All eyes are on Odisha chief minister Mohan Charan Majhi’s planned celebration of the first anniversary on June 12.  It may be a big affair dashed with cultural extravaganza, exclusive dinners with CM for business leaders, MPs, MLA and media. Specially branded vans will visit all the 314 blocks of Odisha to amplify BJP government’s achievements, reforms, various schemes and various public service initiatives. The centre piece of the celebration will be the PM Modi attending the same. The day will also see the unveiling of the Odisha Vision document which has been prepared after taking suggestions/inputs from over 320,000 Odites across the state. As per CM Majhi the aspiration is to make Odisha $ 500 bn economy by 2036 and $1.5 tn by 2047. While the CM seems gung ho, his critics say Majhi is skating on thin ice as in terms of performance he has not achieved much. He has lots of ground to cover. But in all fairness one year is a small period to judge the capability, ability of any CM.  

Some BJP ruled states will witness a change of guard in the coming days starting with Gujarat CM Bhupendra Patel seeking relief from public service to tend to his ailing son (Short Post reported earlier). Other CMs on the block include Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh and Odisha although the last incumbent Mohan Charan Majhi was issued the ‘Perform or Perish’ diktat having only recently assumed power. Rajasthan’s deteriorating law and order scenario queered the pitch for Bhajan Lal Sharma, installed at expense of the Rani of Dhaulpur, Vasundhara Raje first placed on probation (as BJP LoP) by PM Narendra Modi, then shrugged off, with state assemblies being fought under Modi’s name. Rice bowl of India, Chhattisgarh’s tribal CM Vishnu Deo Sai is also in cross hair of BJP high command for inability to grow party ideology in erstwhile Congress ruled state and, being invisible unlike his Assam, Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand counterparts. To non-corrupt Sai’s credit, he recently introduced anti-conversion law, mobilized anti-naxalite operations. Rajasthan’s Brahmin CM Lal, however, made rounds of New Delhi (thrice in recent weeks), may be replaced by Rajput Union Minister for Tourism and Culture Gajendra Singh Shekhawat. UP governor (former Gujarat CM) Anandiben Patel held consultations with PM Modi to address her home state CM issue with Union Sports, Youth Affairs Minister Mansukh L Mandaviya’s name being considered. As senior BJP leader Mahendra Jain, however, puts it, “PM Modi listens to all but takes decisions on his own!” While steeped in corruption owing to alliance politics, Maharashtra CM Devendra Fadnavis remains the PM’s blue-eyed boy.

In a throwback of sorts to his clash with TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee that had marked his didi-oh-didi campaign in the last West Bengal assembly election, incumbent CM made a personal jibe about PM Modi’s estranged wife setting off a vicious cycle of personal attacks. A controversy apparently erupted following PM Modi’s rally in Alipurduar on May 27, where he, without naming Mamata, had sharply criticised her government and the TMC. In response, Mamata at a presser called out Modi’s “politicisation of Operation Sindoor”. She transgressed the political line with a personal jibe: “Remember that every woman has respect. They take sindoor from their husbands… Modiji is talking this way. You are not every woman’s husband… why don’t you give sindoor to your Missus first?” Apparently Mamata attacked Modi on the basis of unfounded media reports that BJP was going to distribute sindoor to women.  Later, realising the inappropriateness of her comment, she immediately apologised while blaming Modi for provoking her. “I am sorry to say this. I shouldn’t get into all this. But you are compelling us now to open our mouths.” Instead of accepting Mamata’s apology, BJP’s State unit chief Sukanta Majumdar and LoP Suvendu Adhikari launched a coordinated retaliation that targeted not just Mamata’s alleged personal conduct but also her humble origins and socio-economic background. The situation reached a disturbing climax in Chinsurah, Hooghly, where BJP women workers forcibly applied sindoor on female police officers who were trying to disperse their protest. The incident drew criticism even from within the BJP’s own state unit. The episode highlights how personal attacks and identity politics have increasingly dominated Bengal’s political landscape, with both major parties crossing traditional boundaries of political propriety and raising serious questions about the health of democratic discourse in the state.

In a sharp counterattack to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent address in West Bengal’s Alipurduar, chief minister Mamata Banerjee has challenged the PM to a live TV debate—teleprompter and all—and dared the BJP to call early elections in the state. Modi’s address, widely seen as the start of the BJP’s campaign for the 2026 Assembly elections, took aim at Mamata, branding her “Nirmam” (merciless) while highlighting recent communal violence in Murshidabad and Malda, the Supreme Court’s scrapping of teaching posts which left over 25,000 teachers jobless, and accusing her government of blocking Central government’s schemes. Hitting back, Didi accused the PM of engaging in “political Holi” at the expense of national interests. She dismissed his “Operation Bengal” remarks as an insult to the people of the state and pointed out that her nephew, TMC National General Secretary Abhishek Banerjee, was part of an MP delegation meeting global leaders—signalling her party’s commitment to protecting the nation’s interests internationally. Didi also slammed the Centre’s political motives behind naming the post-Pahalgam operation. She mocked Modi for his transformation from a self-proclaimed tea-seller to what she described as a “sindoor salesman,” a dig at his remarks that she interpreted as disrespectful to the women of Bengal. Mamata claimed that she had instructed her leaders to avoid commentary on “Operation Sindoor” despite its provocative nature. She accused the PM of spending more time on foreign trips than on India’s pressing issues and criticized what she called the erosion of federalism under Union Home Minister Amit Shah’s watch, branding him the country’s “acting Prime Minister.”

An unstated factor in the electoral alliances of Tamil Nadu is that of funding. It is well-known in political circles that the Dravidian parties are a bit more evolved in the sense they are prepared to fund the election campaigns of smaller allies. This may be the reason why TN parties are keener on allying with the DMK or the AIADMK that are flush with party funds and do not mind spending some of it on campaigns whereas the national ruling party BJP is known to be reluctant to do so. Another unstated number is the amount per seat that the Dravidian majors are prepared to spend to give their alliances a better chance. The cash-for-vote is a far more refined process here than in other states even if it started very late, in 2009, in a bypoll that became famous as the “Thiumangalam Formula” whereby individual voters were given money or gifts. A WikiLeaks document of 2011 read, “From paying to dig a community well to slipping cash into an envelope delivered inside the morning newspaper, politicians and their operatives admitted to violating election rules to influence voters.” The money gets spread over 234 constituencies in assembly elections, making it tougher for the EC to catch loads of it, as they do in bypolls. The contests for key seats in assembly polls are known for the generosity of candidates in showering voters with cash and gifts. If some minor parties are yet to declare their alliances for the 2026 polls, it can be assumed that they are merely waiting to know how much they can expect or extract from the majors.

Alliance partners Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena (SS) and the BJP seem to be flexing over seats in the run-up to the prestigious Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) elections in four months. The BMC is a high-stake election for both — while the BJP’s never had its own mayor thus far in Mumbai, for Shinde it’s a chance to chart out his own space. The BJP is aiming for 150 seats with Mission 150 proclaimed as its mission statement, Shinde is targeting 100 seats in the 227-strength of the BMC where 114 seats are needed to reach a majority. Shinde publicly claims the support of 65 corporators and is actively wooing ex-corporators beyond Uddhav Thackeray’s Sena. Shinde’s Sena has already started holding meetings with current and ex-corporators wooing them with promises of funds for works from his urban development and housing ministry and even from the District Planning and Development Committee (DPDC), where being guardian minister of Mumbai City he is its chairman. Beyond the trappings of power, Shinde also holds the advantage of being an accessible leader unlike Uddhav Thackeray, a fact which he keeps harping on. Uddhav, who held the highest tally of 84 corporators that later extended to 90, had the BJP closely following him with 82 corporators, is now fighting them back with conciliatory notes to his cousin Raj Thackeray, who had seven corporators.

The unbearable summer heat and humidity quotient in Tamil Nadu were further intensified by the fierce exchange between chief minister MK Stalin and AIADMK chief Edappadi K Palaniswami (EPS), even as Stalin took off to participate in the NITI Aayog meet. Viral watchers had a field time lapping up this internecine exchange. EPS reminded his bête noire about how Stalin had thundered about boycotting NITI Aayog for not giving TN its dues in funds. What turned the wheels now? EPS scorched …this sudden urge to fly to Delhi is not for TN but saving his family. Remember his late father and the 2G rescue mission? Stalin is all set to open a white truce umbrella for the family rescue. Stalin is talking about a mystery Thambi (younger brother). Who is this Thambi he wants to save? The CM, no novice at cutting edge filmi dialogue, gave it back. Edappadi has not changed from his fabled ambulatory mode …crawling and creeping to clasp feet. So why carp and crow about my visit?  It took just one raid for his party to strike an alliance with BJP and float the white flag manoeuvre. Stalin’s repartee, this hand which has waved the Red and Black DMK flag, a super emblem of scholars and statesmen, Arignar Anna and Kalaignar, will never creep and crawl for favours. His dialogue could be straight out of the cult classic Parasakti which took both Karunanidhi and Shivaji Ganesan to dizzying heights of artistic popularity. Meanwhile EPS is still asking the question “Who is this shadow superman…the charismatic Thambi hailed by you and your son? Has he flown the coop? If you have guts and integrity reveal Thambi’s identity”. The people of TN want to know.

In the wake of the Murshidabad killings and the terror attack in Pahalgam, Bengal’s political battleground has heated up, with both BJP and CPI(M) scrambling to secure the Hindu vote bank. While CPI(M) leaders like State Secretary Mohammed Salim and youth leader Minakshi Mukherjee visited Murshidabad post-violence, BJP’s Suvendu Adhikari downplayed the incident, claiming victims were targeted for being Hindu, and dismissed the CPI(M)’s recent Brigade rally, stating Hindus have distanced themselves from the party. This intensified BJP attack is part of a broader strategy to erode the Hindu support base that still aligns with the Left in certain pockets. BJP leaders believe converting this segment could significantly alter Bengal’s electoral dynamics. Despite failing to win any seats in recent elections, the Left’s 11% vote share — largely perceived to include Hindus — remains a target for the BJP, especially as the Trinamool-BJP vote gap stood at 7% in the last Lok Sabha polls. Senior CPI(M) leaders assert Adhikari’s focus reflects his intent to pull Hindu voters from the Left into the BJP fold. Salim countered, stating Suvendu’s attacks show BJP’s internal frustration, citing leaders like Dilip Ghosh distancing themselves from the party. Districts like Murshidabad, Nadia, Malda, Uttar Dinajpur, and Hooghly — once Left strongholds — have witnessed increasing communal tensions, providing a backdrop for BJP’s polarisation strategy. BJP finds Hindu voters aligned with the Left more reachable than TMC supporters, who are seen as bound by secular ideology or economic factors. However, a section of Bengal BJP leaders feel that after peaking in 2019, setbacks in 2021 and 2024, indicate that Hindu consolidation alone may not ensure success without strong momentum or triggering events.

With less than a month left for Mohan Charan Majhi government’s first anniversary on June 12, a mindless controversy has been created with regard to the Odisha chief minister’s recent visit to Mumbai for an investment meeting and his five-day stay at a 5-star hotel located in Nariman Point. This has set the tongue wagging whether a party like BJP has let go its principle of being judicious in cost and expenses. Veteran journalist Ruben Banerjee who closely follows Odisha politics brought this out and said the former CM Naveen Patnaik during his first 15 years’ governance created a positive impression by avoiding 5-star culture. But BJP sources say what about Patnaik’s party which splurged tax-payers money to allow Patnaik’s man Friday VK Pandian to use helicopters extensively to tour the state! The state government sources say the presidential suites in The Oberoi weren’t used for Majhi’s personal leisure. The CM was just matching the level of diplomacy and stature expected while interacting with industry leaders and CEOs. They say Banerjee has misinterpreted this as personal luxury which is misleading. Satyapatha, Odisha’s popular news channel editor said this is judgemental politics by Ruben Banerjee. He is close to Patnaik as he has written a book on him. Is this issue being raised because CM Majhi hails from a poor Adivasi family? As one BJP leader aptly put it, “Judge CM Majhi on what investments he bags, not where he stays.” Quite.

Known as Maharashtra’s cultural capital and fountainhead of many social reform movements, Pune has been shaken over the past few days owing to two daylight incidents of publicly supporting Pakistan and Hamas. More shocking is the fact that the pro-Hamas activity has taken place in Karve Nagar, an elite locality in Pune. When local BJP workers learnt that a group of youngsters was distributing pamphlets in support of Hamas in that area, they rushed to the spot and tried to prevent the effort. There was a free for all and the BJP group has demanded urgent appropriate action against the Hamas backers. The police have assured them that no anti-national activity will be permitted and those breaching social amity will face action. In the other incident, a young girl, said to be an engineering student, has been sent into police custody for posting slogans like Pakistan Zindabad on social media. It is alleged that she recently visited her relatives in Srinagar. After some organisations declared that they would stage a demonstration against her, the police took adequate precautions while producing her in court. In recent months, intermittent news reports have appeared about the objectionable developments in certain Pune pockets. The police have intensified their campaign to identify and arrest illegal immigrants, especially those from Bangladesh. Pune is considered a BJP stronghold and deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar is its guardian minister. As these incidents took place amidst the height of Operation Sindoor, more follow up actions are anticipated.

With just a year left for the West Bengal Assembly elections, the Bengal BJP is under pressure to finalise its new state president. Internal dynamics, however, have delayed the decision, pushing the central leadership to shift its approach — from finding a consensus candidate to identifying one without strong opposition. The central leadership recently met senior Bengal BJP leaders to discuss party programmes and key organizational issues. According to party sources, central observers Mangal Pandey and Amit Malviya also held one-on-one talks with leaders like Sukanta Majumdar, Suvendu Adhikari, Shantanu Thakur, five general secretaries, two organisation secretaries, Debasree Chaudhuri, Nisith Pramanik, Soumitra Khan, Manoj Tigga and Shamik Bhattacharya regarding the state leadership. Currently, the Bengal BJP suffers from multiple power centres — Majumdar, Adhikari, former president Dilip Ghosh, and two senior organizational figures — making it hard to present a unified front. Despite occasional friction, Majumdar and Adhikari have maintained a functional partnership for over three years, ensuring some organizational stability — something the central leadership values and is hesitant to disrupt. While Majumdar’s term is still ongoing, his induction into the Union Cabinet complicates matters due to the BJP’s “one person, one post” policy. Adhikari, being the Leader of the Opposition and not from the RSS, also presents a conflict. Various names have been proposed, including one from the RSS Bengal unit. Some Delhi-based leaders have preferences, but no clear consensus has emerged. Meanwhile, political survey agencies are influencing decisions, with a Karnataka firm submitting a unified leadership blueprint directly to Modi’s core team.

Congress MP Shashi Tharoor cannot be ignored or intimidated even by his own party. But surprisingly his talents, communication and diplomatic skills are overlooked…deliberate or by accident? Tharoor’s felicity with English and his fluent communication is often dubbed intellectual arrogance. A recent interview with Al Arabia is bound to make the country look at him with awe and admiration. It is a lesson in non-partisan voice in a time of national crisis. Chairperson of the Parliamentary Committee on External Affairs he has hit home the fact that the current conflict with Pakistan is India’s “calibrated response” to Pakistan’s repeated terrorist incursions. “India is not escalating, merely reacting with precision and restraint by hitting back at terrorist locations.” Pakistan is a master of denial …the most humiliating one when Osama Bin Laden was given sanctuary in Abbottabad. Tharoor further goes on to laud the term “Sindoor” and how appropriate it is in the context of the terror killing of a newly-wed man at Pahalgam …in one swoop , his wife’s as well as many other victim’s sindoor was wiped off. Why then is the Congress High Command not openly volunteering his talents as a global media mouthpiece to defend India’s stand? The BJP and especially Modi have extended their hand openly. At the Vizhinjam Port inauguration, Modi was all admiration for Tharoor’s presence. Is the tipping point at hand now? Whatever the political exigencies and ideology compulsions, a resource like Tharoor could well be harnessed for India’s benefit.

While the nation is just recovering from the shock following the dastardly Pahalgam terror attack, the Shiv Sena (UBT) has launched a campaign by criticising the BJP government at the Centre day in and day out. It has gone to the extent of demanding Union home minister Amit Shah’s resignation, holding him responsible for the security lapse. Upon this, Sena leader Uddhav Thackeray has been taunted by former Union minister Milind Deora, who is now with the Sena led by deputy chief minister Eknath Shinde. Responding to the repeated criticism of the BJP government in the state and the Centre by Sena MP Sanjay Raut about the delay in teaching Pakistan a lesson, Deora has reminded Raut that his leader was in Europe or wherever enjoying a holiday when Shinde had rushed to Kashmir to reassure the tourists from Maharashtra. Shinde had organised their return journey and extended monetary help where it was required urgently. Deora has pointed out that Uddhav kept on posting X messages but did not send any representative for the all party meeting after the attack. While Prime Minister Narendra Modi cut short his visit abroad and returned to India, Uddhav continued with the vacation, Deora has told the Sena. Incidentally, it has been routine for Uddhav and his family to travel to the cool environs of Europe every summer. So far, there is no response from the Sena (UBT) to Deora’s barb.

As the first BJP government in Odisha under chief minister Mohan Charan Majhi will soon complete a one-year anniversary, the corridors of power are abuzz with speculation about the declining influence of Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan in the state’s affairs. Pradhan and his coterie, which includes leaders such as Samir Mohanty, Golak Mohapatra and Thakur Ranjeet Das, appear to have lost their hold. Well known journalist Shekhar Gupta has been raising the question: Who is ruling Odisha these days? Dharmendra Pradhan or Ashwini Vaishnaw! Thus, by raising this question he has clearly indicated that there is a power shift. The new power centre seems to be multi-portfolio minister Vaishnaw. Vaishnaw, a former IAS officer from the Odisha cadre whose family has been associated with the RSS is known to have close ties with both Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union Home Minister Amit Shah. Besides, his control over three key cabinet portfolios has further bolstered his stature. According to both government and bureaucratic sources in Odisha, the decline of Dharmendra Pradhan’s clout has directly contributed to Vaishnaw’s ascendancy in the state’s political landscape. For instance, Vaishnaw is widely believed to be the driving force behind the Odisha government’s auction of mines. He is also close to Naveen Patnaik’s Man Friday VK Pandian and that made it possible for Vaishnaw to be re-elected to the Rajya Sabha in February this year with the support of BJD. While his efficiency and varied experience are beyond question, Vaishnaw in the past has been dogged by controversy, primarily because of his association with B Prabhakaran, who was named in the massive mining scam in Odisha in 2013. 

The Bharatiya Janata party (BJP) has sent out a clear message that it is not with Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) or any elements which are using the issue of compulsion of Marathi language. The timing of a statement made by senior BJP leader Kripa Shankar Singh in this regard is interpreted as an unambiguous signal by the BJP in view of the new political formations likely to take place in the state with an eye on the coming local body elections.  The statement is also viewed against the backdrop of the possibility of MNS and Shiv Sena (UBT) joining hands for the BMC election. MNS leader Raj Thackeray had triggered the agitation for Marathi some time ago though he stopped it after some ugly incidents took place against Hindi speaking sections. Moreover, a few Gujarati residents, also, had to face ire of the aggrieved people on the issue of Marathi and vegetarianism. As the atmosphere was vitiated, the BJP has taken a firm stand, especially as the assembly election is approaching in Bihar. Making the position clear, Singh recalled his long association with Mumbai and said, “Hindi is my mother and Marathi is my Mausi (aunt).” Taking a swipe at those using the language issue for political purposes, Singh lamented that such elements reared their heads when their political existence was threatened. He emphasised that the north Indians in Maharashtra were not merely a workforce but had been contributing towards the state’s development as well.

Tensions have erupted within the BJP West Bengal unit following senior leader and former state president Dilip Ghosh’s controversial appearance at the inauguration of the Jagannath temple in Digha where he shared the stage with chief minister Mamata Banerjee. The temple event had been boycotted by the BJP in light of recent communal tensions in Murshidabad. Ghosh’s presence — along with his wife Rinku Ghosh — was quickly disowned by the party’s current state leadership. BJP state president Sukanta Majumdar distanced the organisation calling it his “personal choice.” Others, including senior leaders Swapan Dasgupta and Soumitra Khan, launched more pointed attacks, with Dasgupta branding the move a “betrayal.” The backlash has reignited tensions between Dilip Ghosh and sections of the BJP leadership, especially those who joined the party after 2021. Ghosh accused defectors of sidelining long-time loyalists like him and also claimed that many grassroots workers have become disillusioned under the current leadership. Ghosh’s veiled remarks were seen as a dig at Suvendu Adhikari. Ghosh pointed out that many had once thrived under Didi’s leadership and lacked the credibility to question him. He urged the party to recall its past alliances with Banerjee during the Vajpayee-era. Despite the controversy, Ghosh reiterated his loyalty to the BJP but cautioned against internal sabotage, blaming leadership failures for the party’s declining momentum in Bengal. He highlighted his own role in the party’s past growth with 18 MPs winning during 2019 Lok Sabha Polls and 77 MLAs during 2021 Assembly Election and questioned why that progress had stalled since his exit from the top post.

By inaugurating the magnificent Jagannath Dham temple in the tourist town of Digha on the auspicious Akshya Trithiya, West Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee has completely stunned state BJP leaders. Many BJP leaders who attacked her for not visiting Murshidabad where Hindus were victims in violence unleashed by Muslims over Waqf Bill wonder if Digha Dham is a ploy to placate the majority community. The lone leader questioning the project is LoP Suvendu Adhikari. He insists that Hindu temples can’t be a state project and talks of his own efforts to restore temples in Murshidabad. The Digha consecration ceremony was held with great grandeur, with sacred water from various pilgrimage sites brought to the temple for the rituals. Several celebrities and prominent figures from West Bengal’s music and film industry, along with political leaders, were present. Constructed in the traditional Kalinga architectural style, the grand structure, developed by the state government at a cost of Rs 250 crore, the dham is expected to emerge as a major centre for pilgrimage and tourism. Mirroring the design of the original Lord Jagannath Temple in Puri, the Digha Dham is spread across 20 acres. BJP sources admit no one wants to criticise the project as Digha is a popular sea resort for Bengalis from Kolkata, especially those who can’t afford time or money to go to Puri. Hitting out at Mamata, BJP leader Amit Malviya posted on X, “This is how Mamata Banerjee appeared at the inauguration of the Jagannath Cultural Centre in Digha. There is no sign of devotional enthusiasm—only a sinister political calculation aimed at salvaging her reputation as an anti-Hindu leader”.  In social media, Didi is already being hailed as the second Bengali Woman after Rani Rashmoni–who had built Dakshineswar Temple associated with Ramakrishna Paramahans–to establish a historic Hindu Temple in Bengal.

When the newly appointed Tamil Nadu BJP chief Nainar Nagendran met with PM Modi he apparently gifted him a statue of jallikattu, the popular bull taming event in Tamil Nadu which the Modi Govt in 2016 had restored by first issuing an ordinance to overcome the Supreme Court ban. Nainar also presented him the famous Tirunelveli halwa and Srivilliputhur’s palgova (a traditional sweet dish). He was accompanied by his son Nainar Balaji. Modi advised Nagendran to focus on revitalising the state unit and prepare for next year’s elections. A number of Modi visits are likely through the year in the poll-bound state. Nagendran also held discussions with Home Minister Amit Shah and FM Nirmala Sitharaman. On X, Nagendran shared how PM Modi “in every word and gesture” conveyed ” his deep love for the people of Tamil Nadu, and his reverence for our ancient and glorious Tamil language”. Meanwhile, contrary to speculation the BJP nominated an old RSS leader and OBC face Pakka Venkata Satyanarayana for the lone Rajya Sabha seat from Andhra Pradesh instead of K Annamalai, former TN BJP chief. Why did Annamalai lose out? It was believed that at this juncture no point would be served by bringing him into the Rajya Sabha with a limited tenure of three years. The party would use him fully in Tamil Nadu until the state elections.

The AIADMK-BJP alliance is not the only cause of anxiety for DMK chief and Tamil Nadu chief minister MK Stalin. Senior ministers in his cabinet are as much of a headache for the chief honcho. While trusted lieutenant and money handler V Senthil Balaji put in his resignation on April 27 after strictures from the top court, so too the education minister K Ponmudy  quit on the same day as he was also under fire for needlessly disparaging comments that drew the ire of a High Court judge who called for a suo motu FIR against him. Did he really need to joke about Brahmin sects and sexual positions and denigrating the whole of womanhood? Brahmin baiting may be fair game for the DMK that evolved out of the Justice Party, but vilifying women outraged a senior woman party leader in Kanimozhi who spoke out. The most senior minister among Stalin’s cabinet colleagues, Duraimurugan, who was just emerging from the woods after a tasteless description of physically challenged people — whom he called ‘nondis’ using an old Tamil term for lame people — when an old case came out of the woodwork to haunt him. A DA case has re-emerged to trouble the minister as the Madras High Court cancelled his acquittal by a lower court. Even the highly regarded IT minister Dr P Thiaga Rajan (PTR) was pulled up by the Speaker for saying in the Assembly that his ministry had no funds to create new IT parks. He was told there must be a better way to approach the government for funds.

On June 14, Odisha chief minister Mohan Charan Majhi will be completing a one-year term in the office. Has the CM who has the backing of the PM delivered? There are mixed reports from the ground. Some are saying that Odia people are fed up with lip service of the Majhi government – the same line “work in progress and grandiose investment plans”. The general feeling is that Majhi has simply tweaked close to two dozen schemes of the BJD government led by Naveen Patnaik. It is a cut and paste job without any value addition –BJD’s colour green has been changed to BJP’s saffron in government buildings and buses. But a clued-in analyst has a different take. He points out that Majhi is considered “accessible CM” in a stark contrast to BJD’s chief minister Naveen Patnaik with whom ordinary people had no access. Besides, it would be inappropriate to compare the two CMs performances — one with 8 months governance record and the other with 290-month dream run. Adding further he says, BJD failed to fulfil their promise of giving bonus of Rs 100 per quintal to poverty-stricken farmers om Western Odisha’s Sohela in Bargarh district. Here, the Majhi government took a decision in just 24 minutes in its cabinet meeting to provide Rs 800 per quintal input assistance to farmers, apart from providing annual financial assistance of Rs 10,000 to around one crore women in the state. But the general lament is that Odia people voted for BJP, so that it effectively weeds out “mafia raj” and “percentage raj” but nothing substantial has happened in this direction. Meanwhile, the BJD has not lost the opportunity to brand Majhi as a “copycat” government.  

The game of one-upmanship between Shiv Sena’s Eknath Shinde and Maharashtra’s chief minister Devendra Fadnavis, that followed in the relief operations for the tourists affected by the Pahalgam terrorist attack, exposed the friction within Mahayuti government. Shinde duplicated the efforts of the Fadnavis government with his parallel visits and relief flights for the stranded tourists there. While Shinde was meeting tourists at Pahalgam, donating to the local Muslim victim and even holding parleys with Jammu and Kashmir’s deputy chief minister, Fadnavis was restricted to paying condolence visits to Pahalgam victim families at Pune. This wasn’t Shinde’s first attempt at duplication of governance; earlier too he had set up parallel medical relief funds in tandem with Fadnavis’ official ones. Shinde may have been cornered within Mahayuti with many of his decisions as CM either being withdrawn, stayed, kept in abeyance or simply rejected but he is not lying quiet and instead seizing the moment like he did at Pahalgam. He is also trying to assert himself as a Hindutva mascot and trying to usurp the advantage enjoyed by the Thackeray cousins even if they were to come together. Shinde’s attempt to carve out his own distinct identity in Fadnavis’ term, is clearly not going down with the man and the party at the helm. The BJP is clearly upset with Shinde’s attempt to hog the credit and not let the landslide majority government have its way. Shinde may be indispensable to the BJP in the run-up to the BMC polls to woo the Marathi manoos vote bank but remains to be seen how this open friction between Shinde and Fadnavis may play out for the Mahayuti in the forthcoming local elections.

The AIADMK supremo Edappadi K Palaniswami (EPS) could not have asked for more. Every wish of his was granted by the BJP that was seeking an alliance in Tamil Nadu with a major party at any cost. The first concession that EPS made in return was in withdrawing the case against Sasikala’s nephew TTV Dhinakaran that he had filed at the height of the battle for the party and its ‘Two Leaves’ legacy symbol. This is the first sign that some sort of rapprochement might come about between EPS and his bete noire O Panneerselvam, who has stood by Sasikala. It is, however, unlikely that any of the Sasikala clan and cronies will be allowed back into the party. At most, they may be accommodated in the seats that the BJP gets from AIADMK. Earlier, the BJP had empowered EPS after it became known that Vijay was bent upon going into his poll debut on his own with his fledgling TVK. EPS and his party have been named the leaders of the grand coalition that the BJP was desperate to cobble together to take on the DMK that has further entrenched its position by being a fierce voice of opposing the ruling national party. Former BJP TN chief Annamalai may have fought tooth and nail to improve the party’s vote share in the Lok Sabha polls but BJP had to ditch him to get EPS on its side. Today, EPS is bold enough to state that there will be no coalition government in TN even if the alliance wins a majority even though Amit Shah had hinted at a sharing of power in the state.

PM Narendra Modi’s ‘Look South’ policy may see former Tamil Nadu BJP president K Annamalai’s induction as Union cabinet minister (Rajya Sabha) or general secretary of southern states (TN, Telangana, Karnataka, Kerala) like Hemanta Biswa Sarma took charge of North Eastern states. Three-time MLA, N Narendran, elected as AIAIDMK MLA twice under Amma’s tenure, turned BJP president of TN playing a crucial role for fostering improved coalition relationship with his former party. Similarly, four to five state BJP presidents are likely to be replaced before BJP announces its national president by the end of this month. Manoharlal Khattar, Bhupinder Yadav are still front-runners for post, even as Manoj Sinha, Dharmendra Pradhan candidatures were seriously considered. Consultations with RSS next week will finalise the name of the next incumbent. An open secret in BJP that Shah effectively was backseat driving BJP’s politics even while JP Nadda held the post, adding grist to rumour mills over his candidature for presidential responsibility. His holding crucial ministries (Home and Cooperation) is the only hitch. Next incumbent will lead BJP’s election juggernaut at the 2029 general elections so appointment will require persuasion of the Hindutva brigade. Pertinent to note here, Nadda was RSS prerogative in 2014 when PM Modi imposed Shah as national president. Shah’s heightened activity of addressing Parliament, visits to Maharashtra, Kashmir and West Bengal on a single day exposed the fact that he runs BJP’s national politics as de facto president. The May-June cabinet reshuffle may see BJP leaders from Bihar elevated with an eye on the forthcoming state assembly elections.

Top Congress leader Sangram Thopate’s decision to join the BJP has dealt a severe blow to the party not just in Pune district but in the state as well. Elected on behalf of the Congress ticket thrice, Thopate lost the recent assembly election. Thopate’s father Anantrao was a staunch Congress worker who had always opposed the domination of his foe Sharad Pawar, who was in the Congress till 1999. Pawar’s efforts to pose a challenge to senior Thopate in Bhor assembly constituency in the district had not been successful. After Anantrao’s demise, Sangram donned the mantle and experienced similar difficulties. So much so that he was never made a minister in Maharashtra. His humiliation was unbearable when his claim to become state assembly speaker was ignored by the high command after then incumbent Nana Patole resigned the post suddenly. Owing to Pawar’s strategy, the Congress party has not been able to influence Pune district’s politics. Still, a handful leaders like Thopate have tried their best to stall Pawar’s monopoly but the Congress party has never acknowledged their single-handed battle. Only recently, former Congress MLA Ravindra Dhangekar in Pune had joined the Shiv Sena led by deputy chief minister Eknath Shinde. Even then, the Congress party had remained silent. Exasperated by such treatment, Thopate has announced his decision to join the BJP, rendering the Congress still weaker in the district which was once upon a time its stronghold.

Shiv Sena leader Uddhav Thackeray has undertaken a sustained plan to rejuvenate the organisation buffeted by continuous desertions by loyal Sainiks over the past two years. Initially, the campaign will focus on Mumbai since the existence of the Sena under him will depend upon who controls the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), the richest civic body in India. The Sena (UBT) has been heading the BMC since 1985. On the other hand, the ruling BJP is equally determined to wrest the control from Uddhav, who is its enemy number one at present. Deputy chief minister Eknath Shinde has been supplementing the BJP’s planning to end the hold of Uddhav in a bid to avenge the treatment he received when he was with him till 2022. As larger planning, Maharashtra Navnirman Sena leader Raj Thackeray is periodically wooed to help the saffron alliance to decimate Uddhav. Assessing the situation, Uddhav has decided to activate his lieutenants to launch efforts to inject  new life into the organisation whose soul is the Sainik at the local level. According to the data compiled by Uddhav, there are over 50000 Sainiks and Shakha Pramukhs who are loyal to him and eager to reestablish the Sena’s hold in Mumbai. Over the past few weeks, he has been liaising with the rank and file so as to give shape to the strategy he will adopt for the BMC polls, likely to take place after the monsoon this year.

West Bengal may be in hot spot over violence in Murshidabad where Hindus were targeted by mobs protesting over the Waqf Act. However, the news of senior BJP leader and a veteran RSS hand Dilip Ghosh’s marriage has brought a lot of smiles. There has been a flood of wishes for him. Many BJP leaders went to his house in a group on April 18 to wish him well. Among them were state president Sukanta Majumdar and Mahila Morcha general secretary Locket Chatterjee. However, no one knows yet whether Leader of Opposition Suvendu Adhikari will visit Dilip’s house or not. Dilip-Suvendu relationship is not very ‘smooth’. Incidentally, Saturday, April 19 is Dilip’s birthday. Although his birthday is officially shown as August 1. But Dilip’s close friends say that his ‘real’ birthday is April 19. Dilip himself is completely against ‘celebrating’ any occasion with pompousness. Dilip turned 60 last year. Ever since his decision to marry has been on the social media, Dilip himself has been indifferent to it. According to sources close to Dilip, when he was a little depressed after losing the last Lok Sabha elections, Rinku was the one who proposed to him to start a family.  A divorcee and housewife, with a son who works in the IT sector, Dilip initially did not agree to the marriage. She admits Dilip took three months, mainly after his mother’s insistence, to decide. A section in the Sangh wasn’t keen that Dilip should get married. Two members of the Sangh had even gone to Dilip’s house! However, Dilip was adamant on his decision. Finally, on April 18, Dilip became a ‘samsari’.

Maharashtra deputy CM Eknath Shinde currently enjoys a special place at the ruling BJP’s table, thanks to the key role he is scheduled to play in the forthcoming crucial BMC polls for them. A straight victory has evaded the BJP in the Rs 59,000-crore budget civic body till date. Politically too, winning the BMC polls for BJP has become crucial since dislodging Uddhav Thackeray from here would truly deliver a big blow to the Uddhav Thackeray Sena and decimate them. Not surprisingly, Amit Shah held a one-on-one with Eknath Shinde at Mumbai for a good half an hour without his own chief minister Devendra Fadnavis in attendance. Shinde has already got down to the task at hand and has been poaching Uddhav’s key supporters quite regularly. Shinde is using the opportunity to get his way around too. Shinde’s men have started grumbling about budgetary cuts introduced by the finance minister Ajit Pawar that have impacted their ministries. Shinde, who had funded many welfare schemes while as a CM, finds many of his schemes being curtailed, folded up or ignored by the Fadnavis government. His pet scheme, the Mukhyamantri Ladki Bahin Yojana, still continues, albeit with many restrictions. Shinde also has Sanjay Raut breathing down his neck, comparing him to a goat with nowhere to go and awaiting his butchering. Unlike the Ajit Pawar’s of NCP, who have warmed up to each other, the Sena factions continue to a collision drive breathing fire and fury against each other. 

It was clearly a day of hard work and some tough negotiations. Success came at the end of hours of backroom negotiations. Union Home Minister Amit Shah, who has networked and negotiated several alliances on behalf of the BJP, may have never spent more than a day to finalise the agreement, has been working on the fine details of the pact with AIADMK for nearly two days.  Initially there was anxiety that Shah’s presser that was originally scheduled to be held by noon got delayed by a few hours. He held a wide range of consultations with Thuglak editor S Gurumurthy.  He was determined to secure an alliance with AIADMK chief Edappadi K Palaniswami (EPS) before he left Chennai; his tenacity paid off. He wanted to make sure that the AIADMK and the BJP contest the 2026 Tamil Nadu Assembly elections as part of the NDA alliance. He also ensured that when he announced the AIADMK-BJP pact, both the Gounder leaders — EPS and Annamalai — were present with him. “This election will be led nationally by Narendra Modi and in Tamil Nadu by EPS and AIADMK,” Shah said. Shah also made it clear that EPS had not made any pre-conditions. He pointed out that the AIADMK has been part of the NDA since 1998, and that PM Modi and former Chief Minister J Jayalalithaa had worked together in the past. Even though he didn’t specify, Shah made it clear that EPS would be the Chief Ministerial candidate for the alliance. Avoiding any question on Annamalai’s future role, Shah made it clear that he did not want any speculation about it now. “As of now he is by my side.” Whatever may be the details of the alliance, at the end of the day a happy EPS was hosting dinner for Amit Shah.

With Home Minister Amit Shah in Chennai sort of overseeing transition in Tamil Nadu BJP from K Annamalai to Nainar Nagendran ahead of state assembly polls next year and ensuring sealing of the AIADMK-BJP alliance, there were ripples in the DMK over sexist and anti-Hindu utterances of a senior party functionary and forest minister K Ponmudy. A video clip of his derogatory remarks made on April 6 had gone viral. While senior leader and Udhayanidhi loyalist, Duraimurugan refused to sign a letter sacking Ponmudy from party post, it was left to TN chief minister MK Stalin to sign the order stripping Ponmudy of party post. DMK Rajya Sabha MP Tiruchi Shiva replaced Ponmudy.  It is being said Stalin was advised to take action against Ponmudy by his religious minded wife Durga as his anti-Hindu remarks were found very offensive. Interestingly, the person who first flagged the protest against sexist remarks of Ponmudy in the family was Stalin’s sister and DMK MP Kanimozhi. In a X post, Kanimozhi hit out at Ponmudi and said his remarks were unacceptable. Meanwhile Duraimurugan issued an apology for calling “Divyangs” as handicapped and speaking irresponsibly. However, what these random changes in the DMK indicate is that discontent against Udhayanidhi and the other influential relative (Stalin’s son-In-law  is bound to grow in the run-up to assembly elections.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Union Home Minister Amit Shah are looking South now to replicate their winning ‘Look East’ political gambit from North East India.  BJP leader K Annamalai, their go to man for the job, may be appointed Chief of four southern states including Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Karnataka, Telangana just like Assam CM Hemanta Biswa was entrusted seven sisters (states) comprising the NE region of India. Annamalai, while securing 4 lakh votes lost Coimbatore’s Lok Sabha seat in 2024, tendered resignation as BJP Tamil Nadu president after Shah’s TN visit stitched up political alliance encompassing AIADMK factions, rival Shashikala grouping (including former CM J Jayalalitaa’s adopted, then disowned son VN Sudhakaran). Amma’s medically unfit companion Shashikala endorsed nephew Sudhakaran as her party’s face even as BJP broadens its voter base by emphasizing politically influential ‘Thevar’ community. BJP went with Annamalai’s political ‘going solo’ advisory to register 11% of TN’s voter preference while DMK secured 40% to storm the state assembly. BJP now seeks to leverage its voter base alongside the 20% voter preference for AIADMK factions and Shashikala’s ‘Thevar’ community that had elevated late GK Moopanar in TN’s Congress ruled dispensation of the 90s. Superstar Vijay’s new political party TVK will eat into DMK’s vote-bank helping BJP. Senior BJP leader Mahendra Jain says, “Annamalai’s political elevation, like Shivraj Singh Chouhan’s, is a given although he may personally be unaware of the dynamic political development within the party just like ‘Mamaji’ was, till appointment to head all development projects by PM Modi for India. Annamalai’s name also figures now in the list of potential National BJP Presidential candidates.”

After steel, iron ore, bauxite and aluminium leadership, the BJP-run Odisha government is now on a mission mode to make the state a world class petrochemical and chemical sector power house. Towards this mission, the state government has recently signed three important MoU’s at the investor meet in New Delhi. It signed a MoU with Indian Oil Corporation (IOC) to set up a world class Petrochemical Complex at Paradeep involving an outlay of Rs 61,077 crore. When completed, the Complex will feed key raw materials for sectors like pharmaceuticals, coatings, adhesives and others. The objective of this new initiative seems to be three-fold. One, doing away with import dependency; two, boosting downstream industries vis a vis MSMEs; and three, positioning Paradeep as a strategic petrochemical hub in eastern India. Besides, the state has signed a MoU with the Indian Strategic Petroleum Reserves for establishing 4 MMT crude oil storage capacity in Jajpur district which is 90 km away from Paradeep port. Similarly, the state has also signed a MoU with Petronet LNG for setting up a 50,000-MT land-based LNG Terminal at Gopalpur Port in Ganjam district making it the first such facility on India’s East coast. The industry bodies have hailed the state government’s vision to make Odisha a hub for petrochemicals, energy, logistics and manufacturing at a time when global players are looking at India favourably for long term investments. With Odisha’s BJP government going full throttle, Naveen Patnaik’s BJD seems to be taking a pot shot at the chief minister Mohan Charan Majhi saying that the BJP government is merely re-signing the contracts and MoUs that were put in place by Naveen babu.

Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis stands cited for his continued vacillation over ‘Hindutva’, overdependence upon bureaucracy, failure to move ahead on ‘Love Jihad’, Uniform Civil Code, mob lynching case of ‘sadhus’ in Palghar, Disha Salian death case according to sources. The high command is believed to have reiterated its ‘Perform or Perish’ diktat while expressing dissatisfaction based on the litany of complaints against Fadnavis. Delay in prosecuting government officials beyond mere suspensions (25,000 birth certificates issued to illegal Bangladeshis, Rohingyas exposed by former BJP MP Kirit Somaiya) and Fadnavis’ predilection leaving the sensitive Home department under control of bureaucracy has irked the party’s high command. BJP’s former Maharashtra deputy CM, late Gopinath Munde’s daughter, cabinet minister Pankaja Munde was similarly cited for leaving her ministerial portfolios (including women and child development department) to bureaucratic discretion during Fadnavis’ 1.0 tenure (2014 and 2019) costing her dearly and being kept out of government under Fadnavis’ 76 hour 2.0 tenure and, CM Eknath Shinde’s 2.5-year tenure in 2022. Pankaja Munde is back in government, however, CM Fadnavis’ constant comparison with Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand and Assam counterparts over apparent ‘Hindutva’ shortcomings bodes ill for him. Maharashtra will likely witness major overhauling in coming days, a bureaucratic reshuffle on the cards at the very least. Meanwhile, only days after MoS (fisheries) Nitesh Rane conducted ‘Bhoomipujan’ for crucial jetty infrastructure off the eastern coastline of south Mumbai, BJP’s speaker in state legislative assembly Rahul Narvekar, close confidante of Fadnavis, started courting opponents of the project (falling within his assembly constituency) opening up a new political battleground for Fadnavis.

West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee and her party the Trinamool Congress (TMC) face a significant challenge following the Supreme Court’s decision to uphold the Calcutta High Court’s annulment of over 25,000 teachers and non-teaching staff appointments in West Bengal. The SC’s ruling, which cited a selection process “tainted beyond resolution” and mandated a fresh recruitment within three months, has prompted Banerjee to take immediate action. She has pledged to meet with affected individuals on April 7, promising comprehensive support. In her public address, Banerjee sought to deflect blame onto the CPI(M) and the BJP, while emphasizing the possibility of rectifying the situation through the mandated new recruitment process. She also highlighted the independence and efficiency of the newly formed School Service Commission (SSC) and drew parallels to the Vyapam scam, attempting to shift the narrative. However, the TMC is confronting a growing image problem, compounded by the recent R G Kar rape and murder case. Insiders express concern that further unfavorable court rulings, particularly regarding the Other Backward Classes (OBC) matter and another teacher-related case, could exacerbate the situation. Despite these challenges, some TMC leaders remain optimistic, citing the party’s resilience and the time available before the next Assembly elections. They point to the BJP’s reduced Lok Sabha seat count in West Bengal, despite the earlier High Court ruling, as evidence of limited electoral impact. Conversely, some academics suggest that the BJP’s approach might inadvertently bolster the Left’s standing, as aggressive criticism of the TMC could revive support for the Left.

In Odisha, ever since the BJP turfed out Naveen Patnaik’s well entrenched Biju Janata Dal (BJD) in both the Assembly and Lok Sabha elections in 2024, the relationship between him and Prime Minister Narendra Modi has become frosty. Since then the former CM has been opposing the Modi government tooth and nail on various issues at both the Centre and State. The latest one is Waqf Bill. In the Rajya Sabha it supported it. This brought to fore the internal dissensions within the party or whether Patnaik had a change of heart towards BJP. Reportedly, BJD’s floor leader in Rajya Sabha Sasmit Patra, a Christian, along with four BJD members voted in favour of Waqf Bill while BJD’s two Muslim MP’s Muzibulla Khan, and Munna Khan opposed the Bill in Rajya Sabha. Senior party leaders are saying that BJD has traditionally led an equidistant policy. BJD leaders are now demanding immediate probe as to who took this decision to vote for Waqf Bill and if this had Naveen Patnaik’s formal approval. Patra had tweeted that there would be no party whip and members should vote “exercising their conscience”. BJD leader Badri Prasad is wondering if someone else has played a game, clearly hinting if Patra has taken this decision on his own or at the behest of Patnaik’s right hand VK Pandian. BJD MP Debashish Samantaray who abstained from voting has launched scathing attack on Pandian as the main person playing behind the scene role. He said Patra was simply following Pandian’s orders.

Contrary to expectations there weren’t fireworks in the Lok Sabha when the government took up Waqf Bill (Amendment) for passage. It even saw some lighter moments between Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav and Union Home Minister Amit Shah over the selection of the next BJP president. Speaking in the House, Akhilesh Yadav mocked the “biggest political party” for its inability to elect its own president.” To which Shah quipped that the process in the BJP was unlike other parties, where presidents were selected from few family members.” Akhileshji made his remark with a smile, so I will respond in the same manner. The parties sitting across from us in this House all have national presidents who are selected from just five family members. But in our party, we have to conduct a process involving 12-13 crore members, so naturally, it takes time,” said Shah. “In your case, it will not take much time. I am saying that you will remain president for 25 years,” Shah said in jest. The process to elect the next BJP president has been pending for 10 months after incumbent JP Nadda was inducted into the Narendra Modi Cabinet following the BJP’s win in the 2024 Lok Sabha election. Yadav also took a veiled dig at PM Modi over his visit to the RSS headquarters on March 30, saying the “yatra” (pilgrimage) was to save his chair. While the banter showed that the Opposition had no real issue against the bill, Yadav claimed that the Waqf Bill would hurt India’s secular image in the world and that it was being brought as part of the BJP’s “divisive agenda”.

In his interactions with Union Home Minister Amit Shah, Tamil Nadu BJP President K Annamalai had reportedly made it very clear that the BJP should enter into a pre-poll alliance with the AIADMK only if it did not agree to projecting to anyone from the regional party as CM candidate. Armed with facts and figures, he explained to Shah that the AIADMK under Edappadi K Palaniswami’s (EPS) leadership had been steadily declining including its vote share. Annamalai insisted that the BJP must work on stitching up a NDA alliance in TN that builds on gains that the BJP made in 2024 Lok Sabha elections by going alone. It may be recalled that it was the AIADMK that had walked out of the NDA alliance in Sep-Oct 2023 months ahead of the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. Yet, the BJP managed to double its vote share from 3.66% to 11.1% though it did not win a single seat. It would be interesting to see how the AIADMK chief EPS responds to this precondition from BJP. EPS has been pushing for the NDA to project him as the CM face. BJP sources say EPS has been playing tricky. Soon after his meeting with Shah, EPS reached Chennai and repeated charges against Modi government that the DMK government has been making regarding the NEP and Centre not clearing state’s dues. His comments surprised some Congress leaders. So, will Annamalai who has been TN BJP chief since 2021 be eased out? Such posts are for three-year terms only. For the sake of caste dynamics — as there are one too many Gounder community leaders like Annamalai and Mahila Morcha chief Vanathi Srinivasan, it is felt the party may go for a Thevar leader Nainar Nagendran, a BJP MLA from Tirunellveli. A final call on Annamalai, who has opted to work as cadre, will of course be taken post PM Modi’s TN visit on April 6.

Ram Navami celebrations in West Bengal have markedly increased in recent years. While the BJP officially disclaims organized events for April 6, the festival is strategically positioned to shape their upcoming political campaigns, particularly with the 2026 Assembly elections in mind. The Bengal BJP is strategically delaying major street protests until after Ram Navami, planning a significant show of strength during the festival, although publicly, they avoid explicit admissions. Leader of the Opposition, Suvendu Adhikari has alleged that TMC has selectively weeded out Hindu names from voter lists in Nadia and North 24 Parganas, and has vowed to protest post the Ram Navami celebrations. Likewise, BJP will also protest against the state government’s withholding of central funds, including NRLM funds for women’s self-help groups. Furthermore, the BJP plans to escalate its challenge against the state government’s OBC list reassessment which is already being challenged in the Calcutta High Court. Despite official disapproval, BJP spokesperson Shamik Bhattacharya acknowledged the festival’s emotional significance, attributing the party’s restraint to respecting devotee spontaneity. However, Adhikari’s hints of a grand display of power during Ram Navami and Hanuman Jayanti suggest a calculated political strategy. Insiders confirm that BJP cadre, alongside Sangh Parivar affiliates, are actively expanding Ram Navami rally scales. The party anticipates that a larger, more impactful celebration will galvanize its base for future political endeavours. 

The BJP’s plans to distribute ‘Saugat-e-Modi’ kits to 32 lakh poor Muslims for celebrating the Eid festival in Bihar has been described by its arch enemy Uddhav Thackeray as ‘Saugat-e-Satta.’ Linking this gesture with the upcoming Bihar polls, the former Maharashtra chief minister has posed several questions for the saffron party. He has asked if the scheme will be for the election only or shall continue even later. Uddhav has been sore ever since his Maha Vikas Aghadi government was pulled down by his one-time right hand Eknath Shinde, who became the CM and is now the DCM in the state. Uddhav lambasted the BJP and demanded to know why it had retained green colour in its party flag if it was using slogans like ‘Batenge toh Katenge.’ He reminded the BJP that various of its pre-election assurances were not fulfilled. In a strong rebuttal, Shinde ridiculed Uddhav for not participating in the legislative council proceedings. “Some people only sign the member attendance register and then talk before the media but remain mute in the house,” Shinde said, taking a swipe at his erstwhile mentor. Minister Nitesh Rane, too, joined the firing squad. He said Uddhav had declared that he would resign membership of the council when he stepped down as CM in 2022 but has not kept even his own word. The war of words between the two sides will intensify, according to signals available now.

AIADMK General Secretary and Leader of the Opposition Edappadi K Palaniswami (EPS) arrived in Delhi on March 25 morning in a surprise visit sparking off speculations that he has reached the national capital to formalise AIADMK-BJP alliance ahead of 2026 Tamil Nadu assembly elections. His sudden visit comes when he appears to be softening his stance with the BJP is a significant shift from his earlier opposition to it. The AIADMK had walked out of the NDA in October 2023, months ahead of 2024 Lok Sabha elections. Yet, the BJP in TN under K Annamalai’s stewardship had managed to double its vote share to 11%.  Of course, neither the AIADMK nor the BJP could win any LS seat. With the entry of actor Vijay’s TVK party, it is possible that EPS once again feels the need to avoid a fragmented Opposition vote to take on the ruling DMK. Mired in liquor-marketing corruption of TASMAC that is being probed by the ED, the DMK is skating on thin ice and may meet the same fate as AAP in Delhi. It is in this backdrop that Palaniswami’s hurried visit to Delhi is of interest. Officially, he told the media that he was just “looking up” Rs 10 crore AIADMK office he had recently launched via video. However, the main agenda is to meet with Union Home Minister Amit Shah, and other key BJP leaders to draw up electoral strategies. Palaniswami’s surprise visit to Delhi had so stunned TN chief minister MK Stalin even publicly hoped in the state assembly that his AIADMK rival would articulate DMK’s views on New Education Policy or how the state loves the 2-language formula. Surely, Stalin knows an AIADMK-BJP alliance can simply unseat him in the upcoming polls.

The Karnataka deputy chief minister DK Shivakumar put the Tamil Nadu BJP chief K Annamalai in his place, dubbing him an unimportant person who had no knowledge of the threat that delimitation could pose to the southern states. The local BJP had arranged for black flags to be shown at all major cities in Tamil Nadu on the day that Stalin held his summit against delimitation at a deluxe hotel in Chennai. It was the local BJP’s point that Shivakumar, whose state refuses to give Tamil Nadu a just share of Cauvery water, and Kerala CM Pinarayi Vijayan who does not talk to Tamil Nadu on important issues like the Mullaperiyar dam, its maintenance and permissible height, should not be state guests in Chennai. Shivakumar made the point about Annamalai’s view of delimitation as an irrelevant subject being unimportant because what counts is what the Prime Minister and the Home Minister think of it. DKS said he could understand Annamalai being loyal to his party, but he seems not to understand what could happen to his own state of Tamil Nadu if the delimitation proposal goes through. If proportional representation according to population is done after the next census, UP could have as many as 137 seats in the Lok Sabha compared to 80 now whereas Tamil Nadu may end up getting four more seats than its current 39.

Former Union Minister Rajeev Chandrasekhar is all set to take over as the next BJP Kerala chief as the party’s central leadership backed his nomination. Chandrasekhar, who attended the party’s core committee meeting in Thiruvananthapuram on March 23 filed his nomination for the president’s post at the BJP’s state headquarters. His election is most likely to be unanimous. Chandrasekhar narrowly lost the 2024 Lok Sabha election from Thiruvananthapuram to Congress’ Shashi Tharoor by just 16,000 votes. A Nair by caste, Chandrasekhar is expected to solidify upper-caste Hindu votes in the state in the upcoming local body elections and next year’s assembly election. Party sources said a big plus in Chandrashekhar’s favour was he would possibly be uniting the faction-ridden state unit. Until now Kerala BJP unit has been indistinguishable from the LDF and the UDF. Party sources said it did not seem to have any link with the central BJP. A Kerala leader pointed how the BJP labour wing almost functioned like any other trade union, opposing every economic activity. Chandrashekhar’s entry would help Kerala connect with PM Modi, where he is extremely popular. Kerala people are fed up with the binary of LDF-UDF.  They are looking for an alternative. “As per India Today survey our vote share has gone up to 22% and has the potential to go further up to 29%. With Chandrashekhar at the helm and the party uniting behind him, we are poised to do well in the assembly polls. We may get something like 40 seats,” said a hopeful RSS leader. One of the reasons for the rise in BJP vote share is the growing divide between the Christian and Muslim communities in the state. A segment of the Christian population, loyal to Congress, has reportedly grown disillusioned due to their neglect of Christian concerns.

Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis’ return to power has been marred by regular hiccups with him struggling to duck one bouncer after another. Despite enjoying the support of over 82% or 238 MLAs of the total of 288 his second during the last four months has been anything but smooth. He is struggling to strike a balance between his inhouse support base and his ambitious coalition partners, NCP’s Ajit Pawar and Shiv Sena’s Eknath Shinde. If sources are to be believed, a huge wave of discontent has been simmering within the BJP against Fadnavis, upset with the fruits of power being doled out to new entrants from other parties over the committed party’s old guard. The communal riots in Nagpur over Aurangzeb legacy has also portrayed Fadnavis in a bad light as he holds the home ministry. Fadnavis has been responding to attacks on him by unleashing diversionary vocal volleys resulting in a political slugfest with the political discourse getting muddy and murky. Nitesh Rane, Suresh Dhas may have been the most prominent face, but many non-political players like Anjali Damania, Rahul Solapurkar, Prashant Koratkar too have been actively raking up issues to stoke the political flames. Old graves are literally being dug up to wean away attention from the disturbing ground reality of huge unemployment, of ballooning state debts to Rs 9.2 lakh crores and widening caste frictions. With the crucial Mumbai municipal elections round the corner, it remains to be seen how Fadnavis manages to take on the Opposition against him, both from his own party and outside.

The BJP and AIADMK have agreed informally to have an alliance for the Tamil Nadu polls of 2026. K. Annamalai, who heads the TN BJP and Edappadi K Palaniswami (EPS) of AIADMK have agreed to come together again after the AIADMK broke the alliance because it believed it lost more from the association with a party that propagates Hindutva. The two have also agreed to keep their alliance intentions under wraps for now lest the many influences around the TN political scene try to disrupt the coming together of parties that can dent the DMK’s chances of winning the polls. EPS is not interested at the moment in bringing back the former CM O Panneerselvam and his mentor Sasikala, but he may have to compromise if the national BJP insists on everyone coming together to take on the DMK. The BJP would like an even bigger alliance with Vijay’s debutante party TVK in it, but the actor has taken such a strong line against all other Tamil Nadu parties that he may have no option but to go it alone. The Opposition parties are aware that their best chance to take advantage of the building anti-incumbency and feelings running against the DMK’s family rule is to unite. Whether that would be possible with Vijay being the X factor in the coming elections is moot. With a little over a year to go, no development on the alliance front is to be ruled out but the AIADMK-BJP alliance is already sealed.

In Maharashtra, TV news channels are playing violent videos of men being bashed, either by the supporters of local Beed BJP legislator Suresh Dhas or from those opposing him. One of Dhas’s supporters was also seen showering stacks of currency notes from his car apart from stocking deer meat. Other videos showed men being bashed up with cricket bats. The videos started emerging after the resignation of Ajit Pawar aide minister Dhananjay Munde following videos of his supporters urinating over an almost-dead Santosh Deshmukh and even clicking selfies with his body. After the resignation of Munde, the law and order situation in Beed was expected to subside. Instead, a war of violent videos of party workers bashing individuals to prove which group is more cruel has started doing the rounds on social media and TV channels. Pankaja Munde has suggested a link between these allegations of violence since her rise as a minister. Pankaja has publicly claimed that she had complained to her party bosses about the way her home district was deliberately being kept on the boil, despite assurances. The Beed drama has now shifted from an inter-coalition campaign to a campaign against one from within the BJP with factionalism clearly out in the open. Chief minister Devendra Fadnavis who is believed to have unleashed his party MLA Dhas initially against Munde seems to have clearly shifted his target within his own party too. Dhas has accused Pankaja of siding with an independent candidate in the recent elections. Pankaja, recently shared stage with Sharad Pawar and his family at a Pawar-hosted event at Baramati, where she publicly praised him.

Bengal BJP is grappling with a significant internal crisis as it faces a series of resignations, defections, and internal dissent. Once boasting 77 MLAs after the 2021 state assembly elections, the party’s strength has now dwindled to 65, with concerns looming over the loyalty of several MLAs. The BJP’s legislative strength began to shrink soon after the 2021 assembly elections. Initially reduced to 75 MLAs when two elected members, also serving as MPs, resigned as the party had failed to secure power. Since then, eight more MLAs have defected, one passed away, and another resigned after winning a parliamentary seat in 2024. Tamluk MLA Tapasi Mondal’s defection to ruling TMC was particularly alarming as she belonged to BJP leader Suvendu Adhikari’s stronghold. In North Bengal, Kurseong MLA Bishnu Prasad Sharma has openly criticized the BJP’s leadership for failing to deliver on promises of special status for the Darjeeling Hills. In Nadia and North 24 Parganas, BJP MLAs in these regions, particularly those with ties to the influential Matua community, have kept the party anxious. Before the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, two MLAs were given parliamentary tickets to prevent them from defecting, yet both failed to win. The influence of regional leaders like Ananta Maharaj in North Bengal has complicated BJP’s internal dynamics. With the 2026 state assembly elections in sight, the BJP faces an urgent need to stabilize its ranks. The party’s ability to manage dissent, especially in politically sensitive zones like North Bengal and Matua-dominated regions, will be critical. While the TMC’s aggressive poaching strategy has played a role, the BJP’s own failure to manage internal grievances and regional dynamics has compounded its problems.

Just fresh from the resignation of a cabinet minister, and despite fissures within the ruling coalition, the Opposition in Maharashtra has failed to seize the opportunity that has presented itself before them. The resignation of Ajit Pawar aide Dhananjay Munde was not the result of any Opposition campaign but rather it was the result of inter-coalition disputes within the ruling alliance coming to the fore. Munde’s resignation was a result of a strong sustained campaign led by the BJP legislator Suresh Dhas meant to undermine the Ajit Pawar camp. The fodder for the accusation, that the irrigation department was being run on the whims of Fadnavis associate Mohit Kambhoj, was also said to be provided by intra-party elements within the BJP. That the Opposition could not even present a united picture during the traditional post-budgetary press conference was telling about the state of the Opposition in Maharashtra. Uddhav Thackeray addressed it all alone with the Congress missing in action and their senior leaders restricting themselves to issuing statements while Sharad Pawar’s NCP representative Jayant Patil stuck to the TV debates. Uddhav’s decision to go alone in the forthcoming BMC elections, seems to have particularly peeved his coalition partners. Uddhav seems to have lost patience with his alliance partners. In the case of NCP, it seems to be busy dealing with its own internal schism between Rohit Pawar and Jayant Patil that had led to the party yet to declare its leader of legislative party. While Congress seems lost in its internal factionalism with strong leaders refusing to work with the new appointee state party president Harshavardhan Sapkal. Unlike the lacklustre Opposition, the ruling allies, in contrast, are actively working against each other, unsettling the majority Devendra Fadnavis 2.0 government.  

BJP MLC Ranjitsinh Mohite Patil’s son Vijayibhav Vishwatjejsinh wed the daughter of UdaySinh Rameshrao Chikli, K Shivanshika at Akluj, Malshiras taluka in Solapur on March 8. While a lakh people attended the holy matrimony to include Maharashtra’s royalty, Rajaharshi Shahu Maharaj, Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj, Chhatrapati Shivendra Raje, Maloji Raje Bhonsale (Kolhapur), Nagpur’s Sangram Sinh Raje Bhosale and the Mewad Rajput clan and yet, no BJP leaders showed up. Maharashtra CM Devendra Fadnavis, deputy CMs Ajit Pawar and Eknath Shinde missed the do. Maharashtra’s political history reveals 52 years old Ranjitsinh’s own wedding attended by over a lakh plus people and, even his father, former deputy CM Vijaysinh Mohite Patil’s wedding ceremony way back in 1971 witnessed one lakh people in attendance along with politicians from across the political lines. The lakh plus attendance at the three marriage ceremonies was maintained despite being familial affairs and non-political. When former DCM Vijaysinh Mohite Patil tied the knot with Nandini Devi (Mai Saheb) in 1971 criticism emanated over the sheer opulence exhibited when every well in Akluj (a water scarcity hit region) was filled with slabs of ice in every household to ensure free flow of water. Vijaysinh’s father Shankarrao Mohite Patil (Maharashtra’s founding Minister of Cooperation) simply explained, “Every family invitee to my son’s wedding has hosted me earlier and outside whose house I have washed my hands (had a meal). At my own son’s wedding ceremony, I invited each of them.” The Maharashtra minister is also famously cited for organizing free helicopter flights in his hometown for local farmers who he insisted would easily afford flights upon attaining their true potential as agriculturists.

Oppressor emperor Aurangzeb continues to haunt Maharashtra politics. Even as a storm is raging about his bloody reign owing to the praise heaped upon him by Samajwadi party MLA Abu Azmi, a demand to demolish his tomb near Chhatrapati Sambhaji Nagar in the state has started making ripples. The demand has been made by BJP MP Udayan Raje Bhosale, a direct descendant of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj. He was livid because of Azmi’s statements. Already, sentiments against Aurangzeb have been inflamed after the release of Chhaava, a blockbuster movie. Bhosale’s demand is another angry reaction but is important due to his lineage. Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis has said that though Bhosale has articulated everyone’s feelings, the government needs to proceed according to law. Moreover, the tomb has been declared as a protected monument by the ASI during the previous Congress rule, he has pointed out. Aurangzeb died on 3 March 1707 at Bhingar near Ahilya Nagar in north Maharashtra. Respecting his last wishes, he was cremated at Khuldabad in Marathwada near Chhatrapati Sambhaji Nagar. While Rs.6.5 lakh has been expended for the tomb over the past 13 years, an insignificant amount has been spent for a memorial to Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, according to Hindu Janajagruti Samiti’s Sunil Ghanwat. The Congress party has adopted a cautious stand. Its leader Vijay Wadettiwar has felt that the government should take a proper decision in this regard. However, it is wrong to create a rift in society over a religious matter, he has warned.

Looks like the BJP government in Odisha headed by Mohan Charan Majhi is hell bent on downplaying the legendary leader Biju Patnaik’s contributions to the state. It may be recalled that the BJP leaders were once rooting for a Bharat Ratna for Biju Patnaik as they enjoyed a good rapport with his son Naveen Patnaik, three-time chief minister of Odisha. But ever since the BJP government routed Naveen Patnaik in 2024 Assembly polls, they have changed their tune. The latest move by the Odisha government is not declaring a public holiday for Biju Jayanti on March 5. Instead, the Majhi government declared Panchayati Raj Divas celebration on April 24 as a national celebration. It may be recalled when BJD was ruling they had merged both Biju Jayanti and Panchayat Raj Divas celebration as one event declaring it as a public holiday since 1993. When BJP was in alliance with BJD they did not complain. Why, Majhi government choose to separate the two celebrations from this year? According to corridor whispers, CM Majhi wants to gradually phase out late Biju Patnaik from the public memory. Undoubtedly, he was one of the architects of modern Odisha and his son named the party – Biju Janata Dal — after him. A political source says that if the BJP wants to continue its reign in Odisha, then they must dilute the legacy and aura of Biju Patnaik. Meanwhile, BJD leader Naveen Patnaik has accused the BJP government of trying to change the name of Biju Patnaik International Airport. He has challenged the BJP by asking: Can you all erase Biju babu’s contributions like Paradip port, HAL, NTPC, OUAT, NIT-Rourkela and others?  

The Devendra Fadnavis 2.0 government got its way around in week one of its first budget session. Despite having to face the ignominy of resignation of a cabinet minister within three months of return to power, the Mahayuti government managed to get nothing on record on Dhananjay Munde’s resignation row. While the CM announced Munde’s resignation to media persons and not inside the assembly, Munde himself claimed in a tweet that he was quitting due to health reasons. This ensured that none of the gory details of the cruel murder of the Beed sarpanch Santosh Deshmukh, as captured in viral videos, that had triggered the resignation, entered the assembly records. The state also refused to put up a formal statement about it in the legislative assembly despite Opposition members moving a breach of privilege motion. Maha Vikas Aghadi  failed to get the Leader of the Opposition’s post when it chose to nominate an aggressive Bhaskar Jadhav over a fresher face like Aaditya Thackeray.  Similarly, to offset a slow growth rate of 7.3% as projected in the Economic Survey Report-2024-25, the Mahayuti government decided not to hike monthly stipend for women from Rs 1500 to Rs 2100 despite having promised in its election manifesto. Though it decided to continue with its populist schemes for now due to immense public pressure, the beneficiaries are being trimmed to ensure minimal burden on the state exchequer that is already reeling under a debt of over Rs 7.8 lakh crore. Strong laws against love jihad, religious conversions, social misinformation and even drunken unruly behaviour is also on the cards. The DF 2.0 government marks a term of strong aggressive, authoritarian governance with no room for Opposition sentiments. 

Another twist has been added to the present political suspense in Maharashtra by none other than chief minister Devendra Fadanvis. Reiterating that politics can take any turn, he told an interviewer that his relations with his bete noir Sharad Pawar or Shiv Sena leader Uddhav Thackeray were never sour. At the same time, he has discounted the possibility of teaming up with either of them “in view of the present political atmosphere.” Fadnavis said that had Uddhav accepted his telephone call then (in 2019), no rift between his Sena and the BJP would have occurred. Despite this, now both talk with each other, Fadnavis clarified. His assertion is considered meaningful as there are persistent media reports that the BJP is determined to rein in both deputy CMs, Eknath Shinde and Ajit Pawar. Cancellation of certain appointments made by Shinde and scrapping of some tenders finalised in the past have led to the discussion that Fadnavis is determined to root out corruption. Against this backdrop, Fadnavis said his mission was to bring about a transformation, not take revenge against anyone. The developments over the past five years have taught him that any type of political alliance is possible, he retorted, without blaming Sharad Pawar or Uddhav directly. In Maharashtra politics, political opponents were treated as enemies earlier but he had made it clear as soon as he took over as CM that his goal was development and not settling political scores.