas as part of Lok Sabha election campaign. It may be recalled that both Papiya and Rudranil joined the BJP before the last assembly elections where Papiya contested from Uluberia South in Howrah and Rudranil from Bhabanipur constituency in Kolkata, which neither could win.

Having stood by expelled Trinamool Congress MP Mahua Moitra has left both Pradesh Congress and CPI (M) in a dilemma. In Bengal the party workers from both Cong and CPI (M) have questioned the stand as Trinamool is their rival and feels that the State BJP would be encashing the move. Significantly, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has announced that Mahua will again contest from Krishnanagar seat. According to Pradesh Congress sources, having supported Mahua, will any Opposition candidates have a chance of winning? Moreover, the anti-BJP and minority votes are expected to go in favor of Mahua. It is further added that the party workers are skeptical of how to establish “setting” theory between Trinamool and BJP as claimed by Pradesh Congress President Adhir Chowdhury and CPI (M) State Secretary Mohammad Salim. A section of Congress and CPI (M) leaders feel that this will be giving Opposition leader Suvendu Adhikari an upper hand of establishing his claim of Congress-CPI(M) being the B-team of Trinamool. However, Adhir has made it clear that support to Mahua since the beginning was similar to that of Rahul Gandhi where both were targeted for voicing against Adani, which is no way connected to opposing a corrupt Trinamool government in Bengal. Similarly, Salim, CPI(M) Rajya Sabha MP Bikash Ranjan Bhattacharya and State member Sujan Chakraborty said that protesting against Mahua’s expulsion was because it was arbitrary, however, the party to continue its protest against both BJP and TMC in Bengal

At a time when the Ethics Committee of the Parliament gave its stamp on the recommendation to dismiss Trinamool Congress MP Mahua Maitra from parliamentary position in the case of exchange of money, the parliamentarian has got support not only from the second in command of the party – TMC National General Secretary Abhishek Banerjee, but also from the arch rivals the CPI(M) and Congress. However, BJP MLA and Opposition leader Suvendu Adhikari is not satisfied with that and claims that Mahua has done anti-national work and must be jailed. Taking a dig at the TMC leader who represents Krishnanagar constituency, Adhikari was categorical in stating that her membership is only a matter of time and people want such fraudulent MPs to go to jail. However, for the first time since the issue sparked, Abhishek stood by Mahua stating that the firebrand leader is “competent enough to fight her own battles”. Interestingly, veteran Congress leader Pradeep Bhattacharya stood by Mahua saying that he is doubtful about the logic behind the decision by majority. He further suggested Mahua should approach the court if possible. Echoing similar views, CPI(M) State Committee member Sujan Chakraborty said, ‘It was not understood how a person could be expelled at the same time be investigated upon by CBI. The ethics committee takes a different role arbitrarily. This activity of the Ethics Committee was not seen after allegations were raised against BJP MP Ramesh Bidhuri in the Lok Sabha.”

Following the Mumbai meeting of the I.N.D.I.A., Trinamool Congress has unofficially informed Congress High Command that it will have to decide its ‘friends’ in West Bengal. TMC sources said that the message to the Congress is quite clear that it must choose between the party with a possible 30 LS seats, and the Left with no seats. TMC sources added that it has been conveyed to Congress that if it decides to join hands with the Trinamool, two seats — Baharampur and Maldaha Dakshin would be left to them. At present these two seats are held by Congress with Bengal Congress Chief Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury winning from Baharampur and veteran leader Abhu Hasem Khan Chowdhury from Maldaha Dakshin. Moreover, TMC will not object if Congress wants to give one to the CPI(M). However, Pradesh Congress sources termed this as the arrogance of party supremo Mamata Banerjee. Incidentally, a senior leader of TMC stated that during the alliance meeting, Didi has made it categorical that specific terms should be followed in the states which do not have alliance. The seat sharing must be decided on the basis of last Lok Sabha seats won, the results of the last Vidhan Sabha polls, three, the results of the last Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha polls combined. Incidentally, there will be no hassle for 250 seats across the country, remaining seats will have to be decided among various I.N.D.I.A partners.

A tough road lies ahead of CPI(M) Politburo at its two-day meeting between September 16 and 17, where it will decide upon its representation at the I.N.D.I.A Coordination Committee. Out of a 14-member committee as decided by the Bloc, the 14th one remained vacant when the first meeting of the committee was held at NCP patriarch Sharad Pawar’s house in New Delhi on September 13 since CPI(M) is yet to give its representation. However, it is known that party’s general secretary Sitaram Yechury met Pawar the day after the meeting and discussed the alliance. According to party insiders, the central committee of the CPI(M) held a meeting after the I.N.D.I.A Bloc’s Benguluru meeting, but no name was proposed for the coordination committee representation. Instead, there’s a divide of views where a section of senior leaders feel that the party should refrain from being a part of the committee, another section feels that it should take time to decide upon a name. However, central committee member Shamik Lahiri informed that the name will be finalised in the Politburo meeting itself. Interestingly, some of the leaders from the Bengal unit said that it is difficult for the Politburo to finalize the name by bypassing the Central Committee. In that case, a new debate may be created within the party, at a time when cadres are questioning the party’s decision to be a part of Trinamool Congress ally.

At a time when the I.N.D.I.A front is slowly progressing towards its goal of an united Opposition, Bengal CPI(M) unit finds it extremely difficult to contain the cadres and their questions about the party’s stand.  Recently, the Bengal unit undertook workshops across the districts to work towards anti-BJP campaigns in coming months. However, the district leadership faced a volley of questions mostly pertaining to party’s secretary Sitaram Yechury’s stage sharing with arch rival — Trinamool Congress supremo Mamata Banerjee. Sources at CPI(M) said that the cadres have not only expressed their discontent over the association with TMC but raised several questions. A section of cadres have questioned whether the party will be allying with TMC in the 2024 Lok Sabha election on the basis of the formula that everyone should support the party in their pockets of influence. If not then what would be the campaign process? Some have even questioned if Congress High Command asks the Pradesh Congress to ally with the TMC, will Bengal CPI(M) continue to hold hands with Congress or go alone.  It is becoming increasingly difficult to defend the ant-TMC stand within CPI(M).  The most significant question of the cadres was whether the party would support the government formed by the I.N.D.I.A. which will have Didi as one of the key players.

Looks like I.N.D.I.A front of Opposition leaders is being betrayed from those within. At a time when it seemed a good beginning had been made with the setting up of coordination committees and working groups, no one expected it would be filled with lightweights — barring Sharad Pawar. There was a suggestion from TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee to involve CMs — at least in the election strategy group. For some reason it was scuttled by RJD leader Lalu Prasad who didn’t want Nitish Kumar on the panel. Didi who wanted to host the next I.N.D.I.A event in Kolkata found no takers as it was shot down by CPI(M) leader Sitaram Yechury as he explained that Left could not be seen in a function hosted by the TMC. Rejection of Kolkata as venue was enough to irk Mamata. She found it odd that Communist leaders had no problem in rubbing shoulders with the TMC or the Congress in Delhi or Bengaluru but not in the home turf of Bengal or Kerala. Mamata also did not approve of the unilateral manner in which Rahul Gandhi raked up the Adani issue at the Opposition event without consulting other parties. The TMC chief had initially pointed to the Congress about the Left and Congress virulently campaigning against TMC for the September 5 Dhupguri assembly by-poll. In fact, Mamata had specially sent her nephew Abhishek to Delhi to complain to Rahul about the tone and tenor of the Left-Congress campaign.

At the debate in the Parliament over no-confidence motion, the Leader of the Opposition Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury faced some uncomfortable moments when both the Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah taunted him in their speeches. They called the West Bengal Pradesh Congress chief, a hapless leader “ignored by Congress high command” and also took a jibe saying he was not on the list of speakers as the Trinamool Congress supremo Mamata Banerjee called Gandhis to keep him away from it. There was more when Modi-Shah claimed this Congress MP is under ‘CPM’s torture’. Interestingly, Modi referred to several Opposition leaders who spearheaded No Confidence Motion against ruling governments such as Late Atal Bihari Vajpayee (1998, 2003 by Sharad Pawar and Sonia Gandhi), himself (2018 by Mallikarjun Kharge). However, Adhir Ranjan did speak on the third day ahead of PM, but was suspended for comparing Modi with Mahabharata’s blind king Dhritrashtra, fugitive businessman Nirav Modi and for his repeated misconduct. In Rajya Sabha, Kharge raised the issue over Adhir’s suspension and in Kolkata demonstrations were held. Sonia Gandhi also called for an emergency meeting to discuss Adhir’ suspension. Meanwhile senior TMC leadership remained tight-lipped on the development, despite party insiders saying that there was nothing wrong in Adhir’s statement. It may be noted that Adhir’s extreme opposition to Mamata made Didi ask her party leaders not to speak on the issue.  Adhir will remain suspended till the privileges committee takes a decision.

Ahead of the third meeting of the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (I.N.D.I.A) in Mumbai later this month, CPI(M) State Committee had made it clear to the Central Committee that the party will not allow the formula in Bengal, refusing to join alongside Trinamool Congress Supremo Mamata Banerjee. Despite being one of the principal members of I.N.D.I.A, the State Committee stated that it will field candidates against the TMC in the 2024 Lok Sabha polls, even at a time when both the parties view BJP as a ‘common enemy’. During the recent three-day central committee meeting, strong interventions from Bengal leaders against an alliance with the TMC citing atrocities unleashed by the ruling party workers against Marxist cadres. A central committee member from Bengal has also pointed out that the Bengal unit has put forth that party general secretary Sitaram Yechury’s recent stage sharing with Didi and exchanging pleasantries with her made bad optics and demoralised party cadres in Bengal. Party insiders claimed that Yechury acceded to the wishes of the Bengal leaders and said that Bengal unit will be free to field candidates against the TMC in all constituencies. Sources said, State Committee Secretary Mohammad Salim has categorically mentioned that the CPI(M) has made its stand clear and now it is the Congress that will decide on Bengal. However, the communist party is still open to continuing with its alliance with Congress.

At the Trinamool Congress Martyr’s Day Rally, TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee said that the newly formed alliance of the 26 Opposition parties – I.N.D.I.A — will oust the Prime Minister Narendra Modi-led NDA government in the 2024 General Elections. Didi said that the BJP which coined ‘Beti Bachao’ slogan will be shown the doors by “Durgas” — women of the country. Didi attacked the BJP on women’s issues — ongoing violence in Manipur, Bilkis Bano and wrestlers’ sexual harassment cases. Interestingly, Didi avoided mentioning Congress during her 42-minute speech at the annual event of her party. Besides, she was careful in her address of the Left parties; she addressed them as “CPI(M) er Bandhura” (CPIM friends), over their constant allegations of rampant violence and vote loot by her party in the recently concluded panchayat polls. Voicing the slogan “Jeetaga Bharat”, Didi told the party cadres that they would be informed about the protest programmes against the Centre to be taken out under the banner of the Opposition alliance. Interestingly, after Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge and Bihar CM Nitish Kumar making it clear that they have no interest in the Prime Minister’s seat, Didi too did likewise, saying that she has no ambition for any chair but is just keen to dethrone BJP from the centre.

With Prime Minister Narendra Modi sending out a clear message on the need of wooing the minorities, a new buzz in Bengal BJP is reaching out to the muslims since the community comprises nearly 30% of total voters and BJP must reach out to them to garner votes ahead of 2024 Lok Sabha election. Out of 294 Assembly seats in Bengal, 125 are muslim-dominated and Trinamool Congress (TMC) won 90  of those seats in the 2021 Assembly poll taking her party tally to 213. However, incidents like Leftist student leader Anis Khan’s death and the arrest of Indian Secular Front MLA, Naushad Siddique, the scion of Furfura Sharif in South 24 Parganas, one of the muslim dominated districts have raised questions against TMC. Interestingly, besides Congress and CPI(M), BJP too led movements against the arrest of the minority MLA.  Minority Cell chairman Charle’s Nandi has recently stated that muslims in Didi’s tenure are the “most poor and backward”. Sources in the saffron camp said that a two-wheeler rally will be taken out in 13 Lok Sabha constituencies which are majorly dominated by Pasmanda muslims to sharpen its outreach among this socially backward muslims. Moreover, the state BJP which has a minority morcha cell, in the 41 of the 42 Parliamentary constituencies, held a residential training camp for its minority leaders and workers at Berhampore in the muslim-dominated Murshidabad district. Will all these efforts yield dividends? That’s the moot point.

CPI(M) sees itself as the sole political unit that can combat RSS and BJP ideologically. As the Bengal CPI(M)observes 57th anniversary of its mouthpiece Ganashakti, it has initiated its maiden ‘digitally’ subscription programme for its supporters and sympathisers to donate to the party. Veteran Left leader and Politburo member Prakash Karat on this occasion said that the Left must put forth democratic, secular and Left ideology and vision among people so as to change the political scenario of the country. He further observed that RSS has the unique feature of functioning within the society through its various outfits, socially, culturally, and educationally and Left parties must counter this through their ideology and vision to uphold a democratic and secular environment. Taking a dig at the BJP, the former CPI(M) general secretary said that the minorities in India are being marginalised in the name of nationalism and the country is being run by an extreme right (wing) government. It may be noted that the Left is in power in only Kerala at present, having lost Tripura to the BJP in 2018 and West Bengal to the Trinamool Congress in 2011. The CPI(M) Bengal has released a short video where veteran party leader and Left Front chairman Biman Bose explains the need for going digital.

There is a clear three-way divide in the West Bengal entertainment industry. While a section of the stars continue with their allegiance with the CPI (M), a majority of actors (TV and cinema) are with Trinamool Congress and some are with BJP. Significantly, the allegiance factor has hit the stars in the opposition camp real hard as no work comes their way. The change started when the West Bengal’s entertainment industry sided with the then Opposition leader Mamata Banerjee’s movement against Singur Land Acquisition and Nandigram massacre. The successful agitation saw Didi’s TMC dethroning the Left Front government and effectively, the entertainment industry changed its colour to green from red. With the entry of BJP into the state, some prominent stars embraced saffron and joined the BJP as allegations of corruption and “cut-money” plagued Didi’s party. But they had to pay a price. Noted actors like Mithun Chakraborty, Rudranil Ghosh, Rupa Ganguly, and Locket Chatterjee have been openly saying that the attitude of their industry colleagues have changed ever since they joined BJP. Rudranil claims he has been out of work for the last 18 months, while Mithun says he has been getting negative vibes. The heartthrob of Bengali films and TMC MP Dev however said, politics should never come in the way of personal ties and professional work. Dev’s latest film ‘Projapoti’ features Mithun.

A renewed vigour can be witnessed with the CPI(M) West Bengal Unit. CPI(M) has always relied on its grassroots connections, especially the panchayats. Having been decimated in the 2021 Assembly election with no representation, the Left is now leaving no stones unturned to capitalize on their cadre politics. For 2023 Panchayat polls it has launched its campaign “Nazare Panchayat” (Eye on Panchayat) with a helpline number asking to submit complaints against the Trinamool Congress. It has also shared a video claiming that within the first seven days of the campaign the party has received 1500 complaints. Out of which, 55% are against TMC leaders, 77% of calls are from rural areas and 40% of those are related to panchayat issues. Significantly, the CPI(M) state leadership including state secretary Mohammad Salim, senior politburo members Sujan Chakraborty, Abhash Roy Chowdhury, Debolina Hembram, youth leaders Meenakshi Mukherjee, Satarup Ghosh are leading several protest marches, addressing rallies in the districts. The student and youth wing of the party — SFI, DYFI — recently called for an Insaf Sabha in Kolkata seeking justice for the murder of one of their youth leader Anis Khan witnessing a large turnout. It also held similar rallies in Murshidabad, Jalpaiguri, Siliguri, West Midnapore, Malda, and Raiganj. Incidentally, a supporter with bow and arrow surfaced during the Raigunj rally, which reminded the erstwhile Left agitation in Bengal.

Panchayat polls in West Bengal is due in 2023 and the ground reality is that besides TMC, CPI(M)’s performance stands best with its network of cadres spread across. BJP still struggles with only a “Nabanna Abhijyan” (march to state secretariat) a face saver.  TMC is mired in corruption charges following the arrest of two of its top leaders and BJP leadership expected a groundswell in the party’s favour. That was not to be. Having failed to capitalize on this, prompted the party to seek support from its arch rivals — the CPI(M) and Congress during Nabanna Abhijyan. State president Sukanta Majumder had to tweet seeking support from the arch rivals asking them to participate in their programme, keeping aside political differences. More surprisingly, even his predecessor and critic Dilip Ghosh supported the call. It is a known fact that CPI(M) and Congress support each other to capture a Gram Panchayat or to rule a Zilla Parishad. District BJP leaders have made it clear to the state high command that it will not stop itself from supporting CPI(M) or Congress in forming a panchayat. The district leaders are aware that the majority of the supporters from Left and Congress switched camps in 2021 only to defeat TMC and now they have all moved back. As a support to the idea, the state BJP is all out to capitalize on CPI(M)’s programme Chor Dharo Jail Bharo.

For a moment it seemed the ruling CPI-M in Kerala was more worried than the BJP by the Congress’s Bharat Jodo’s prolonged tour of Kerala. First the party’s official twitter handle came with a meme against Rahul Gandhi dubbing the yatra more as a Seat Jodo yatra. The Marxists felt it was odd that the Congress leader was going to spend “18 days in Kerala but only two days in Uttar Pradesh”. It also noted that this was a strange way to “fight the BJP-RSS.” However, within a day the party changed its line at least locally. CPI-M Kerala secretary MV Govindan said his party was not against the ‘Bharat Jodo Yatra’ but will respond to any unfair criticism or unsavoury remarks against it. That is our stand”.  Like senior CPI-M leader Thomas Issac took on Jairam Ramesh for his ‘Mundu Modi’ remark which was an apparent jibe at Kerala CM Pinarayi Vijayan and asked why the yatra is avoiding Gujarat and UP. Senior Congress leader Ramesh Chennithala pointed out that the CPI-M was forced to change its line because of the overwhelming public response to Bharat Jodo Yatra. “The public response to Rahulji’s yatra in Kerala has been very positive and encouraging. This is what forced the CPI(M) to change its approach”. The yatra brought a sense of unity and purpose to the Congress in Kerala.

West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s recent visit to New Delhi remained a low-key affair despite meeting Prime Minister Narendra Modi appraising him about the state dues. She has always remained vocal and the biggest critic of the Modi Government and the BJP. But this time, her New Delhi visit did cover several meetings, sans high octane protest and meeting the media. Mamata’s mellowed stance about her visit has led to several questions. A section of the Opposition chief ministers said that Mamata despite attending the NITI Aayog meeting after a long time was not herself that of being extremely vocal. One of the insiders said that during the meeting, Didi did not complain or oppose the government policies. Interestingly, the TMC supremo in her last letter to the Prime Minister complained about non-payment of dues of Rs 97,000 crore by the Centre. Incidentally, chief ministers of Odisha, Kerala, Chhattisgarh and Punjab briefed the media about their demands and observations. But not TMC. Insiders say that the media cell of the TMC was asked not to share any information pertaining to her visit. The CPI(M) has pointed out that the visit was mainly to address the ED raids pertaining to the SSC-Teacher Recruitment Scam involving a senior cabinet minister of her government. Presumably, Didi maintained a low profile to avoid any attack on her government over corruption charges.

West Bengal Chief Minister and Trinamool Congress supremo Mamata Banerjee was at her usual self in launching a scathing attack on CPI(M) during her address at the Martyrs’ Day Rally in the heart of Kolkata on July 21. She not only referred to the alleged corruption during the Left Front regime but also threatened to rake up controversial files which would be a deviation from her slogan “Badla Noy Badol Chai” (No Revenge, But Change). Amid the row over irregularities in School Service Commission (SSC) appointments, Mamata slammed the CPI(M) by referring to the erstwhile government which always favoured and appointed the wives of CPI(M) party cadres as school teachers. She categorically named senior CPI(M) leader and Rajya Sabha MP Bikash Ranjan Bhattacharya, who has been contesting the TMC government over irregularities in SSC appointments for some time now. Is Mamata’s reference to the CPI(M) and Left Front a clear attempt to project CPI(M) as her principal opposition? Political observers believe that Mamata is clear about her opponents which remain Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union Home Minister Amit Shah. She doesn’t even take names of state BJP leaders instead she’s in cordial terms with veterans of CPI(M).Will CPI(M) take a cue from Mamata’s attack to rejuvenate the party and set forth Bhattacharya as the new face of the party?

The CPI (M) in West Bengal is currently under extreme political crisis after being completely whitewashed in the 2021 Bengal Assembly Election. With no MLAs at the Assembly, the party has been trying desperately to reach out to the grassroot level and increase their public relations by highlighting the achievements of the 34 years of Left Front regime. Lack of leaders with the stature of someone like the late chief minister and CPI (M) patriarch Jyoti Basu and his successor Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, the party continues to highlight upon their 34 years of Left Front regime. Moreover, it celebrated the anniversary of the establishment of the first Left Front government. Numerous social media posts and videos were shared along with the talk shows participated by former Left Front chairman Biman Bose, former Left Front minister and senior leaders Surjya Kanta Mishra, Ashok Bhattacharya and others. Significantly, Bhattacharjee still remains still the go-to person, despite staying away from public limelight since leaving office in 2011. The party made an interesting choice, when it urged the 78-year-old ailing Bhattacharjee to address the 11th All India Conference of the CPI (M)’s youth wing the Democratic Youth Federation of India recently held in Kolkata. For a party that is now looking to gain a toehold in the state after over a decade of continuous electoral reverses, has also held ahead several events on the occasion of Jyoti Basu’s 109th Birth Anniversary.