There’s a fear of post-poll violence in West Bengal!  That is why around 50,000 central forces will remain in the state till counting day on May 4. Yet home ministry mandarins acknowledge that their deployment will remain a constitutional challenge without the state government requisition as law and order are state subjects. The CAPF’s operational powers will be legally limited, creating federal tension. Under Article 324, the ECI requisitions central forces to ensure free and fair polling. But once the ballot boxes are unsealed and votes counted that authority begins to fade. The BJP is confident of winning Bengal but fears post-verdict violence, which Amit Shah wants to prevent. A party source said the Union Home Minister who is likely to arrive in Bengal after the election results are announced on May 4, would monitor the situation to avoid a replay of 2021. Shah has already announced that the central forces would remain in Bengal for two months after the election results to prevent post-poll violence. He has sent his deputy and Union minister of state, Nityananda Rai to Bengal even before the exit poll results were announced. BJP Bengal poll manager and Union minister Bhupender Yadav will reach Kolkata by May 2. Apart from administrative vigilance, Shah asked party workers and leaders to refrain from violence during victory celebrations. State BJP president Samik Bhattacharya said, “We want to ensure that what happened to our workers and supporters in 2021 does not happen to anyone this time. We are afraid that TMC workers will attack their own party workers once the BJP wins.,” Both the BJP and Trinamool have issued warnings to each other’s alleged goons over what might happen after the results are declared on May 4. Shah has warned that Trinamool goons will be “hung upside down and straightened out”.

The Congress party in Maharashtra has become a laughing stock since it is facing the ignominy of withdrawing from an electoral contest for the third consecutive time in a span of just a couple of months.  Senior Congress leaders are feeling embarrassed since the party has been forced to eat its own words without extracting any concrete promise from the Nationalist Congress party (NCP) or the Shiv Sena (UBT) about the forthcoming elections in 2028. The focus of the ridicule is state Congress president Harshwardhan Sapkal, who has fallen flat on his face after showing bravado every time. So much so that many of his party workers openly ask if he is making such important announcements on his own or without getting the high command’s clearance. Sapkal had to announce withdrawal of his party candidate from the Rajya Sabha fray earlier this year, to make way for unopposed election of NCP boss Sharad Pawar. Soon thereafter, he was compelled to declare that the Congress party will not contest against deputy CM Sunetra Pawar for the Baramati assembly byelection. He was made to change his stand immediately after warning the ruling Mahayuti that no walkover will be given to Sunetra. The latest insult Sapkal has suffered has happened in the biannual Vidhan Parishad election in which Sena leader Uddhav Thackeray unilaterally announced the candidature of his party Ambadas Danve. This caught Sapkal totally unprepared as even his own party leaders distanced themselves from his hasty behaviour. Thus, the Congress that ruled Maharashtra for decades till just a dozen years ago is considered a fringe party now, with Sapkal facing the blame for its decline.

One question that is haunting chattering classes in Delhi is whether Kerala polls will sound the death knell of the Left Parties in India? Will the Left Democratic Front be voted out of its last safe haven from India? After being voted out of Tripura, Bengal, will the Left lose its bastion in Kerala after a successful two-term run under CPI(M) stalwart Pinaryi Vijayan?  Or maybe survive to last a third term on a slender margin. Many Communist leaders are worried! In spite of many scandals, Left leaders are hoping that LDF is voted back. As far as the Lok Sabha is concerned, the Left Parties had their best showing in the 2004 election winning over 60 seats. Today, their strength lies less in widespread electoral success and more in isolated strongholds, alliances, and cadre-based networks. If there is one state where the Left still governs with authority, it is Kerala. The state has a long history of communist politics, dating back to 1957 when the world’s first democratically elected Communist government was formed under EMS Namboodiripad. Five exit polls’ results show the United Democratic Front (UDF), a coalition led by the Congress in Kerala, dethroning the LDF government led by Vijayan, who ruled the state for the last 10 years. In fact, Vijayan’s victory in 2021 was an aberration of sorts. Kerala has had the long-standing practice of alternating between voting for the LDF and the UDF. Kerala’s Left has sustained itself through welfare governance, strong public health and education systems, and disciplined party organisation. Even if it loses ground in the assembly election, the CPI(M) still has a chance of returning to power, given the state’s electoral history.

Despite frequent news stories suggesting that Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Uddhav Thackeray is inching closer to chief minister Devendra Fadnavis, the possibility has been discounted outright by the latter, once again. The CM said in an interview that the Mahayuti led by him already has 235 MLAs in the 288-member state assembly. “Hence, there is no scope to accommodate anymore,” Fadanvis said. As the Maharashtra Vidhan Parishad election concluded on April 29 by electing all nine candidates unopposed, the talk got traction once again that a post-midnight meeting between the two leaders had led to this momentous development. However, Fadnavis said no such meeting had taken place. On the other hand, Uddhav appears to have softened his criticism of Fadnavis in particular and the Mahayuti in general. This is linked with the conflicting policies adopted by the other two Maha Vikas Aghadi parties – the NCP led by Sharad Pawar and the Congress. Over the past several months, no convergence is seen within MVA. Even within the Sena (UBT), discontent is noticed over the candidature of former council LoP Ambadas Danve for another term of the upper house. In fact, Uddhav himself was urged by MVA leaders to contest but he did not. Deputy CM Eknath Shinde was making preparations to field a candidate against him in case Uddhav chose to face the election. After Uddhav declared that Danve will be the candidate, Shinde taunted him by saying, “Some people make others fight.” After the lacklustre performance in the assembly and local body elections in Maharashtra, the Sena (UBT) has witnessed a steady outgoing from its ranks. Uddhav and son Aaditya Thackeray are thus facing the prospect of rebuilding the party organisation, considered an uphill task in the given political frame.

In the 2026 assembly elections CPI (M) in West Bengal is banking on the youth brigade to win a few seats and re-enter the Assembly. It is trying to woo the youth with a development plank, deviating from the TMC, BJP and Congress focus on freebies and doles. It has fielded young leaders across key constituencies, signalling a generational shift. Candidates include Minakshi Mukherjee from Uttarpara, Kalatan Dasgupta in Panihati, Dipsita Dhar in Dum Dum Uttar, Mayukh Biswas in Dum Dum, and Afreen Begum in Ballygunge. Many emerged from student and youth movements with strong organisational work. The party is shifting discourse from identity and welfare politics to issues like inflation, unemployment, education, healthcare and civic amenities. Leaders say the campaign engages youth through direct outreach. Postcard campaign urges voters to reject religion-based appeals and economic and civic issues. Candidates target BJP for polarisation and TMC for corruption and governance failures. The Left Front contests with the Indian Secular Front and CPI(ML) Liberation, with CPI(M) in 195 of 294 seats. Yet Bengal remains seen as a TMC-BJP bipolar contest. CPI(M) says its development focus is on real issues. It notes both rivals attack the Left, signalling relevance. However, it faces an uphill task. After 34 years in power, it lost in 2011, with seats falling from 40 in 2011 to 26 in 2016 and zero in 2021. Vote share dipped, despite minor local recoveries. The defection of Pratikur Rahman to TMC adds pressure. Senior leaders like Biman Bose join padayatras, backing grassroots mobilisation and youth strategy to regain ground. Whether this yields gains is uncertain, but the final push shows CPI(M)’s bid to reinsert itself in Bengal’s contest.

In Tamil Nadu, the voter’s turnout was massive…a roaring phenomenon never seen before, defying psephologists, political analysts and journalists of every hue, even defiant astrologists. Whichever party is stacked and predicted as the winner, one personality is evading categorisation and classification. The Johnny-come-lately superstar Vijay who managed to cover his Christian calling artfully. Even as vote counting day nears like the apocalypse for many candidates and parties, TVK’s Vijay is the subject of reams of analyses and paralysis of who he really is. One article in a well-known Tamil digital site by Rajan Kurai Krishnan (a PhD in anthropology from Columbia University, NY) is an eye-opener. Enigma or canny pretence to political sagacity? Will the huge crowd pulling translate into a messiah has arrived? Is he fooling the people all the time or is he fooling himself about his draw? Is our politics and governance so simple that any Tom, Dick or Ramaswamy can blow a conch and anoint himself as Lord Krishna.  Vijay has cleverly managed to keep off the nosey press and artsy analysts from getting him to talk seriously about his agendas. Does he think he is the second coming of MGR? The DMK and AIADMK powered by the sagacity and wisdom of leaders like Annadurai and Karunanidhi, parties that have amassed staying power are not to be easily unseated by a greenhorn. But who knows…may be TN is that litmus test to prove all logic wrong, to usher in a showman ….let the show go on, the audience is impatient.

April 20 raised the summer heat some notches higher when the teaser of Ayushmann Khurrana’s Pati Patni Aur Woh Doh was unveiled. The expectation and salivation promised to stay charged with a teaser focused on a zany comic and clandestine cat escapade. Whatever changes in the world, men straying in marital bonds and coveting parayadhan is not going to change. Khurana not only juggles one temptation, but teaches how to juggle a third one too…reminding us of the Hollywood 1967 Tony Curtis, Claudia Cardinale comedy Don’t Make Waves …“one in the air, one landing and a third, pending”. Prajapathi Pandey is the lucky hero who gets to romance three ladies …Sara Ali Khan, Wamika Gabbi and the delightful Rakul Preet Singh who fight like cats on a hot tin roof over him, yet want to tear him to pieces for this talent. Vijay Raaz, playing the police officer, is bound to bring the roof down with his tongue in cheek interrogation of Pandey ..“You got caught with one, the other rushed in to extricate you..the third bird, is she a friend too?” Tigmanshu Dhulia and Vishal Vashishtha play interesting characters as foils. A Mudassar Aziz directed comedy of errors, T Series and PR Studios have collaborated to bring this Zany Zappy complicated three-cornered love triangle.  You will have to wait till May 15 to get lessons on how to stray even as you remain married.

It is understood that Ashok Kumar Lahiri—the distinguished economist and BJP MLA from Balurghat, West Bengal—informed the party high command of his wish not to contest the 2026 Assembly polls. Instead, he expressed a desire to move to Delhi, where his core strengths, talent, and skills could be put to better use. Prime Minister Narendra Modi appears to agree. Lahiri has been appointed as the Vice Chairman of NITI Aayog, replacing Suman Bery. As the Prime Minister serves as the Chairperson of NITI Aayog, this move places the “right man in the right job.” PM Modi reportedly feels that a proven performer like Lahiri can contribute more effectively from Delhi than by nursing his Balurghat constituency. In a recent tweet the PM noted: “His rich experience in economics and public policy will further strengthen the path of reforms in India and the journey towards becoming a ‘Viksit Bharat’.” Seems like PM Modi has gone for a major overhaul of the think tank since 2015. Along with Lahiri, the government has already added four new members: M Srinivas, Abhay Karandkar, Gobardhan Das and KV Raju. Lahiri boasts an impressive track record, including tenures at the World Bank, the IMF, and the ADB, as well as serving as India’s Chief Economic Advisor. Despite these high-profile roles, colleagues describe him as remarkably grounded. Endorsing the selection, Rajat Nag, the former ADB Managing Director, stated: “Ashok Lahiri is a very competent economist with vast experience and international recognition.” Lahiri has shifted to Delhi, met with the Prime Minister, and immediately reported for duty. He has already indicated that his primary focus will be on meaningful policy changes in the healthcare and education sectors—areas he views as essential to achieving the vision of a Viksit Bharat.

AAP MP Raghav Chadha who split two-third members belonging to the AAP in Rajya Sabha and helped party MPs in merging themselves with the BJP, is most likely to get a berth in the Union government.  It is being said Chadha’s switch to the BJP had been in the works for some time. With Punjab assembly elections slated to be held early next year, the BJP wanted Chadha to be on its side to prepare for the elections. At the same time the BJP wanted to ensure that the defectors did not lose much. Or at least they remained as MPs. With more than two-thirds — 7 out of 10 — of the AAP MPs defecting, a figure needed for the MPs to retain their membership in the upper house, Chadha ensured he and his colleagues were safe for the time being. Meanwhile, it is being said Chadha’s continuation in AAP had become difficult ever after Arvind Kejriwal began to take an active interest in Punjab. Particularly after he had lost power in Delhi in February 2025 assembly polls. Besides, Kejriwal also did not want Chadha to play any advisory role to Bhagwant Mann government as he himself had begun to take an active interest in Punjab. It is in this backdrop that reports of Chadha cozying up to the BJP began to do the rounds. Kejriwal removed Chadha as the deputy leader in the Rajya Sabha over allegations of not raising key issues against the Modi government and doing “soft PR” instead. Ironically, when Chadha walked out of the AAP – he had two more MPs as part of the merger — Ashok Mittal and Sandeep Pathak, a former IIT professor. Interestingly, Mittal was the AAP replacement for Chadha’s Rajya Sabha deputy leader post.

Former Chief Justice of India B R Gavai’s recent visit to Bageshwar Dham in Madhya Pradesh has made the so-called rationalist and secular elements livid, generating several nasty comments against him. The religious centre and its head, Dhirendra Krishna Shastri, always criticised for his aggressive Hindutva remarks, are thus in the news for a very different reason. The son of the late Dalit icon Ramkrishna Gavai, the retired CJI always speaks in support of the constitution of India and its emphasis on promoting secular principles embedded in it. Therefore, the Gavai family’s visit has come as a surprise for many. Pictures show Gavai at the Bageshwar Dham in Chhatarpur district with his wife Tejaswini and son Jyotiradiya.  The Gavai family had hit the headlines last year when Gavai’s mother, Kamalatai, was invited by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh for its Dussehra Rally. Though initial indications were that she would grace the important occasion, Kamalatai soon declined the invite when there was a barrage of criticism about the likely move. A noted social activist in her own right, Kamalatai has always remained away from public appearances. The late Ramkrishna Gavai led a sizable section of a faction of the Republican Party of India, set up by Dr B R Ambedkar. However, he himself had attended a RSS function and was known for his liberal attitude, enabling him to form friendships in all political parties. The CJI has not so far reacted to the feedback created by his visit.