Climate activist Sonam Wangchuk, who was spearheading the demand for statehood for Ladakh and had been on an indefinite fast for 15 days, has been arrested. Wangchuk’s journey from thanking PM Modi for granting Ladakh’s UT status in August 2019 to inciting violence that left four people dead as recently as September 25 symbolises the dangers of political opportunism and external manipulation. Thousands of people had come out and indulged in arson and stoning. Local BJP office was set on fire. Wangchuk called off his indefinite fast soon after the violence spread. It is worth mentioning that the Centre had scheduled October 6 for talks between the agitators and the high-powered committee. Previously, informal talks were scheduled to begin on September 26. Despite these firm assurances, the agitators resorted to arson and violence. It’s not easy to understand the logic behind it. BJP leaders allege that Congress instigated the violence because the party wanted to create a “Nepal-type” situation in India. Why does Wangchuk now raise hackles in India’s power circles? One it is his close and continuing association with foreign funded LEAD India and International Association for Ladakh Studies. His climate project ICE STUPAS faced criticism from the locals for being unsustainable. His recent calls to halt the Army’s infrastructure projects in Ladakh citing climate concerns have sparked serious unease. Besides his American wife Rebecca Norman and her connection with Ford Foundation and Soros’s Open Societies have been a matter of concern. In 2023, Wangchuk began his outdoor hunger strikes, demanding “constitutional safeguards” like inclusion in the Sixth Schedule. It is unbelievable that the engineer-innovator Wangchuk who had developed solar power tents for Indian Army and inspired actor Aamir Khan’s character Phunsukh Wangdu in the popular film Three Idiots, is being portrayed as a NGO person using foreign funds– to undermine the country.

With Bihar assembly elections around the corner, both the BJP and the Congress were seen wooing women voters. While PM Modi reached out to women in Bihar via video conference from Delhi, formally launching the Mukhyamantri Mahila Rozgar Yojana that promised to reach out to 75 lakh women across the state. Under the scheme, women would receive Rs 10,000 each through Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT) into their bank accounts. Modi described the initiative as a transformative step for entrepreneurship among rural women. In his address, PM Modi said the scheme was possible because of the Jan Dhan financial inclusion programme launched 11 years ago. He called the scheme part of the government’s effort to make women “Lakhpati Didis” — women earning at least Rs 1 lakh a year — under the central government’s campaign to create 3 crore such women nationwide. The launch of the Rs 10,000 scheme by PM Modi clearly upset the Congress and Priyanka Gandhi Vadra. For a party that has come to power in two southern states — Telangana and Karnataka — on the basis of guarantees it was odd that Priyanka even questioned the basis of DBT pay-outs in Bihar and its timing. Speaking to groups of women, she said the promise of Rs 10,000 so close to elections was a transparent attempt to secure votes. Why didn’t BJP give you Rs 10,000 for the last 20 years. Priyanka announced a Congress poll promise of granting land ownership to women. She said every landless family in Bihar would receive 3 to 5 decimals of land, and that ownership titles would be in the names of women.

Even as torrential rains ravaged drought hit regions of Maharashtra causing much destruction, the state is stuck in limbo unable to help its farmers. With state debts crossing Rs 9.32 lakh crore, the state is struggling to deal with this natural calamity of this scale and is now looking at the Centre for aid. Chief minister Devendra Fadnavis rushed to Delhi to present his case but hasn’t yet got anything concrete in hand. Till then the government has been trying to play with numbers to dissipate agrarian anger. The Rs 2215 crore aid package announced for farmers turned out to be the release of pending aid for earlier damage assessments. For the 31.64 lakh farmers in the state, this would have just meant Rs 7000 per head, pointed out farmer leaders. Insensitive gestures like plastering mugshots on aid kits as done by deputy chief minister Eknath Shinde generated more uproar than goodwill. Umpteen ministerial visits lacking concrete assurances after being ordered by the CM, also aggravated public sentiments on the subject. Unrelenting media coverage and backlash from the opposition members only added to the state discomfiture. The opposition is pushing for complete loan waiver for farmers and aid of Rs 50,000 per hectare. Incidentally, it took Uddhav Thackeray, who always gets accused of operating from his home, to get the government to step up in action. He demanded that the Centre dig into the Prime Minister’s Care Fund to help farmers. State Congress chief Harshvardhan Sapkal wondered how the state fell short of funds only for aiding farmers and never for funding its mega projects.

Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis has asserted that he will stay in the state for the full term of five years. Talking to senior editors at the India Today Conclave in Mumbai, Fadnavis reiterated that he is making this statement since he is conversant with the way the BJP takes important decisions. Fadnavis is considered a front-runner to take up the BJP’s presidency and media speculation has been rife on this count. Rejecting any such possibility, he said the successor to present BJP president JP Nadda will be a staunch follower of the RSS ideology. Nadda has been given extensions amidst reports that the RSS and the BJP are still to agree on the next incumbent of the single largest political party in the world. Taking a dig at the media forecasts, Fadnavis said he was amazed to read some of the names mentioned to be in the race. Fadnavis has also discounted reports that a discord exists between him and deputy CM Eknath Shinde. He said, “During my first tenure, Shinde was in my cabinet. Later, I became deputy CM in his cabinet. Now, the position has reversed again. We are working in close coordination and there is no substance in the reports that we are at loggerheads.” Fadnavis has been the focus of opposition criticism for some time on different issues and it has been suggested obliquely that some of his cabinet colleagues are fomenting unrest against him. Hence, his unambiguous assertion about leading the state for the full term is likely to dampen any such attempts, if they are made in reality.

West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has once again turned Durga Puja into a campaign arena and cultural outreach, leaving Opposition parties scrambling to match her scale. While the BJP views the festival as a potential political weapon, Mamata has neutralised it, ensuring the celebrations remain firmly under her influence. Over the past seven years, the number of Puja committees spanning Kolkata and remote districts has grown from 28,000 to 45,000. Likewise, the financial support during the same period has also scaled up from Rs 10,000 to Rs 110,000 this year alongside electricity bill waivers. In effect, Mamata expanded her reach from Cooch Behar to Kakdwip as chief patron of the festivities. During the Left Front era, the CPI(M) maintained organisational control in several spheres but deliberately kept a distance from Puja. Leaders like late Subhash Chakraborty occasionally engaged, but the party never made the festival a political stage. This allowed Mamata, post-2011, to steadily enlarge her presence, transforming Puja inaugurations into high-visibility public relations opportunities. Even Opposition leaders like BJP’s Suvendu Adhikari seldom attended Puja inaugurations in Kolkata or districts, leaving the party largely absent from major events. Apart from Sajol Ghosh in Kolkata, BJP has no significant foothold. Initially questioned in courts, these grants have been strategically tied to Bengali cultural identity, intertwining Durga Puja with heritage and pride recognized by UNESCO, effectively transforming the festival into both a cultural and political instrument. Didi has also expanded the Puja arena not only through grants but the puja idol immersion carnival inspired by Brazil’s Rio de Janeiro, now institutionalised and set for Red Road on October 5.

Maharashtra deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar is finding himself in troubled waters for his two recent statements. Firstly, Pawar told agitated flood victims in no uncertain terms a couple of days ago, “You can make any claims but money can’t become available unless you have it.” He was interacting with the aggrieved farmers who have been demanding substantial assistance since they have lost everything in the current flooding calamity in many parts of the state. His candid admission has caused consternation, some of which is political. Pawar has been called insensitive by his detractors. Secondly, Pawar’s assertion that reservations should be based on an applicant’s economic status has invited ire by his closest associate, firebrand leader Chhagan Bhujbal, who has been championing the OBC reservation cause. Bhujbal said the reservations was not a Garibi Hatao programme but it was a measure to uplift the communities that have been backward socially. Bhujbal’s vocal opposition has once again bared the split in the polity of Maharashtra. At the core of the conflict is the state government’s recent resolution to grant ‘Kunabi’ status to Marathas, which is considered a higher caste on the social spectrum. Bhujbal has not minced his words in the past, either. So far, Pawar has not reacted to his outburst. But either way, the reservation issue is bound to have repercussions in the coming local body elections that will determine the shape of the politics in Maharashtra.  

Ahead of assembly elections in Bihar, West Bengal and Tamil Nadu, the BJP has deployed several Union ministers to take charge of these states’ elections. For Bihar, the BJP has appointed Union Minister Dharmendra Pradhan as its election in-charge. Alongside him, Union Minister CR Paatil and Uttar Pradesh Deputy Chief Minister Keshav Prasad Maurya have also been named as co-in charges. Significantly, Pradhan and Maurya are prominent OBC leaders. With the Congress trying to play catch up with the NDA in OBC politics by releasing a resolution for Most Backward Classes or Atipichda Nyay Sankalp at its recent Patna CWC meeting, it is interesting that the BJP managers are prominent OBC leaders. The Bihar Legislative Assembly election for all 243 seats is scheduled for October–November 2025. The previous polls were held in October–November 2020, after which the NDA formed the government with Nitish Kumar as chief minister. In August 2022, JD(U) broke ties with the NDA and joined the RJD-led Mahagathbandhan, only to return to the BJP-led NDA in January 2024, once again installing Nitish Kumar as CM. For West Bengal, the BJP has appointed Union Minister Bhupender Yadav as its election in-charge. Former Tripura CM Biplab Kumar Deb has been named as co-incharge. It is important to note that the BJP has appointed senior leader Baijayant Panda as election in-charge for Tamil Nadu, while Union Minister of State for Civil Aviation Murlidhar Mohol has been named as co-incharge. Party sources feel the choice of Panda for TN assumes significance as he was credited for turning around BJP’s fortune’s in Delhi and wresting the state from AAP this year. It is quite possible that the party leadership has similar expectations from him in the southern state too.

A fresh feud is taking shape in the family of RJD leader Lalu Prasad Yadav, following a cryptic post by his daughter Rohini Acharya, who had donated her kidney to her father in 2022. While Tej Pratap has been sulking ever since father expelled him from the party earlier this year, Rohini who has been nursing political ambitions, raised eyebrows with a series of cryptic tweets in the past few days. Rohini, 47, wrote X: “I have been performing my duties as a daughter and a sister and will continue to do so. Neither am I hankering after a post nor do I have any political ambitions.” A medical graduate who chose to be a homemaker and settled with her husband in Singapore, Rohini first came to the limelight in 2022 when she donated a kidney to her father, who was in need of a transplant. Last year, she made an unsuccessful electoral debut from Saran constituency, which was represented by her father long ago. Speculations were rife that she wanted to try her luck again, in the upcoming assembly polls but got a cold shoulder from brother Tejashwi.  Her brother’s refusal to accommodate her in state polls, made her attack his close aide – tech savvy Sanjay Yadav– a Haryana born leader Rajya Sabha since April 2024. He was introduced to Tejashwi by Samajwadi Party’s Akhilesh Yadav. It is not clear if it was Sanjay Yadav’s idea to restrict “kith & kin” in ticket distribution. Whatever it is, the family feud is worrying the Congress — a key ally which is holding the CWC meeting in Patna on September 24. Meanwhile, to openly project Tejashwi as CM, Congress will look for some decent seat share.

Former Tamil Nadu BJP chief K Annamalai is once again in focus. The buzz in Chennai BJP is that he is probably working for the DMK. Or else it is inexplicable that after being cajoled into coordinating with his party colleagues by senior BJP leader BL Santosh — he had even dropped by Annamalai’s residence only last week — and had promised to work for the AIADMK-BJP alliance. Party sources say he was found liaising over the weekend with a breakaway AIADMK faction – TTV Dhinkaran’s AMMK — which he had insisted must be re-inducted into the NDA. This development so upset the state unit that TN BJP chief Nainar Nagenthran rushed to Delhi to meet BJP national president JP Nadda. It was felt Annamalai could be reaching out to Dhinakaran as part of Home Minister Amit Shah’s general advice to ensure BJP presence in southern districts of TN. But does that mean Shah would signal Annamalai to wreck the very foundation of BJP’s ties with the AIADMK and the understanding reached with party chief Edappadi K Palaniswami (EPS)?  Possibly not. Party insiders feel Annamalai was most likely acting on his own as he   expressed regret over Dhinakaran’s exclusion from the alliance. Sources say Annamalai is determined to weaken AIADMK chief EPS and split the BJP-AIADMK alliance. All this is being done with an eye to benefit the incumbent DMK, which is bound to benefit from a split in non-DMK votes. It is also possible he may be driving AIADMK, in desperation, towards the actor Vijay-led TVK. He wants to take revenge on EPS and prevent him from becoming CM in 2026.Within BJP, he is targeting his successor Nainar Nagenthran.

What an irony that Mithun Manhas, a sub-committee member appointed by the Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI), to administrator cricket in Jammu and Kashmir Cricket Association (JKCA), is to be elected as President (unopposed) of the BCCI itself! Those who call the shots at the BCCI, a financial behemoth, surprised one and all by choosing to back Manhas for the post of President and five more to its three-year Apex Council. The 45-year-old Manhas, born in Jammu and Kashmir, was not lucky to play for India, but he has ticked a handful of weighty boxes; he is a 157-match first class cricketer for Delhi and J&K, turned out in big numbers in limited over matches and Twenty20, was contracted by three IPL teams as player, coached a handful of IPL teams and the Bangladesh under-19 team. His latest role is “Member, Cricket operations and Development” JKCA. The question is “Does he receive any honorarium” from JKCA? Manhas was one among the few, but well-known like Sourav Ganguly, Harbhajan Singh, Raghuram Bhat and Jaydev Shah in the 35-card electoral list and hence eligible to contest elections. And at the residence of a Union Minister in New Delhi on Saturday (Sep 20) some influential members of the BCCI proposed Manhas and five others for different posts. The discerning in the BCCI – past and present administrators- feel that the Supreme Court validated Reforms-in-Cricket incorporated in the BCCI Constitution has eliminated the democratic process of an election. Elections did not take place in 2019 and 2022 and when vacancies were created for three posts from November 2024. But with Manhas set to become President on September 28, the trend of cricketers becoming BCCI Presidents continues.