It is now becoming increasingly clear Congress leaders — Rahul Gandhi and Priyanka Gandhi Vadra — stole the show at the INDIA bloc march to the Election Commission’s office in Delhi on October 6 with the sit-in at Akashvani Bhavan. They were simply not bothered about coordinating with other Opposition parties nor were they worried about Opposition unity. They seemed more worried to better the CJP record of protest — which incidentally is going to be held on October 10. Surely, the media focus on Gandhi siblings’ antics on the streets in the past two days so upset Congress’s allies that many leaders felt the mega protest eventually became a Gandhi siblings’ show. Many leaders questioned the Gandhis’ move for a sit-in at Akashvani Bhavan while other Opposition leaders were being detained. Apparently, the sit-in protest was not part of the plan. While Rahul’s aides tried to explain about the Gandhis sit-in protest at Akashvani as a move to get appointment with the CEC, many Opposition leaders found Rahul Gandhi’s insistence on meeting the CEC as very odd. Did the Gandhis take 200 Opposition MPs who had gathered at Parliament’s Makar Dwar on October 6 for granted? So it was not just the DMK that skipped the Opposition event. Even Samajwadi Party not only chose to keep away from the Gandhi show but also skipped the Cong lunch invite at Sagar Ratna. Explaining the many who missed the lunch event, Congress leader Jairam Ramesh in post on X insisted that all INDIA janbandhan parties had been invited for the lunch. However, since the decision for the lunch had been taken late last night and communicated. It was therefore natural that some parties could not be represented.” At the same time, he protested about the Gandhis being arrested once again. Meanwhile there was outrage on X about Rahul Gandhi spotted manhandling a Delhi woman police official.

It seems Biju Janata Dal (BJD) President and leader of Odisha opposition Naveen Patnaik is now shifting from his quiet demeanour to an active communication offensive. He and his party members are now getting ready for an all-out media war against Mohan Charan Majhi’s government by having a highly coordinated media and public outreach strategy. The idea is to expose, highlight the state government’s failures, lapses and mis-governance to the people at large. As part of this plan, Naveen Patnaik has already reorganised BJD’s media cell. This means restructuring the party’s communication road map covering digital, print, and electronic media. Objective is to divert growing public discontent of BJP’s administrative failure into a structured, state-wide campaign against Majhi’s government. Political analysts decoding Patnaik’s new strategy say that Naveen babu has realised that his earlier defeat was due to BJD’s weak social media narrative. And the current media strategy is an antidote to the earlier gap. The job ahead for BJD media team is cut out because it’s taking the role of self- managed PR strategy which has its distinct strategic benefits but also challenges with regard to core execution requirements.

Not just in India, particularly South Indian homes but in the U.S. too mornings are ushered in by that magical voice waking up Lord Rama…“Kausalya Supraja Rama Poorva Sandhya Pravarthathe.” The evenings resonate in temples and homes with the legendary Carnatic vocalist M S Subbulakshmi’s sublime recitation of the Vishnu Sahasranamam.  Is it then surprising that a production team launched a biopic on her titled M.S. – A Legacy On Screen? The decision to cast Rashmika Mandanna in the title role did not create waves of talk, surprise and surmise. Whoever played that role was bound to draw audience, magnetically, going beyond a heroine to remember Bharat Ratna recipient M S Subbulakshmi and her beauty. MS would come on stage in her custom woven Kanchipuram silk, diamond studded nose and earrings…glinting, glittering and gleaming in the arc lights. When Kamal Haasan sounded the first clap for the official launch of the biopic at Chennai’s music academy, Rashmika Mandanna must have felt goosebumps and trepidation. Can I play this legendary artist? Director Gowtam Tinnanuri must have calculated the gains and risks …knowing fully well that Rashmika or anyone else with the right makeup, jewellery and stunning saris would carry the biopic on her shoulders. Vidya Balan too had been “look tested” earlier. Though Vidya looked stunning, the casting coup did not happen. Rashmika has announced that after the biopic hits the cinemas, she would take a five-year break…to stay home and enjoy family life to the fullest. She would start her second innings after that hiatus ….Rashmika is wise beyond her age …after playing MS, even if she retired she could still cherish the role of her life. Legends come rarely.

It is learnt that the Modi government which is formulating a new industrial policy is exploring the use of land belonging to PSUs and factories closed for ages for creating space for new industries. The industries department is already inspecting the defunct Hindustan Cables and Hindustan Fertiliser units in the Asansol-Durgapur industrial belt. The government is also consulting the Bengal Chamber of Commerce and Industry (BCCI) and other industry bodies to identify closed industrial units whose land could be reused. According to secretariat sources, the industries department has prepared a preliminary list based on a BCCI report. The list shows at least five closed PSUs in Asansol-Durgapur together hold around 2,095 acres, including water bodies. Hindustan Cables and Hindustan Fertiliser account for nearly 1,488 acres, though parts of some properties are reportedly encroached upon. Other units identified include Cycle Corporation of India, Sen-Raleigh Cycle Company, Mining and Allied Machinery Corporation (MAMC), Bharat Ophthalmic Glass Ltd, Hindustan Pilkington Glass Factory and Kesoram Industries’ Refractories Division. MAMC has 193.67 acres, including 153.4 acres unused, while Cycle Corporation has around 239.1 acres, of which 178.42 acres is unused and 16.81 acres comprises water bodies. Six closed National Jute Mill Corporation together have nearly 400 acres along the Ganga. Moreover, sources said no legal complications have been found so far, while the Centre plans phased auctions. Industry bodies have also identified about 975 acres at Burn Standard’s Howrah and Raniganj units and 70 acres at Jessop in Dum Dum. The Centre and NCLT are moving to sell these properties to promoters. Other properties include 69 acres of NISCO land at Belur and 250 acres of Dunlop land at Sahaganj.

In a heart-warming move, PM Modi had a emotional chat with Captain Smit Machchhar, who survived a savage axe attack inflicted on him by an Omani co-pilot on the ill-fated Flydubai flight on September 30. Incidentally the Modi-Machchhar chat on Oct 2 managed to puncture the opposition protests on the CEC. As the emotional conversation dominated news headlines, slogans at Jantar Mantar became a faint echo. Incidentally, on the day Modi connected with Capt Smit, UAE Presidential Advisor Anwar Gargash described the attempted hijacking of Flydubai flight to Tel Aviv as a “terrorist act”.  Gargash also praised Indian Captain Smit Machchhar as a “true hero” for helping avert a potential disaster. Abu Dhabi publicly condemning an attack targeting a flight to Israel was seen as a bid to strengthen Israel-UAE ties. PM Modi praised the captain’s bravery in saving numerous lives. During the video call, Machchhar, who is currently recovering at a hospital in the UAE, shared his personal experience and explained that chanting ‘Hanuman Chalisa’ gave him courage during the incident. “I was fighting for my life. I realised at that time that if I don’t show courage, then 170 passengers will lose their lives.” PM Modi had spoken to Capt’s wife and parents, a day earlier and assured them full support from Indian missions. As the pilot apologised to PM Modi for breaking down mid-call, he said that he never imagined that he would get the opportunity to speak to the PM. Modi and the pilot exchanged a few words in Gujarati. It is perhaps this Gujarat connection that must have made the Congress and Rahul Gandhi go silent on not celebrating a hero toasted by the nation! UAE is also probing if the Omani hijacker had Pak links.

Maharashtra FDA Commissioner Tukaram Mundhe’s squads have seized of tonnes of unsafe and adulterated food items across the state, valued at over Rs 67 crore. Since taking over in May 2026, Mundhe has shaken up India’s food sector and is firmly supported by chief minister Devendra Fadnavis. The judiciary, too, has stood by him except for ordering nesa few corrections. The most drastic action by him was a Thane raid in which the FDA impounded 28,955 kg (nearly 29 tonnes) of raw ingredients and solid foods such as chips, farsan, chivda, flours and wafers as well as stocks of palm oil. In a three-day drive from September 28–30, the FDA suspended 31 licenses and impounded over 3900 kg of substandard sweets, cheese, paneer and oils, including 617 litres of milk. So far, the FDA has conducted over 12,000 inspections, issued over 5200 improvement notices, suspended 603 licenses and recorded 875 arrests. Outlets of some major global fast food chains have faced temporary closures or license suspensions due to pest infestations and poor sanitation. The campaign has hit quick-commerce dark stores, too, and subjected them to temporary shut downs due to hygiene breaches. It has not spared some government canteens also. Mundhe became famous following the implementation of a statewide ban on analogue paneer. The other major action was to ban the common occurrence of street vendors wrapping hot food like vada paav in newspapers due to ink toxicity. A frequently transferred officer, Mundhe’s continuation as FDA chief has become a matter of discussion.

BJP MLA Narendra Mehta has sparked off one more controversy, only to perform another volte face within hours following a huge backlash from almost all quarters. As soon as Mehta described the religious and cultural identity of Mira-Bhayandar, which is on the outskirts of Mumbai, as a “Jain city” and “Mini Rajasthan,” verbal attacks against the claim began. He immediately apologised but the embers of the offensive statement are still felt. In support of his claim, Mehta maintained that the township has more than 33 Jain temples, has nine Jain corporators and the mayor, too, is a Jain. It was just a few days ago that an advisory was issued by Seven Square Academy in Mira Road, a school founded by Mehta, asking students not to bring onion, garlic, potato, beetroot and other leafy vegetables or non-vegetarian food during the Jain Paryushan period. The suggestion was withdrawn following all-out opposition. Mira-Bhayandar is a BJP stronghold for a long time and Mehta is its face. His political enmity with the Shiv Sena (Shinde) is well known and he does not shy expressing it publicly time and again. Realising that his latest claim can become a huge headache for the BJP, Mehta has withdrawn it and emphasised that the city belongs to the Agri-Koli community, the original residents for centuries. He also has lauded Maharashtra and Marathi community, saying, “I am fully aware that Marathi people have elected me as their MLA. I apologise for my statement.” But the after effects of his audacious utterance will be felt for some time, at least.

Nandigram is set for its first electoral test since the BJP formed the government in West Bengal earlier this year; the October 6 bypoll carries wider political stakes. It will test the Congress-TMC tactical understanding, put West Bengal chief minister Suvendu Adhikari’s former seat back in focus and offer an early indication of how Bengal’s new political equation is taking shape. Adhikari won Nandigram in the 2026 Assembly election but vacated the seat after also winning Bhabanipur; he had defeated Mamata Banerjee from Nandigram in 2021. The Congress-TMC equation is an unusual one: the two parties are cooperating in Nandigram, but remain electoral rivals in Rejinagar. Banerjee’s faction withdrew its candidate in Nandigram and backed Congress nominee Milan Pradhan. The move followed a meeting between the TMC candidate and Adhikari, after which Banerjee announced her support for Pradhan. Pradhan was subsequently arrested in cases linked to the 2007 Nandigram land agitation and later secured interim bail. That contrast — tactical support in one seat and a direct contest in another — makes Nandigram a closely watched test of whether the two parties can convert limited cooperation into electoral support on the ground. A senior Congress leader said the Nandigram contest would test not just one seat but the extent of coordination among anti-BJP votes. A senior TMC leader said the support for the Congress candidate was aimed at stopping the BJP and should not be equated with the two parties’ separate contest in Rejinagar. The Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls has emerged as another major issue, with more than 6,000 appeals reportedly pending in Nandigram ahead of polling which will be held on October 6 and counting is scheduled for October 9.

Punching bags, that’s the moniker the fast bowlers and spinners have become in the ongoing One-day series against the West Indies. What transpired in God’s own country in Thiruvananthapuram (Keralam) and around the Brahmaputra (Guwahati, Assam) was nothing short of carnage: the bowlers were put through the shredder. All because of a featherbed of a surface and a team that took the bowlers out of the equation straightaway. Only four Men in Blue batters have stepped out of the dugout; skipper Shubman Gill has piled up 333 in two knocks with a double (223*) at Guwahati, Virat Kohli 168, with an unbeaten 139 near Kovalam and Rohit Sharma 133 with a 101 in the second match. The fourth batter was Ruturaj Gaekwad, who too has an average of 78.57. The authorities cared a fig for the bowlers who were taken apart for 678 runs off 514 balls by the Indian batters. The home team has so far hammered 66x4s and 38x6s. The Men in Maroon have scored 663 off 603 balls with 4x100s. The second ODI was indeed not a good advertisement for the sport; it would be interesting to know how the ICC rates the surface at Guwahati. No wonder India’s head coach Gautam Gambhir described the match as “This is not cricket, this is only batting. If I have to be absolutely honest, I feel there has to be a bit more contest between bat and ball.” The third and final match will be played at New Chandigarh on Saturday (Oct 3). The pitch is unlikely to be any different. So far it’s been a graveyard! India has won the series, its aim will be to lift the numbers to 3-0.

The Bengal CPM’s attempt to put younger leaders in the political spotlight appears to have run into a deeper organisational problem. According to the party’s latest Party Letter No 1, members below 30 constitute just 4.55% of its total membership — a figure the document itself describes as “quite concerning”. The admission, on page three of the document, comes against the backdrop of a sustained effort by the party in recent years to project younger faces in elections as well as organisational positions. Leaders such as Meenakshi Mukherjee, Shatarup Ghosh, Dipita Dhar, Kaltan Dasgupta and Sayan Banerjee have been given greater political visibility over the past five-six years. Mukherjee’s rise has been particularly notable, with her induction into the CPM central committee. The party has also brought in age norms at different levels of its committees, ostensibly to make room for a younger generation. Yet the membership figures suggest that the changes at the leadership level have not translated into a significant shift in the composition of the organisation as a whole. The Party Letter also points to another difficulty: the party continues to struggle to attract members from SC/ST, and minority communities. A state secretariat member attributed the present imbalance to organisational decisions taken two decades or more ago, when, the leader said, the party failed to bring in a number of promising young people because of selective recruitment practices. Over time, that gap widened and became embedded in the organisation. The contrast is particularly significant at a time when a large section of the electorate belongs to Gen Z. For the Bengal CPM, therefore, the challenge is not simply to find younger faces for elections or committees, but to rebuild a wider organisational base that can sustain that transition.