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When a city like Chennai is already having its own issues with traffic and travel, a Chennai-based startup called The ePlane Company is working on India’s first electric air taxi, which can take off and land like a helicopter. The plan for this air taxi is called e200x. As fascinating as it sounds, will it be feasible in terms of money, electricity and battery limits? Half of the roads in Chennai are already occupied with barricades, saying “inconvenience today for a better tomorrow” where parking space for this e taxi will be allocated, considering Chennai’s limited parking space. Even though it might help to overcome traffic and everything, how many individuals can really afford to go in an air taxi that replicates a helicopter? The company is building a computer model as of now. What about the after-math effects of building a real one? What will happen if the battery drains down in the middle of the ride? Will Harry Potter come with his Nimbus 2000 (a magic broomstick) to rescue people and to drop at their locations? And Charging stations? Fares to ride in these helicopter replicas? It’s a lot to unpack. As futuristic as it sounds, practicality is what will decide the outcome of this idea.
The BJP’s much-publicised Parivartan Yatra in West Bengal will be flagged off on March 1 by the Union Home Minister Amit Shah from Raidighi in South Bengal, a stronghold of the ruling TMC. The two-day mobilisation –March 1—2 — will span nine of the BJP’s 10 organisational divisions in the state. The Kolkata Metropolitan division has been excluded, as it is tasked with organising the party’s concluding Brigade rally. The decision to have Shah launch the yatra from Raidighi is politically significant. The area falls within South 24 Parganas, a district that has stood firmly behind TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee since 2008 — even before she came to power in 2011. In the 2008 panchayat polls, the TMC wrested the South 24 Parganas Zilla Parishad from the Left Front. In the last Assembly elections, the party won 30 of the district’s 31 seats; only Bhangar went to the ISF. Raidighi is under the Mathurapur Lok Sabha constituency, while TMC national general secretary Abhishek Banerjee represents neighbouring Diamond Harbour in Parliament. Joining this yatra will be eight central leaders and nationally prominent BJP faces marking an unprecedented concentration of the party’s top leadership in West Bengal. The two-day event will be attended by Union ministers like Rajnath Singh, Shivraj Singh Chauhan, Jagat Prakash Nadda, Dharmendra Pradhan, Annapurna Devi including Maharashtra CM Devendra Fadnavis. Newly elected BJP national president Nitin Nabin will be present on both days. Five years after its high-profile “joining fairs” ahead of the 2021 polls, the BJP is avoiding mass inductions. Instead, it is banking on a concentrated show of organisational strength to signal its intent to breach what the ruling party calls its most impregnable fortress.
The Congress leadership is apparently worried about losing numbers in the biennial elections to 37 Rajya Sabha seats to be held on March 16. Its worry is that it may not be able to return as many of its MPs to the House from states like Maharashtra and Chhattisgarh. The party which currently has 27 Rajya Sabha is worried that any reduction in numbers could effectively cost it the office of the Leader of Opposition in the Upper House, a position currently held by Mallikarjun Kharge. Incidentally, his term is coming up for renewal in June. The anxiety to maintain LoP status has made the Congress push for an extra Rajya Sabha seat with its allies in TN or Maharashtra. In TN, of the four vacancies, the Congress is the DMK to share 2. DMK has offered one seat to DMDK leader Premalatha’s son/kin. It is apparently willing to offer one seat to the Congress. As for the second seat it is not clear at this stage. Rahul is keen to accommodate his close aide Meenakshi Natrajan — a resident of Madhya Pradesh — from TN now. He can’t wait for Digvijay Singh’s vacancy which will happen in June. The Congress is demanding a second from Stalin for Pawan Khera. Stalin, it seems, is keen to accommodate the former The Hindu editor N Ram. It is being said that the Congress is not worried about limitations of the DMK and is very keen about reaching its target of two RS seats. In fact, AICC Tamil Nadu in-charge Girish Chodankar told DMK MP Kanimozhi that his party wants more assembly seats than the previous election. TN Congressmen are wondering why is the party talking tough for RS seat? Is something else cooking?
The Election Commission announced biennial elections for 37 seats of the Rajya Sabha in 10 states. In West Bengal there will be a contest for five seats on March 16. The Bengal BJP unit is hopeful of increasing its tally to the Upper House to three from the present two. Currently, two Rajya Sabha members are: Ananta Maharaj and Samik Bhattacharya. Sources indicate that the Bengal BJP is keen to nominate a prominent woman leader. However, consensus remains elusive, with two factions backing rival candidates. The camp led by senior leader Dilip Ghosh, along with Bhattacharya, is understood to be supporting Locket Chatterjee, former MP from Hooghly. While Leader of the Opposition Suvendu Adhikari is rooting for Agnimitra Paul, the MLA from Asansol Dakshin. Party insiders say the choice will not only determine representation in the Upper House but also signal which faction holds greater sway within the State unit. Paul’s candidature, however, has drawn scrutiny. During recent outreach initiatives in parts of Raniganj’s Egara area and Damra, she reportedly faced “go back” slogans from sections of residents. Local grievances have centred on alleged gaps in development in Asansol Dakshin, including drinking water supply and drainage infrastructure. Questions have also been raised in some quarters over the utilisation of MLA funds. Both contenders have faced electoral setbacks. Paul suffered a heavy defeat to TMC’s Shatrughan Sinha in the Asansol Lok Sabha by-election, while Chatterjee lost the Hooghly seat to Rachana Banerjee in the 2024 Lok Sabha polls. With the March 16 election approaching, the final decision is expected from the party’s central leadership soon.
Thiruvarur, the diamond pendant in the golden Thanjavur Delta chain has spawned many famous historical and cultural legends that endure even today. The Thiruvarur Temple chariot of Thyagaraja Swamy, the presiding deity, is the biggest and most challenging chariot. If you are a Carnatic music connoisseur, the eternal legend and musical legacy of Saint Thyagaraja evokes awe and admiration. But devotion and Hinduism also raised another ideological icon, Kalaignar Karunanidhi whose Dravidian philosophy gained unstoppable currency through his party, the DMK. His grandson Udhayanidhi Stalin, Secretary -Youth Wing is now being prepped for Tamil Nadu Assembly Election. Naturally, the incumbent CM ‘son and heir in waiting is no push over, for any other aspirant …including film rock star Vijay, the Johnny-come-lately claimant. Udhayanidhi is busy choosing the right bailiwick not that he is set to lose in a DMK stronghold. The party’s wise ones suggested Thiruvarur as the most appropriate setting for the rising son. But sometimes karma, nemesis bung their own roadblocks. Legend has it that Lord Thyagaraja of Thiruvarur can never be challenged as the religious or temporal power. Kalaignar himself won twice but could not become CM. For our readers who want to learn more about our rich culture ….Sarafoji Raja 2 , impressed by St Thyagaraja’s musical genius and undiluted love for Lord Rama wooed the poor Saint …he sent minions bearing untold wealth to bring Thyagaraja to the King’s court as his Aasthana Vidwan. Refusing all the wealth, the Saint rendered one of his most loved and popular Kritis on the spot… “Nidhi Chaala Sukhama, Ramuni Sannidhi Seva Sukhama” (I will not sing praises of a mere man for all the wealth). The emissaries retreated …just like Udhayanidhi, to choose another constituency.
Ex-IPS officer, former Mumbai police commissioner, Prambir Singh’s name still spells controversy, and now, Singh stands accused of attempts to extort junior consulting doctors at Bandra based super-specialty hospital – Lilavati — by offering posts of senior consulting doctors for cash before it stood exposed. Subsequently, the hospital management issued show-cause notices to its CFO, VP (supply chain) among others who promptly resigned over an alleged Rs 100 crore scam, as per a written complaint filed before Bandra police station. Only two days back Singh’s latest collusion with the erstwhile top management came to light when audit, stock taking revealed that Rs 46 crore was paid for purchasing medicines over last year for hospital although the medicines remain as yet untraced, unaccounted for. Latest instance of Singh’s brazenness being cited relates to planting fake news-media articles claiming an illusory ‘interim relief” accorded by the Bombay High Court. Twin board room resolutions passed by trustees of Rs 800 crore Lilavati super-specialty Hospital Trust on February 16, 2026 against permanent trustee Rajesh Mehta sought to be challenged by HC by Mehta allegedly Singh’s accomplices in the scam. While the headline of a English daily blared “Bombay HC Grants Interim Relief to Rajesh Mehta in Lilavati Trust Row”, the court of Justice Milind N Jadhav had actually only issued notice to trust to respond to averments by Rajesh Mehta and posted matter for replies from the trust based on the field praecipe by Mehta and “For Directions” thereafter come February 25, 2026.
Bhiwandi near Mumbai is a communally sensitive town. It has been in the news after the recent civic election in Bhiwandi had dispensed a mixed mandate and political permutations and combinations were cooking for the past few days. Ultimately, the BJP has turned out to be the loser in the mayoral election, which it lost miserably. Interestingly, there is no communal angle to this contest but the loss is due to the power play between the BJP and the Shiv Sena (Shinde), the two main partners of the ruling Mahayuti in the state. As neither party was ready to relent, BJP’s Narayan Choudhary deserted it and teamed up with Bhiwandi Secular Front, which is opposing the saffron forces. The cause of this decision was that he was refused mayoral candidate by the BJP, which fielded Sneha Patil. An angry Chaudhary was supported by six BJP rebels, 30 Congress members and 12 of the NCP(SP). His tally of 48 against Patil’s 16 has shown the BJP in poor light since it failed to woo former mayor Vilas Patil, whose Konark Front won 25 votes, a dozen from the Shiv Sena led by deputy CM Eknath Shinde. Thus, failure to forge a strategic alliance has cost Mahayuti an important municipal corporation in Maharashtra. Moreover, the Congress is in a celebratory mood for humbling the BJP, which has threatened to take stern action against the rebels. Congress corporator Tariq Momin has been elected deputy mayor with a comfortable majority.
The Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)) Bengal unit, grappling with an existential crisis, has been rocked by fresh turbulence after senior state committee member and former Lok Sabha candidate Pratik Ur Rahaman launched a sharp attack on the leadership, alleging favouritism and lobbying at the behest of state secretary Mohammad Salim. Terming it a “triple talaq” given by the CPI(M), Rahaman — the party’s Diamond Harbour candidate in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections and a new-generation leader promoted by the Politburo — resigned and gave up his membership. He has declined an invitation from veteran leader and Left Front chairman Biman Bose to attend a meeting at the party’s Alimuddin Street headquarters after accusing a section of leaking internal communications. On speculation about a switch to the ruling All India Trinamool Congress, Rahaman remained circumspect. Insiders say Bose attempted to defuse tensions, but Rahaman has grown disillusioned, holding Salim responsible for sidelining younger leaders. A section has voiced concern that emerging student and youth leaders are being marginalised, with the state unit seen as divided between factions under Salim and senior State Central Committee member Sujan Chakraborty, who is eyeing Politburo membership and eventually the state secretary’s post. Rahaman has conveyed to close associates that repeated attempts to raise organisational issues went unheeded, hinting at “influential” leaders shielding aides. Though sections favour retaining him as a young minority face ahead of the 2026 Assembly polls, his absence from the two-day state committee meeting beginning Thursday has intensified speculation of an imminent break. A direct face-off has emerged between Rahaman and Shatarup Ghosh. Without naming him, Rahaman earlier targeted Ghosh, who acknowledged Rahaman’s competence but said he is “everyone’s favourite”. Political circles report Rahaman has met a Trinamool MP in Kolkata about possible induction into the party.
The present party strength is such in the Maharashtra legislative assembly that the combined opposition can elect just one candidate to go to the Rajya Sabha. While NCP leader Sharad Pawar at 85 is still likely to be in the ring, the Congress and the Shiv Sena led by Uddhav Thackeray have indicated that they are not too enthusiastic about the prospect. In the 288-member Maharashtra assembly, which is the electorate, the ruling BJP has 132 members. It is supported by the Shiv Sena led by deputy CM Eknath Shinde’s 57 and the NCP faction under deputy CM Sunetra Pawar’s 40. Thus, the ruling Mahyuti has about 220 MLAs on its side. On the other hand, the three major opposition parties have a joint strength of under 50. There are a handful of independents, too. Thus, the winning quota to enter the Rajya Sabha is of around 40 votes. Hence, it is barely sufficient for the Opposition to win one seat. The Shiv Sena (UBT) and the Congress are wary of standing by Sharad Pawar since they are afraid that he and his daughter Supriya Sule, MP, can switch over to the BJP or NDA at any moment. As of now, behind the door confabulations are gaining speed. Other notables who are retiring include RPI leader Ramdas Athawale, former Union minister Bhagwat Karad and Sena (UBT) Priyanka Chaturvedi. Their Rajya Sabha term ends on 2 April 2026.
The Bengal Pradesh Congress has decided to contest the forthcoming West Bengal Assembly elections independently, ending nearly a decade of electoral coordination with the Left. Since the 2016 state polls, Congress and the CPI(M) had worked in tandem in a bid to challenge chief minister Mamata Banerjee and her party – TMC. That partnership, however, failed to yield significant gains, culminating in a washout for both sides in 2021 when neither secured a single seat. Party leaders say the decision to go solo is aimed at rebuilding the organisation in a state where Congress has not governed on its own since the Left Front came to power in 1977 under the CPI (M). Strategists argue that fighting alone may help the party reclaim political space and prepare for the 2029 Lok Sabha elections. The move also reflects an effort to disrupt the entrenched TMC-versus-BJP narrative that has dominated Bengal politics since 2019. Questions persist over whether Congress possesses the organisational depth and resources to field candidates across all 294 constituencies. Its limited booth-level presence during the Election Commission’s voter roll revision exercise has raised concerns internally about campaign preparedness. In traditional strongholds such as Murshidabad and Malda, once associated with leaders like A B A Ghani Khan Choudhury and Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury, the party is attempting to regain lost ground. The recent return of former TMC MP Mausam Benazir Noor to Congress has provided a morale boost. Political observers suggest that as the CPI(M) works to assemble a broader front excluding both the TMC and the BJP. The Congress opting out of alliance with CPI(M) will lead to fragmented opposition that could ultimately benefit the ruling TMC.
Access to Mantralaya, Maharashtra’s state secretariat, is scheduled to get tighter in Devendra Fadnavis regime 2.0. Glass flap barrier gates are being installed at various entrances to control access of visitors along with introduction of RFID and facial recognition access in high-security zones at Mantralaya. State BJP chief Chandrashekhar Bawankhule has already written to his party cadres to coordinate with ministers through liaison officials, who will be sitting at the BJP office. The BJP ministers too have also been asked to hold weekly or fortnightly janata durbars at the party office. Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena and Ajit Pawar’s Nationalist Congress Party too are expected to follow suit and facilitate a similar policy for their party workers from their party offices. The idea is to reduce footfalls at Mantralaya as also to rein in middle-men, who tend to approach ministers for favours like transfers of officials or to bag contracts. Ajit Pawar has already asked his cadres to not seek transfers of officials or contracts, particularly if they are going to sub-contract the work to others. Maharashtra’s earlier chief minister Eknath Shinde prided on being known as a common man’s CM and believed in open access attracting huge delegations of party workers flocking to him at Mantralaya regularly. The legislative assembly sessions under Shinde were known to be particularly crowded with ministers complaining of not even being able to walk properly in the crowded corridors of Vidhan Bhavan. Since Fadnavis’ taking over, he has first shifted the CM’s public relations officials on the lower fifth floor, already truncating access of journalists to the CM’s office. Looks like Fadnavis has taken a leaf out of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s playbook.
A crucial meeting between RSS functionaries and BJP members of the Maharashtra cabinet in Mumbai will go a long way in charting the future path to be adopted by the state government led by chief minister Devendra Fadnavis. The two-day conference was attended by Fadnavis and state BJP president Chandrakant Bawankule, who is also the revenue minister. The ministers were told in no uncertain terms that their priority will be to serve the public and to maintain a clean image. Moreover, special arrangements should be in place to cater to the work connected with various individuals and organizations under the Sangh Parivar umbrella. The NDA’s unprecedented success in the state assembly election held recently is mainly attributed to the ground work done by RSS activists all over Maharashtra, especially to mobilise pro-Hindutva vote. Although the RSS has not taken any credit for this spectacular feat publicly, those working for the BJP candidly acknowledge the saffron organisation’s debt. A tentative agenda for the way ahead has been prepared for the ministers and discussed with them by top RSS representatives. Subsequently, it will be finalized as its importance will impact the local body elections, likely to be held in the near future. Like the assembly election, the BJP will dominate the candidate lists for the local bodies, too, it is expected. Accordingly, the two partners, the Shiv Sena led by deputy CM Eknath Shinde and the NCP under deputy Ajit Pawar, will have to be accommodated in the Mahayuti formula for the ensuring electoral bout, it is suggested.
Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) chief Ajit Pawar has come under fire from firebrand leader Chhagan Bhujbal, who has lashed at the party’s ‘monopolistic’ style of functioning. Bhujbal’s outburst at the NCP’s Shirdi conclave and his distancing from Pawar by not even greeting him has sent warning signals within the party as the OBC proponent is among the senior most colleagues of Ajit. When veteran Sharad Pawar was attacked prior to the split in the NCP, it was Bhujbal who took up cudgels on behalf of Ajit and alleged that the latter was always sidelined. During the recent assembly election, Bhujbal’s importance was underscored following his spirited pro-OBC statements since it became evident that the OBCs had wholeheartedly voted for the NDA of which NCP(A) is a constituent. However, the picture suddenly changed when Bhujbal was not inducted in the government led by Devendra Fadnavis. The discord grew when Bhujbal maintained that Fadnavis wanted him in the cabinet but the NCP decided otherwise. So far, Ajit Pawar has not reacted at all to Bhujbal’s grievance even once. Hence, Bhujbal’s complaint that there was no collective decision making in the NCP is interpreted as a cautionary sign. NCP top leader Praful Patel has tried to quell it by announcing that internal talks will be held to exactly understand the issue. But this relief has not satisfied Bhujbal, who has declared that he will decide his course of action soon.
The rift in the powerful Pawar family appears to be widening despite persistent speculation that patriarch Sharad Pawar and his estranged nephew Ajit Pawar are likely to patch up eventually. Pawar’s recent kudos showered on the RSS cadres and his restrained reaction to various political developments have proved intriguing for his followers and detractors alike. On the other hand, Ajit’s frequent absence from important events in the state and especially at a function graced by RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat have added grist to the rumour mill. Against this backdrop, the body language of Pawar and his daughter Supriya Sule at a Pune dais with Ajit present alongside is considered quite vocal. Not a single word was exchanged between them during an agro exhibition at Baramati. The main event and the lunch thereafter were touted as possible venues for a handshake, which did not take place. The organisers had placed the chairs of Pawar and Ajit apart, perhaps to avert any discomfiture for either. Ajit and his wife Sunetra, Rajya Sabha member, were felicitated by Supriya but there was no verbal exchange. She rued the refusal by Ajit to talk to her. Supriya said that she continued to be in touch with Sunetra, as well as with their two sons. Supriya’s earlier grievance that Devendra Fadnavis would take her calls but not Ajit Pawar is recalled in this connection.
Operation 272 MPs was launched with the flight of Opposition MPs scheduled for a BJP landing with ETA in April 2025. Sources say the earlier target 260 BJP MPs (reported by Short Post) from current strength of 241 in the Lok Sabha was rescheduled to higher benchmark following hectic parleys with aspiring Opposition MPs, particularly in Maharashtra, keenly looking for greener pastures. This has seriously dented merger plans of Maratha strongman Sharad Pawar with nephew, Ajit Pawar’s NCP. Uncle Pawar deployed womenfolk in the family to convince Ajit Pawar for a merger while making an overture to PM Modi using his reconciliatory gambit. BJP is rather keen over 2/3 of nine UBT Sena MPs, eight from SP camp jumping ship to join its party without attracting anti-defection laws besides regional party MPs from other states to reach the majority magic figure on its own. Ajit Pawar, who succumbed to emotional blackmail by the womenfolk in December 2019 and broke alliance with BJP bringing down the 76-hour long government back then, is unlikely to do a repeat. Ajit Pawar has also nixed senior party MLA Chhagan Bhujbal’s ministerial aspirations over his extra-party OBC activities. Bhujbal’s gambit to use the good offices of CM Devendra Fadnavis also came to naught with the Maha Chanakya CM politely asking him to sort out his problems with Ajit Pawar himself. The so-called NaNi (Chandrababu Naidu and Nitish Kumar) factor was always a non-starter sans JD(S) Union Ministers quitting their posts in an election year leaving RJD Chief Lalu Prasad Yadav red-faced and worried about own political future in Bihar just like Sharad Pawar in Maharashtra.
Embattled minister Dhananjay Munde has generated a political logjam in Maharashtra as even while facing fresh verbal attacks day in and day out, he is refusing to resign. Munde, a confidant of deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar, belongs to Vanjari community, a prominent OBC section. The NCP led by Pawar is already in the dock owing to the deputy CM’s silence over the entire sordid Beed chain of events as well as his refusal to sack Munde from the Mahayuti government. In fact, symptoms of friction between the BJP and the NCP (Ajit) over the Beed lawlessness events have started coming out in the open. The reason is some reckless statements made by BJP’s MLA Suresh Dhas, elected from Ashti in Beed district. A seasoned political figure, Dhas is a Maratha, who has been talking openly against Munde and his cousin Pankaja, both cabinet ministers in the state. In one of his speeches, Dhas attacked Pawar and the home department, held by CM Devendra Fadnavis for not removing Munde. While there is silence in the BJP camp over the utterances, Ajit’s party spokesman Sooraj Chavan has warned Dhas that such outbursts can create complications for the alliance.. “Attempts to defame Ajit Dada will be met with retaliation,” he has warned, while urging Fadnavis to rein in the MLA. The atmosphere is becoming murky since both deputy CMs, Eknath Shinde and Ajit Pawar, are avoiding making any statement over the ongoing Beed developments.
Leaders and thinkers from Maharashtra describe the state as the cradle of progressivism and rationalism. But the current discomfiture attached to a palatial bungalow in south Mumbai and a cabin in Mantralaya are proving amusing for the pall of superstition they have spread. At the centre of the controversy is the historic ‘Ramtek’ bungalow in Mumbai’s posh Malabar Hill area. Ramtek has been tagged as ‘unlucky’ for its occupants. And history is quoted to bolster this claim. The first such victim was then deputy chief minister Gopinath Munde, who lived in Ramtek between 1995 and 1999, never to return. Soon after becoming a Union minister in 2014, he died in a car accident in Delhi. If a bungalow is perceived to be unlucky, a mere cabin, too, is seen with apprehension. Though just a cabin in Mantralaya, Room 602 is viewed as jinxed. Presently used by a bunch of bureaucrats, ministers are reluctant to move into it. In this list, Chhagan Bhujbal is at the top since Room 602 was allocated to him in 1999. He was at the time the deputy CM and home minister. Residing in Ramtek, he became the focus of the multi-crore fake stamp paper Telgi Scam. After him, Ajit Pawar started using the cabin but he also had to step down after accusations regarding the irrigation scam started against him. He later returned as deputy CM but kept away from Room 602. The others to be hit are then BJP leader Eknath Khadse, who had to resign after being implicated in a land scam. The next occupant, BJP’s Pandurang Fundkar, died suddenly in 2018. The most recent occupant was then BJP minister Anil Bonde, who lost the assembly election in 2019. Who will occupy Ramtek and Room 602 is watched with considerable interest.
Even as the dust is settling over the internecine acrimony about the allocation of portfolios in the ruling Mahayuti alliance, a new wave of one-upmanship has erupted about the appointment of guardian ministers. As there are more than two or three claimants to grab the powerful position, the competition is intense. Moreover, as there are 36 districts in Maharashtra while the number of ministers is 41, it is obvious that some of them will be ejected out of the race. Another major issue of contention is the guardianship of Pune and Thane districts, which are politically very important for every party. In Pune, deputy CM Ajit Pawar was the guardian minister under the government of Eknath Shinde till recently. Now, the BJP and the Shiv Sena (Shinde) feel it is their turn to occupy the position. Similarly, in Thane, deputy CM Shinde wishes to become the district guardian minister. However, the BJP is keen to obtain the turn this time. Senior BJP minister Ganesh Naik and Shinde have been at loggerheads for long and the tussle between the two seems unavoidable. In neighbouring Raigad district, NCP(Ajit) boss Sunil Tatkare’s daughter Aditi is trying to retain the responsibility though Shinde’s supporter Bharat Gogawale is determined to wrest it from her. Sambhaji Nagar, another sensitive district, is claimed by Shinde’s soldier Sanjay Shirsat while BJP’s powerful minister Atul Save, too, is considered a strong claimant. Chief minister Devendra Fadnavis is now busy untangling the rider.
Controversial minister Dhananjay Munde is now facing public ire over the murder of Massajog village sarpanch, Santosh Deshmukh, last week in Beed district. Allegations abound regarding Munde’s close associate Walmik Karad being the mastermind of the gruesome broad daylight killing in Beed district, the fiefdom of the Munde clan for several years. Chief minister Devendra Fadnavis has announced a judicial inquiry into the shocking incident and has replaced the district police chief. However, as this could not pacify the local people, deputy CM Ajit Pawar visited the village immediately after the legislature’s winter session was over as Munde is one of his staunch supporters in the NCP. Pawar was greeted with demands to remove Munde from the council of ministers. The situation has a caste angle as the deceased Deshmukh was a Maratha while Munde and Karad belong to the Vanjari community, a prominent OBC section. Pawar now has been asked by a Maratha delegation to forthwith remove Munde from the cabinet. A memorandum submitted to Pawar has levelled serious allegations against Munde. When Pawar reached Beed to interact with the Deshmukh family, he promised the bereaved that no guilty would be spared. However, the villagers were angry since Ajit Pawar did not meet them. Munde’s absence from the legislature for the last three days and the refusal of his cousin Pankaja to comment on the incident, too, have added to the gravity of the situation. Munde is expected to come out with his version so#WalmikKarad
The Thursday (Dec 19) visit of BJP and Shiv Sena (Shinde) MLAs to the RSS headquarters in Nagpur has become a hot political topic though there are other reasons, too, for intense politicking. Firstly, the MLAs belonging to the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) led by deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar did not join the event. Secondly, those disgruntled due to their non-inclusion in the council of ministers have started expressing their anger openly. Like earlier two occasions, Ajit Pawar and most of his followers distanced themselves from the visit organized by chief minister Devendra Fadnavis. The presence of former CM Eknath Shinde and his MLAs proved to be another highlight. However, the discontent brewing within Mahayuti on other counts is now becoming more vocal. Political heavyweight Chhagan Bhujbal was the first to articulate it. His open criticism of Ajit Pawar surprised many since he had stayed by the side of Pawar all through. Now, there are reports that some of Bhujbal’s supporters want him to join the BJP to end his political wilderness. So far, Bhujbal has maintained that he is with the NCP (Ajit). The other notable leader to become the subject of political speculation is the legislative council’s deputy chairperson Neelam Gorhe. Her detractors, mainly the recent Sena (UBT) entrant Sushama Andhare, have started hinting at Gorhe’s plans to go with the BJP. Gorhe, too, has not reacted to the talk. Ajit’s sudden disappearance for two days from the winter session only added grist to the grapevine. His explanation that he was down with a throat infection is hardly swallowed. More murmurs are expected to be heard once Fadnavis announces the allocation of the portfolios.
The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) , under siege from Sharad Pawar and UBT MPs, MLAs and Opposition political formations across India, is set to increase its numbers in Lok Sabha from 240 to 260 odd soon ending its need for outside support in Parliament for much longer. BJP’s senior functionary told shortpost.in, “Not only Maharashtra (UBT and Sharad Pawar’s party), but also from Congress in Haryana, Madhya Pradesh and even south India MPs are doing office rounds of BJP’s senior leadership. Like Maharashtra, they desire to become deserving partners within NDA’s fold.” Meanwhile, Maharashtra politics witnesses a turnaround of BJP’s political gambit that groomed Shiv Sena (DCM) Eknath Shinde as CM for nearly 2.5 years, empowered him to consolidate leadership of Shiv Sena party, unleash slew of development projects in state. Hereon, BJP’s emphasis will be upon Ajit Pawar as politics will revolve around whether the Congress is able to counter him in Western Maharashtra, Marathwada regions of the state. Pawar will be groomed, empowered since he holds no political animosity towards BJP and is keenly interested in big ticket infrastructure projects while possessing requisite political calibre, ability to perform well while keeping Congress in check. While uncle Pawar effectively controlled Congress’ politics based out of Maharashtra, nephew Ajit has no such pre-occupations. Praful Patel will sync in as Union Minister with industry related portfolio, not Sunetra Pawar, while Union government portfolios are up for grabs by newbie incumbent MPs into BJP that seeks to up its own tally. With the senior Pawar set to be 90 before next Maha elections are due, vacant Union portfolios are proving difficult to ignore for his own flock and several more.
The swearing-in ceremony of the council of ministers of chief minister Devendra Fadnavis held in Nagpur on Sunday (Dec 15) will be remembered for various interesting features. While such a ceremony has taken place in the second capital of Maharashtra after a gap of 33 years, the focal point of that time, Chhagan Bhujbal in 1991, was conspicuous by his absence since his name was not in the list of the ministers of the second Mahayuti government. Similarly, prominent names like Sudhir Mungantiwar of the BJP and Dilip Walse Patil of the NCP (Ajit) were found missing though Walse, the former assembly speaker, was seen in the front row of the invitees. As announced by deputy CM Ajit Pawar, the term of all the ministers will be of two and a half years. Each has signed an undertaking accepting the condition. This, too, has happened for the first time. The rationale behind the stipulation is that since there are many hopefuls to become minister, some of the present will be asked to work for the organisation so that certain new faces can be accommodate at that future date. Barring a minister or two, all of them took oath in the name of God. Senior minister Mangal Prabhat Lodha was the lone inductee to take oath in Sanskrit. The Fadnavis team has four women, a sort of record since the outgoing government had only Aditi Tatkare, as a minister of state. Hence, the much talked-about ‘Laadki Bahin’ Scheme had been identified with her, making her victory in the assembly election easier.
Veteran leader Sharad Pawar has once again monopolised the centre stage following reports that a top leader of his party has held talks with a prominent BJP Union minister in Delhi. The political grapevine is buzzing with different versions since the meeting is believed to have occurred at industrialist Gautam Adani’s Delhi residence. In fact, Pawar started hitting the headlines on Thursday (Dec 12) morning as the news that his nephew Ajit Pawar and a couple of other NCP (Ajit) leaders had reached the patriarch’s residence. Ajit later said that being a family member, he had greeted his uncle on his birthday and nothing unusual should be read in the visit. Ajit was accompanied by Praful Patel and Sunil Tatkare, both very close to Sharad Pawar till the recent split in the NCP. The name of Adani added grist to the gossip since the industrialist had visited Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis just a couple of days ago in Mumbai. The Adani group continues to BE target of Congress leader Rahul Gandhi and Shiv Sena party chief Uddhav Thackeray. In the past too, Adani has been meeting Pawar off and on. The presence of Fadnavis in Delhi on Thursday proved to be another trigger to speculate that the political scene of Maharashtra was likely to undergo another overhaul. Pawar’s hot and cold relationship with Prime Minister Narendra Modi has always remained an intrigue. Hence, his followers are unable to predict which way he can turn.
After having successfully decimated the opposition and weakened its allies, the BJP now seems strongly focussed on its target to achieve Shat Pratishat Bhajapa or cent per cent BJP rule in Maharashtra by 2029. Not content at this, there is buzz of Operation Lotus at work to poach Opposition MP’s to strengthen BJP’s government at the Centre. After successfully splitting and routing the opposition enough to be ineligible to get their own leader in the state assembly, the BJP’s own allies are now feeling the pressure to chart their own course in state. For starters, Union Home Minister Amit Shah has already taken things into his own hands, including that of determining ministerial allocations of his alliance partners. Ajit Pawar and Eknath Shinde have been asked to share the names of their nominees with Shah to get his clearances for the same. Shah has rejected ministerial berths of two of Shinde’s nominees. The delay in distribution of ministries and portfolios in Maharashtra has been attributed to Shah personally overseeing all such decisions of the new government. Though Shinde has been putting up a tough fight to get good portfolios for himself and his party members, his body language continues to be that of a dejected soldier. The image of a sulking Shinde right next to a beaming Shah and Devendra Fadnavis is a symbolic picture of him not getting his way around and under duress in the BJP term. The second alliance partner, Ajit Pawar though seems happy enough for now, content at having trounced his uncle in his own backyard, to bag his party and legacy. It’s anybody’s guess if these alliance partners will be retained or tamed or simply engulfed in toto en route to the next state elections in 2029.
In a significant move, Sunetra Pawar, a first term MP of Rajya Sabha and wife of Maharashtra Deputy CM and NCP supremo Ajit Pawar has been allotted 11 Janpath as her official residence. With this allotment of Lutyens bungalow for the Sunetra Pawar, it can be said the extended Pawar family will be all sort of staying in the same neighbourhood. Family patriarch and former defence minister Sharad Pawar has been living in 6 Janpath since June 2004. His daughter Baramati MP Supriya Sule, as per Lok Sabha records, is also shown as sharing residence with her father. Janpath has always been a famous address because bungalow No 10 has been occupied by the Gandhis since the time of Rajiv Gandhi when he was out of power. It was allotted to Congress leader Sonia Gandhi in 1991. Besides 10 Janpath, its immediate neighbour 12 Janpath has always been occupied by an important leader. First it was Ram Vilas Paswan who occupied the bungalow from1990 until his death in 2020. The bungalow has now been allotted to former President Ramnath Kovind. Besides her own Pawar family in the neighbourhood and famous people, Sunetra will also find home of another endearing Maharashtrian close by in 2 Motilal Nehru Marg – Nitin Gadkari, Union Road Transport & Highways Minister. BJP sources said the allotment of a bungalow to the NCP MP should also be seen as the kind of importance the party is giving to its Maharashtra ally. The NCP has been keen to expand its footprints across north India and it is being facilitated to do so.
Veteran leader Sharad Pawar has raised a question mark over the assembly election outcome in Maharashtra but has desisted from making any direct allegations against the EVMs or the Election Commission. Pawar’s observation has come against the backdrop of his visit to Markadwadi in Solapur district. Some of the villagers had organised a paper ballot polling in the village to protest against the EC’s declared voting figures. However, the move was abandoned after the government banned any such attempt. Pawar visited the village to articulate the people’s right to express discontent against the government since cases have been filed against around 200 villagers in connection with the protest. About the assembly results, Pawar said his party candidates had received 72 lakh votes but could win only 10 seats. On the other hand, the NCP faction led by Ajit Pawar had recorded 58 lakh votes but it won 41 seats. A party getting 80 lakh votes has just 15 winners while the other party gaining 79 lakh votes has 57 successful candidates, Pawar pointed out. However, he said although the outcome was surprising, it would not be proper to comment about the EVMs until there was a solid basis. Pawar also expressed his misgivings by stating that opposition parties were winning smaller states while bigger states were won by the BJP. Still, the Maha Vikas Aghadi has decided to face the coming local body election together, Pawar reiterated. His refusal to join the anti-EVM chorus triggered by the Congress party is being interpreted differently by the other two MVA partners, the Shiv Sena led by Uddhav Thackeray and the Congress.
The auspicious day December 5, 2024, was scheduled by BJP for the swearing in function of Maharashtra’s next chief minister Devendra Fadnavis, without awaiting erstwhile Shiv Sena CM Eknath Shinde’s decision to enjoin with the government. Meanwhile, consternation is brewing in New Delhi over Shinde’s recalcitrance to formally announce his party’s stand like Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) Chief Ajit Pawar has done. Friday (Nov 29) night’s meeting with Union Home Minister Amit Shah was marked by Shinde making a solo appearance even as Pawar was flanked by Praful Patel, Sunil Tatkare and three four other party colleagues. Shinde’s apparent reluctance to enjoin formally has not gone down well with the BJP leadership despite his family doctor announcing that Shinde was under the weather set to improve over two days of medical treatment. The first discord before the new government is formed relates to Shinde’s insistence upon being accorded the same status as erstwhile DCM Fadnavis who enjoyed full control over the Home department. This fell foul of the BJP template of always holding crucial portfolios to include Home, Rural Development, Revenue and even Finance as a thumb rule. This equation was altered only to accommodate Ajit Pawar who was handed over the Finance department. Highly placed sources indicate that Shinde may be contemplating offering outside support to the BJP led government.
There seems to be no end to turbulent times in Maharashtra’s politics despite the people voting in the Mahayuti alliance with a thumping majority. Despite the landslide victory, thanks to cracks developed, the next few years promise some unpredictable times thanks to the BJP misjudging the nature of Eknath Shinde. Three years back when the BJP catapulted Shinde to the top job in state, he was expected to work in the background like he had always done in the united Shiv Sena. His ascendance as CM saw him assume a larger than life image thanks to his penchant to meeting people day and night right till the crack of dawn. His generosity in doling out public funds to the public, has reaped in historical and record breaking results. The BJP is discovering the hard way that Shinde is no pushover and they are having a tough time handling him. From demanding the CM’s seat promised to him to refusing to play deputy to his erstwhile deputy Devendra Fadnavis to insisting on having the powerful home portfolio, Shinde is a tough nut to crack despite Ajit Pawar’s tame surrender giving the BJP a strong upper hand on the negotiating table. A sulking Shinde would validate the BJP’s use and throw policy. Not something they want at a time when it needs him to decimate Uddhav Thackeray’s Sena in their Mumbai bastion. Shinde’s reluctance to play second fiddle to Fadnavis or any fresh CM’s face doesn’t promise a smooth term here on, in the state.
NCP leader and Deputy CM Ajit Pawar, who arrived in Delhi, a day ahead of outgoing CM and Shiv Sena leader Eknath Shinde and BJP leader Devendra Fadnavis, to meet with PM Modi and HM Amit Shah to discuss issues of Maharashtra government formation was a picture of cool player. The national media, which always treated his uncle Sharad Pawar with deference for his capacity to take on leaders in Delhi, now viewed Ajitdada in awe. How did he establish his supremacy in the Baramati assembly seat, vanquish his cousin Yugendra Pawar backed by his veteran uncle? Ajitdada patiently tackled every query, every doubt in a free-wheeling chat. With Praful Patel , who played host, adding very interesting inputs. However, the secret of NCP’s phenomenal showing in Baramati and in rest of Western Maharashtra seems to lie in the kind of effort put in by Ajitdada’s own family — his gracious wife Sunetra, now a Rajya Sabha MP, and son Parth. Sunetra, who has always managed her husband’s elections, says she had gone “house to house” seeking votes. And it is her quiet voter outreach that seems to have finally paid off. Parth is every chip of the old block; in the sense he is more like family patriarch Sharad Pawar. He is more ambitious for the NCP and vows to travel across India as he wants the party to expand beyond Maharashtra. He is in no hurry to become a MP or MLA. He asserts at least 2 to 3 Cong MLAs are already in touch with him to join the NCP. Naresh Arora of Design Box, who advised the NCP in Maha polls, is likely to have a say in the party’s expansion too.
The “Mahayuti” NDA government being installed in Maharashtra will register PM Narendra Modi’s emphasis upon fresh faces with mission Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation in January also prioritized. Devendra Fadnavis handled seat sharing talks independently of BJP high command for general elections to 48 Maharashtra parliamentary seats and then 288 assembly constituencies, facing no competition for CM post though no Monday morning swearing in is scheduled either while partymen were advised to maintain radio silence on the subject. Erstwhile Maharashtra CM Eknath Shinde’s men gloss over popular Ladki Bahin Scheme reiterating his repeat candidature even as NCP chief Ajit Pawar rues his vociferous opposition to batenge toh katenge theme launched by BJP to counter ‘Vote Jihad’. Even after a record Maharashtra victory BJP cites 34 MVA MLAs elected through ‘Vote Jihad’ to include Mankhurd, Byculla, Mumbadevi, Dharavi, Versova, Bandra (east), Kurla, Anushakti Nagar, Malad (west), Chandivalli, Sion Koliwada, Kalina, Mahim, Malwani, Malegaon assembly segments. Matoshree now worries over the UBT motley crew of MPs taking flight. PM Modi on Saturday ticked his ‘To Do’ box created in 2019 for decimating the Uddhav Thackeray and Sharad Pawar led political formations from Maharashtra after Matoshree’s alliance jilt and Pawar’s retirement jibe. The Thackeray legacy lies politically squandered over secular ties and now, even cousin Raj’s MNS political future stands jeopardized though MLA aspirant son Amit will likely find MLC accommodation. BJP’s Pankaja Munde, Ashok Chavan may rue their opposition to party tagline. Eventually Modi’s nuanced poll theme Ek Rahenge To Safe Rahenge inspired by old English adage, “United we stand, divided we fall” won Maharashtra’s political bout. So, what was the brouhaha all about?
The absence of Maharashtra’s deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar and other senior NCP leaders from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s election rally at Chhatrapati Shivaji Park in Dadar, Mumbai on November 14 strengthened speculation that NCP could possibly be an unreliable link in Mahayuti. This notwithstanding the fact that the deputy CM had attended a Modi rally in Pune barely two days earlier. Ajit Pawar’s party is a crucial partner in the ruling alliance, alongside Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena and the BJP. But then NCP candidates Sana Malik, Nawab Malik, and Zeeshan Siddique were also notably absent from the event, which featured leaders from the Shinde Sena and the Republican Party of India (RPI) led by Ramdas Athawale. While the rally was meant to highlight the coalition’s solidarity, reports suggest that NCP leaders are upset over the BJP’s batenge toh katenge campaign. BJP sources said despite Ajit Pawar’s unease with the BJP’s aggressive Hindutva agenda, it is likely that he will stay on the side “which benefits him”. That is he could walk to any side which will make him the CM or as Nawab Malik told Times Now “Ajit Pawar will be king maker”. BJP sources said UP CM Yogi who coined the slogan has been much in demand among party candidates. “We have been forced to cancel meetings of top leaders to accommodate Yogiji”, said a party manager. As for contrary assertions by Ashok Chavan and Pankaja Munde on batenge toh katenge, these are being viewed more as a desire to project themselves than pose any serious ideological counter to the main party discourse.
Maharashtra’s deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar has raised apprehensions about his future moves, once again. Over the past few days, Ajit has betrayed his ambivalence about the way campaigning is proceeding in Maharashtra. While this is being commented upon, his absence at the final rally of Prime Minister Narendra Modi at Shivaji Park in Mumbai on November 14 has been noted with concern within the ruling Mahayuti. Neither Ajit nor any of his NCP’s candidates turned up for the PM’s rally organised by chief minister Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena and the BJP. As Ajit failed to appear on the dais, the media attention has focussed on his possible calculations after the assembly poll results are out on 23 November. Already, he has rubbed Shinde and deputy CM Devendra Fadnavis the wrong way by objecting to UP CM Yogi Adityanath’s slogan batenge toh katenge. Ajit had observed that such slogans will not work in Maharashtra, whose culture was different from that of UP. Ajit’s insistence on fielding former minister Nawab Malik from Mankhurd-Shivaji Nagar constituency in Mumbai despite the BJP’s open objections had created some strain within the Mahayuti. Now, Malik has told the saffron formation that Ajit’s NCP will not be a part of the next government if Yuti’s campaign strategy is not changed. Ajit’s another confidant, Dilip Walse Patil had said a few days ago that some fresh combination can occur after the election. Ajit has not refuted neither statement. Hence, he is under close observation by the other two partners of Mahayuti.
The ruling Mahayuti (BJP-Shiv Sena-NCP) and the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (Cong-Shiv Sena(UBT)-NCP(SP) have decided to keep both former chief ministers in Maharashtra on hold as a cautionary strategy, indicating that they will open their cards at an opportune time. Both hopefuls, Devendra Fadnavis and Uddhav Thackeray, also have adopted a similar stance though Uddhav had earlier tried to prevail upon the Congress and senior leader Sharad Pawar to project him as the next CM. However, both MVA partners had refused to concede. Now, Pawar has announced that his party will support the leader chosen by the largest of the three parties after the assembly election. According to available statistics, the Congress party is contesting the largest number of seats, 102, leaving 96 for the Shiv Sena under Uddhav and 87 for the NCP led by Pawar. In the Lok Sabha, the Congress strike rate was the most impressive. Hence, the Congress has always maintained its claim as the eldest brother in the MVA formation. Similarly, Fadnavis has been lauded by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union home minister Amit Shah over the past two days. Despite this, Shah has declared that a decision about the next Maharashtra CM will be taken after the outcome is declared. The BJP is contesting 152 seats in the 288 member assembly and over a dozen of its leaders are contesting on behalf of the Sena (Shinde) or NCP (Ajit Pawar). Therefore, its prospects are considered better this time, after the Lok Sabha drubbing.
Broad hints of post-election realignments have raised fears that the new Maharashtra government formation will be a long drawn complicated one. Rapprochement vibes are already being noticed from both sides of the Pawar family. While Ajit Pawar swung into action to berate an indignant remark against his uncle Sharad Pawar, his confidants like Dilip Walse Patil and Nawab Malik have been dropping hints that their legislators could swing any ways post-results. The Sharad Pawar faction too seems to have thawed relations and preparing ground for readjustments attributing their partymen exits and party split to ED threats. While Supriya Sule has already stated that there is no familial rift with Ajit Pawar, Nawab Malik has been saying that Ajit Pawar’s support will be critical for any combination that seeks to form the next government. Amit Shah throwing in his weight behind Devendra Fadnavis, at this juncture marks the BJP’s need to consolidate its own vote share in the run up to a fractured verdict. Political scientists like Prof Suhas Palshikar have predicted that a large number of independent legislators could win this time around, adding to post-election instability. Since most of these MLA’s winning on the basis of local caste equations will have weak party affiliations, it makes them susceptible to swing in any direction. Drawing parallels to Maharashtra’s ‘moment of fragmentation’ in 1995 when over 30 plus rebels won elections, Palshikar feels the poll results are unlikely to settle the dust from a scenario emerging from splits, factions, new parties and fronts thus ensuring victory for those who can command less than a lakh votes.
Firebrand politician Chhagan Bhujbal has rejected the statements attributed to him by journalist Rajdeep Sardesai in his latest book, 2024: The Election That Surprised India by threatening to initiate legal action. According to the book extracts published by Marathi daily Loksatta, Bhujbal had conceded that he, along with many other MLAs, had gone with the BJP in 2022 to extricate himself from the clutches of the Enforcement Directorate (ED). According to the published version in the daily, Bhujbal said, “All were happy for aligning with the BJP since the ED’s harassment had ended.” Maharashtra deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar and some prominent leaders of his Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) were on the ED radar at the time. There have been persistent allegations that the cases against them are not pursued ever since they decided to join the Mahayuti government in the state. Bhjujbal pointed out that most of 54 MLAs belonging to Sharad Pawar’s NCP had followed Ajit out of the party though ED cases were against only a few. Secondly, he was acquitted from the Maharashtra Sadan matter when Uddhav Thackeray was the chief minister. Finally, he decided to go with Ajit in the interest of development. “My assembly constituency has been sanctioned Rs 2000 crore worth development works,” he claimed. The Loksatta version had said that Bhujbal opted for this course since he was scared of going back into ED custody at the age of 75. “I made no such statement,” Bhujbal has insisted.
The age-old trick of misrepresenting by displaying a similar name is rampant this time as well in the Maharashtra assembly electioneering. This charade had played havoc for some prominent leaders in the past. For instance, NCP (Ajit) leader Sunil Tatkare lost the 2014 Lok Sabha election from Raigad by a mere 2100 votes since another namesake, also Sunil Tatkare, polled over 9000 votes. Influential Congress leader and former chief minister AR Antulay, too, lost from Raigad in the past since another AR Antulay received more than 21000 votes. This time, such instances are quite a few in the district. In Panvel assembly constituency, there are three candidates with the same name, Balaram Patil and also three Prashant Thakur contestants. While the real Patil is in the fray for the Shiv Sena (UBT), sitting BJP MLA Thakur is testing his luck for a second time. Karjat’s present MLA Mahendra Thorve of the Sena (Shinde) has to take on an adversary of the same name. In Alibaug, Sena (Shinde) nominee Mahendra Dalvi is engaged in a battle with three more Mahendra Dalvi names. Moreover, an independent candidate in the constituency, Dilip Bhoir, is facing another opponent of the same name. The district was in the news in 2004 for the first time when Peasants and Workers Party leader Meenakshi Patil was poised against seven independents bearing the same name. Eventually, the PWP bagged the seat, but only after a bitter fight. How many of these aspirants remain in the ring will be clear only on 4 November, the last day for withdrawal.
“A rose by any other name would smell as sweet” said Shakespeare. With due modification, sugar barons in Maharashtra have proved that whatever political party they may belong to, sugar is sweet for them and their peers. This is because many prominent candidates for the state assembly election own or control sugar cooperative or private sugar factories. If not themselves, their family members find a place in the lists declared so far. Expectedly, NCP president Ajit Pawar heads the list while his bete noire Jayant Patil of the NCP (Sharad Pawar faction) is also among the top five. Pawar’s grandson Rohit Pawar, a bitter critic of uncle Ajit, also figures in the roll. BJP’s Radhakrishna Vikhe Patil, who has travelled to the saffron party via the Congress and the unified Shiv Sena, continues to be counted among the most powerful sugar barons for decades. The latest turncoat Harshvarrdhan Patil, now blessed by the NCP (SP) is another name. State Congress leader Balasaheb Thorat, described as a dark horse, is indispensable for any such listing. Chief minister Eknath Shinde, deputy chief minister Devendra Fadnavis or former CM Uddhav Thackeray don’t have any sugar connection directly though some of their close followers do have an interest in the sector. Shinde’s confidant Tanaji Sawant, public health minister, is among them. BJP’s Abhimanyu Pawar, once a private secretary to Fadnavis, finds a place as well. These are only a few examples. In unison, they have proved the dictum that sugar is a great sweetener which binds those holding the reins of power in Maharashtra.
If there is one formula for the success of its third term in Haryana that the BJP would most likely use in Maharashtra assembly polls, it would be having a very limited campaign of its star campaigner PM Modi. Unlike the previous strategy of carpet bombing the poll-bound states and Lok Sabha constituencies with Modi’s rallies in the run upto 2024 Lok Sabha polls, the party has begun to restrict the number of Modi’s rallies from Haryana elections. Party sources indicate that PM Modi would not be addressing more than half a dozen rallies and at best such rallies would be spread across different regions in the state. BJP sources pointed out that the CM face for Mahayuti was more or less settled at the Chandigarh NDA CMs meeting when PM Modi asked Maharashtra CM Eknath Shinde to move the resolution lauding the return of the BJP in Haryana for a third term. Shinde was picked for the honour even as Devendra Fadnavis who represents the BJP in Maharashtra was present. Deputy CM Ajit Pawar also attended the Chandigarh meeting. The NDA CMs conclave started immediately after the swearing-in ceremony of Nayab Singh Saini on October 17 in Chandigarh. There were 13 Chief Ministers and 16 deputy CMs belonging to the BJP and other NDA allies in attendance. Besides CMs of Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh, states like Bihar, Sikkim, Nagaland and Meghalaya had also put in their attendance.
After much tossing around, the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) has decided to go to polls without any face to present the picture of an united front. Post-Haryana debacle, the Congress clipped wings of its multiple strong leaders and has sent a message to its cadres to work together and not heed to the various factions at play. State Congress president Nana Patole did try to showcase himself for the top slot, but was cut to size by Delhi. Though Uddhav Thackeray has been consistently trying to project himself to be the CM face, his coalition partners are convinced that he no longer commands the strength of numbers. His bete noire, chief minister Eknath Shinde may be leading the Mahayuti alliance in the polls but there is no guarantee he will become the CM. He was apparently reminded by Amit Shah that he remains the CM only because of the BJP’s sacrifice of not claiming the seat. The BJP cadres are already upset at the BJP leadership for letting Prime Minister Narendra Modi visit Shinde’s constituency Thane, over the BJP’s own strongholds. The BJP has been struggling with constraints to retain the Maratha vote bank and fear that projecting a Brahmin leader like Devendra Fadnavis could backfire against them. Fadnavis no longer commands clout in his own party like he once did. Ajit Pawar, who was once tipped to be CM when he split from his uncle Sharad Pawar to join the ruling Mahayuti, cuts a sorry figure today and is no longer in the reckoning for the top seat.
Could Baba Siddique who was shot dead while he was bursting crackers outside his MLA son Zeeshan’s office on Vijaya Dashami lived if he had moved out of Maharashtra politics just as he had wished? The former Congress leader, who hailed from Bihar, was apparently wanting to return to his roots and had even met with RJD leader Tejashwi Yadav, seeking a Rajya Sabha berth before making the switch to the NCP led by Ajit Pawar. It seemed he had enough of Mumbai politics and deals. Responding to Siddique’s tragic news, Tejashwi Yadav merely acknowledged how he had interacted with Siddique and his family during his recent visit to Mumbai. Siddique hailed from Gopalganj district. For some reason, Siddique was uncomfortable with the Congress and Shiv Sena(UBT) alliance, and had decided to opt out of the party in March this year. A three-time MLA from Bandra West assembly constituency, Siddique had served as a minister in the Congress-undivided NCP government in the early 2000.While his exit would be a big loss to Ajit Pawar ahead of the assembly polls, Sharad Pawar too hailed him as a leader who fought for the “minority community and championed secularism”. A close associate of actor-turned-politician Sunil Dutt, who helped him secure his first Congress ticket in 1999. Siddique is credited for bringing to end frosty ties between actors Shahrukh Khan and Salman Khan in 2013
Former Maharashtra minister Baba Siddique’s tragic death in a shooting attack has once again churned the state politics on the eve of the coming assembly election. A former Congress leader, Siddique had only recently joined the Nationalist Congress party (NCP) led by deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar. Incidentally, but for a handful pockets, the party has no political space in Mumbai. Hence Siddique’s loss will be felt by it intensely. His son Zeeshan is a Congress MLA from Nirmal Nagar in Bandra. Siddique’s death just outside his son’s office and despite having ‘Y’ grade security has put the three-party Mahayuti alliance in the dock. The focus, however, is on deputy chief minister Devendra Fadnavis as he handles the home portfolio. His critics have once again trained their guns against Fadnavis, perceived as the main challenger for the opposition-led Maha Vikas Aghadi. The demand for his resignation had started no sooner than Siddique was being moved to hospital. Congress scion Rahul Gandhi is among the prominent politicians to castigate the state government for the tragedy. Even some NCP (Ajit) functionaries, too, have joined the chorus. The police are investigating various possible connections behind the killing in the congested busy locality. A popular figure among politicians and Bollywood, the image of the Mumbai police has suffered but the fallout will have to be faced by the political leadership. The embattled Mahayuti will need a herculean effort to emerge from the situation.
By pushing for a demand to raise the state quota for reservation limit to 75 %, Sharad Pawar has put the BJP in a quandary. Acceding to this demand could prove counterproductive for the BJP against its own OBC support base. The quota for reservation has upset the BJP core constituency of the other backward classes (OBC), which is upset at the Marathas wanting a share from their reservation pie and are vehemently opposing it. The BJP, which bore the brunt of the reservation agitation in the 2024 Lok Sabha results (won 9 out of the 28 seats in Maharashtra) had granted reservations for the Maratha community, hoping to woo the significant Maratha vote bank. Getting the Maratha Eknath Shinde and Ajit Pawar, on their side, was also part of this strategy. Yet, now far from getting the Maratha support, it finds itself struggling to wriggle out of its repercussions. The Marathas continue to be upset with the BJP, particularly with its leader Devendra Fadnavis for not ensuring a legal-proof reservation insisting that only being added in the OBC bandwagon, could help withstand legal scrutiny. The Marathas anger for being lathi-charged and rioting cases against them not being withdrawn, also continues. Manoj Jarange Patil continues to spit fire on BJP and threatens to scuttle their chances in this election. Pawar, who himself has led Maharashtra four times as a CM, was clearly well aware of the pitfalls of yielding to reservations demands of Marathas, and managed to sidestep it during his regime. The wily Pawar seems to be having the last laugh for now.
Veteran leader Sharad Pawar has once again shown his indomitable durability by immersing fully in the preparation for the coming Maharashtra assembly election. Busy from dawn till late in the night, Pawar has been receiving delegations and hopefuls throughout the day, besides holding strategy sessions. As usual, his team ensures that all such goings on are widely covered by the media, electronic and the print. Over the past two days, Pawar has been concentrating on the Marathwada region, once loyal to him. Presently, his NCP faction has been left with just a couple of MLAs from the backward region while half a dozen had walked out with his nephew, Ajit Pawar. Some of them have already called on the NCP founder in a bid to stage a homecoming. Similar is the scenario in Pune district, till recently under the influence of Ajit Pawar. The recent Lok Sabha rout of the NCP(Ajit) has changed the power equation for both, the uncle and the nephew. Over the past few days, many of Ajit’s followers have openly said they are seeking Sharad Pawar’s blessings for a comeback. The BJP, too, is roasted by Pawar’s magnetism. Several of its workers at different levels are desirous of switching over for a possible win. Political observers, however, are perplexed that the Sena led by chief minister Eknath Shinde has remained impervious to Pawar’s charm in this season of great political churning.
The BJP, it seems, is not willing to take any chance in the upcoming Maharashtra assembly polls after its dismal performance in Lok Sabha polls. For one, Union home minister Amit Shah has entirely taken things in his own hand and is personally overseeing the ticket distribution process in Maharashtra. The BJP has also quietly given up its obsession with party surveys, which were being cited as criteria for allocating and denying tickets to party members, and were roundly blamed for leading to wrong candidate selections. Shah is also overriding strong party sentiments to drop off NCP’s Ajit Pawar despite the junior Pawar scion increasingly being viewed as a liability. Nor has Shah bothered to clip the wings of chief minister Eknath Shinde. Shah is also ignoring the clamour to let Nitin Gadkari play a stronger role in the assembly elections, a sentiment also shared by the RSS cadres. Gadkari was conspicuous by his absence in the rallies and has failed to share stage in rallies held by both the top leaders of his party – PM Narendra Modi and Amit Shah. Gadkari was stated to be campaigning in the Jammu and Kashmir election, the day Amit Shah was campaigning and overseeing election processes in his home pitch of Vidarbha. Gadkari was back in action in Nagpur whining in a public meeting, about how the state’s flagship scheme to provide monthly stipend to women, Ladki Bahin Yojana, was bleeding the state exchequer, when Shah had moved to Mumbai to oversee election operation there. Gadkari’s public disclosure that he was offered the prime minister’s post by the opposition, hasn’t helped things.
Amidst persistent speculation about Maharashtra deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar’s future moves, the appointment of his NCP’s lone Lok Sabha member Sunil Tatkare as chairman of the prestigious parliamentary committee on energy and natural gas is viewed as a BJP sop to keep Ajit in the NDA flock. Ajit was reportedly sore as none of his party MLAs was given any important post in the state whereas chief minister Eknath Shinde’s supporters are appointed to major corporations like CIDCO and MHADA. Moreover, veteran leader Sharad Pawar has added to the suspense by declaring that though Ajit is away from the original NCP, the Pawar family is intact. Of late, Ajit has repeatedly said that his ambition to become the CM has remained unfulfilled. “I am stuck at the DCM’s post,” he said while expressing his frustration. When asked about this, DCM Devendra Fadnavis cryptically said that even if a party had a single MLA, he or she could aspire to become the CM. Just a day ago, Fadnavis had claimed that the BJP lost a dozen LS seats with narrow margins since Ajit’s NCP’s votes were not transferred to the BJP candidates. On the other hand, Shinde Sena’s votes were received, he suggested. The Centre’s decision to accommodate Tatkare will prompt all concerned to rethink their future strategy, it is felt. The picture will start becoming clear in a week’s time.
The Maharashtra BJP’s insistence to contest at least 160 seats in the 288-member legislative assembly election has posed a challenge for the Shiv Sena led by chief minister Eknath Shinde and the NCP led by Deputy CM Aji Pawar since both will have to be content with just about 60 seats for each. The seat sharing talks within the ruling Mahayuti are at an advanced turn though the BJP’s position as the largest partner has been accepted by both. However, the tacit tussle to occupy the second position is now becoming apparent as Ajit Pawar has made it clear that his party will need to contest over 60 seats. Both parties have almost an equal strength in the outgoing house. The Mahayuti is more or less agreed on around a hundred seats but the substantial chunk is still under negotiations. While Shinde has established his own channel with New Delhi, Ajit’s public postures are becoming a matter of speculation. His latest displeasure with the purported anti-minority utterances by some Sena-BJP leaders and Shinde’s implied support of those leaders, though in a different context, has caused some discomfort in the Mahayuti camp. Ajit and Shinde are thus facing a daunting challenge since they will have to persuade their followers to accept the seat sharing formula. It is likely to be finalised during Union home minister Amit Shah’s scheduled visit to the state next week.
Maharashtra BJP is facing a quandary since the mass media is awash with reports about a purported internal survey conducted by the party in Vidarbha region. The reason – the prediction that neither the BJP nor the Mahayuti will fare well in the region. Although BJP leaders are yet to react to the news stories, the survey has reportedly said that the Mahayuti can win around 25 seats out of the total 62 in the BJP’s traditional stronghold. Vidarbha was once the Congress citadel and had stood by Indira Gandhi even after the post-emergency election in 1977. However, it has been a cakewalk for the BJP since 2014. The first jolt it received was the Lok Sabha election earlier this year as the Congress performed unexpectedly well, at the cost of the BJP. In 2019, the BJP-led saffron alliance had won 39 of the seats. However, after the splits in the Shiv Sena and the NCP, the configuration has undergone a sea change. In view of the Lok Sabha voting pattern and analysis, the Mahayuti will have no problem in remaining at the top but its dominance will be dented seriously, if one wishes to trust the so-called survey findings. According to the survey assessment, the BJP will be able to win 18 seats while the Sena (Shinde) will bag just five and the NCP under Ajit Pawar a token two. The overall tally of 25 for the Mahayuti will impact the alliance’s ambition of returning to power in the state in the election, most likely to occur in November this year.
Maharashtra deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar has finally rung down the curtains on the speculation surrounding the prestigious Baramati assembly constituency by giving out ample indications that he will contest the seat this time, too. Ajit took this decision after he was advised that his shaky stance could cost the NCP(A) heavily. Ajit has also scored over the two other Mahayuti partners – the BJP and the Shiv Sena (Shinde) — by finalising nearly two dozen assembly candidates. Both these parties are still to decide on their nominees. Internecine power struggle and past rivalry with each other are hindering the list finalisation. The picture on the Maha Vikas Aghadi is a little different. None of the MVA partners has so far declared any name of a prospective candidate. Against this backdrop, Ajit has overtaken all other parties in the state. Equally important is his willingness to enter the fray after dilly-dallying for a long time. The other names in Ajit’s list include former home minister Dilip Walse Patil, senior leader Chhagan Bhujbal and the legislative assembly’s deputy speaker Narahari Zirwal. Not to take a chance, Ajit’s team started combing the Baramati constituency much earlier. The contest will be a fierce one if Ajit’s nephew Yugendra Pawar decides to take on his uncle. Yugendra is groomed by NCP founder Sharad Pawar ever since Ajit broke away from the parent party. Whatever the outcome, the seat will remain with the Pawar family, which has been holding it for the past 55 years.
Maharashtra deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar has once again publicly repented for parting ways with his uncle Sharad Pawar. This is considered an implied signal for the Mahayuti leadership to prepare for any eventuality, including Ajit’s probable decision to do a homecoming act. Although he has not said anywhere that he will desert the Mahayuti, his recent statements can be interpreted by his detractors to mean just that. At a rally in Gadchiroli, he advised the daughter of NCP(A) minister Dharmarao Baba Atram to reconsider her decision to enter the NCP (SP). Ajit said, “People don’t like creating rifts in one’s own family.” In Baramati, he said he had been elected uninterrupted since 1991 but if people wanted otherwise, someone else would be the MLA from Baramati. He, however, did not indicate who the next incumbent will be but his supporters are discussing the name of his son Jay, who has started touring the constituency, the fiefdom of the Pawar Parivar since 1967. Ajit’s chagrin over the defeat of his wife Sunetra in the Lok Sabha election is coming to the fore time and again. Coincidentally, some BJP workers from Pune have started expressing their opposition to the NCP(A). As Ajit has admitted to his own ambivalence in the present political atmosphere, revised electoral equations can emerge in the state.
Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) leader Ajit Pawar’s ambivalence regarding his relationship with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has once again rubbed the saffron sympathisers the wrong way. The second deputy chief minister of Maharashtra is still somehow finding it difficult to align with the BJP fully, since time and again, he has chosen to keep his distance from the RSS. His latest two-day Nagpur visit was more in the news due to his absence from the RSS headquarters where chief minister Eknath Shinde and DCM Devendra Fadnavis bowed before the memorial to RSS founder KB Hedgewar than his party political activity. Interestingly, Shinde and both DCMs later held a marathon meeting behind closed doors to discuss and plan their strategy for the assembly election. Ajit’s cautious approach towards the BJP-RSS stands in stark contrast with Shinde’s unhesitant camaraderie with Fadanvis and Union home minister Amit Shah, among others. Shinde has been complimented by PM Narendra Modi during his Maharashtra visits, sending mixed signals. In Nagpur, Ajit held a series of meetings with his followers to assess his prospects in Vidarbha after his break away from his uncle Sharad Pawar. Although the BJP has reportedly promised to accommodate the NCP(A) in the post-election equation, the speculation surrounding him does not end. The Nagpur visit has only provided cannon fodder to Ajit’s detractors, who have been making use of such incidents to corner him.
Ajit Pawar is facing coalition compulsions of a completely different kind. Even as he faces a blatant dig by Eknath Shinde’s minister Tanaj Sawant that Congress-Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) ideologues puke him off, Pawar chose to tamely ignore it. Known for his brash arrogant straight talk, his supporters were startled to hear him say that he would rather focus on his work, not forgetting to hint at how he continued to enjoy the confidence of Amit Shah. Along with Eknath Shinde, Ajit Pawar continues to be the only other senior leader in Maharashtra who has the ears of Shah. This is probably his trump card as also the reason for his restraint, despite a few loud voices in both the BJP and his own party, trying to raise the pitch against each other. That hasn’t stopped him from chartering his own independent path ahead though. He was the first leader from Mahayuti alliance, to tender an apology about the falling of the statue of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj at Konkan. Not stopping at that, NCP’s own workers staged dharnas protesting, clearly aimed at tapping into the strong anger in Maharashtra about it. Pawar is already on a state-wide campaign in his now-trademark pink jacket, even as he simultaneously continues to participate in rallies with Shinde and Devendra Fadnavis.
Even before the dates for the Maharashtra assembly election are finalised, strategies to discredit each other and spread confusing information to hurt the other side are gaining speed. Although the exact electoral adjustment plans of MNS leader Raj Thackeray, Republican leader Prakash Ambedkar and AIMIM’s Asaduddin Owaisi are unclear, there is no dearth of speculation about which way they can go. To cash in on this suspense, NCP chief Sharad Pawar’s nephew Rohit Pawar has made a prediction that is bound to confound the picture. Rohit has claimed that the BJP bigwigs have hatched a plan to create a third front in the state to ensure that the opposition votes are splintered among several candidates. Rohit says that his uncle Ajit Pawar will be a major factor of this so-called formation and even Raj Thackeray could join it. Rohit has emerged as Pawar’s chief spokesman ever since Ajit broke away from the parent NCP. Rohit’s prediction comes after Ajit expressed regret over the collapse of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaja’s statue at Malvan in the Konkan a few days ago. Mahayuti, the three-party alliance government led by Eknath Shinde has been under fire for this serious mishap. Against this backdrop, Ajit’s unilateral decision to undergo penance has been interpreted variously. The damage control efforts of the alliance are said to be underway, sensing the potential of the stature mishap.
Maharashtra Deputy Chief Minister and Nationalist Congress Party Chief, Ajit Pawar has announced the names of six candidates for the first phase of the Jammu and Kashmir assembly elections out of a total 15 to be fielded for the polls out of a total 90 constituencies. While setting to rest intense political speculation around the prodigal nephew’s return to Uncle Sharad Pawar’s political formation, DCM Pawar has exposed his intentions to grow his party and possibly secure national recognition. National general secretary of NCP, and freshly minted J&K Vidhan Sabha 2024 poll in-charge, Brijmohan Shrivastav confirmed the candidatures of Sajjad Ahmad Mir (Anantnag West), Kirpal Singh (Ramban), Mushtaq Ahmed (Banihal), Mohamad Yusuf Hazam (Tral), Ishtiyaq Ahamad Sheikh (Pulwama) and Arun Kumar Raina (Rajpura) assembly constituencies. A source reveals that Shrivastav was assigned the task over the last six months to flesh out the NCP’s foray in J&K inviting comparisons with the 1999 effort by former party president Sharad Pawar, who had similarly and, originally formed the NCP in 1999 to face up to the Lok Sabha elections within six months of leaving the Congress party. Out of the six candidates fielded three each will contest in the Jammu and Kashmir regions respectively for the first phase of the assembly polls, while another nine are to be fielded during subsequent phases of the elections. The NCP seeks to consolidate its position in the BJP-led NDA alliance, while seeking the allocation of a full Union cabinet berth for the party president Praful Patel in New Delhi. Ironically, the NCP move comes amidst a disenchantment registered by J&K voters during general elections against the usual political suspects (Congress, NC and PDP candidates).
Political poaching by various parties is gaining traction in Maharashtra, in view of the forthcoming assembly election. Now that the Election Commission has given indications that the election, otherwise due in October, could be held after Diwali, all political parties are gearing up to face the five-year test. After the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) of the three opposition parties trounced the ruling Mahayuti alliance in the Lok Sabha election, the politicking began in earnest. Veteran leader Sharad Pawar is leading the pack. A couple of days ago, Kolhapur’s influential BJP leader Samarjeet Ghatge announced his decision to enter Pawar’s Nationalist Congress Party. Even as the shockwaves are subsiding, rural Pune’s prominent BJP leader Harshwardhan Patil is said to be on his way to Pawar. Significantly, Patil is an ardent opponent of Ajit Pawar. Seizing the opportunity, Pawar’s daughter Supriya Sule has recalled her lifelong association with Patil. The trigger for Patil’s likely change of loyalty is said to be Ajit’s announcement to field his lieutenant Dattatraya Bharne once again from Indapur, Patil family’s fiefdom. Patil is expected to declare his final resolve in a couple of days. Sensing the possibility, Maharashtra BJP president Chandrashekhar Bawankule has made it clear that if Patil wishes to walk out, nothing will stop him. On the other hand, trafficking between the two Shiv Sena factions is on an increase while the Congress, too, is looking for an influx. The picture will be clearer after the 10-day Ganesh Festival is over by mid-September.
Mahant Ramgiri Maharaj, a Hindu holy figure, has unintentionally triggered a war of words between the BJP and the NCP(Ajit) over his certain controversial remarks about another religion. The Mahant’s purported statement had led to a serious law and order situation in Nasik in north Maharashtra. While a few criminal cases have been filed against him, spokesmen of NCP(Ajit) and the BJP have added fuel to the fire by their respective utterances. Pawar’s confidant Amol Mitkari, MLA, has made certain objectionable comparisons of the Mahant while advising him caution. The use of the word dog in that comparison has enraged the Mahant’s followers. BJP legislator Ram Satpute has asked Mitkari not to forget that his party, the NCP(Ajit), is a constituent of the Mahayuti. Alleging that Mitkari has had an aversion against Hindutva, Satpute said, “Commercial thinkers like Mitkari have no business to tell Hindu religious leaders on what position to take about such matters.” Even as the duel was raging, a BJP demonstration against deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar in Pune district has provided another pointed angle to the Mahayuti equation. Maharashtra NCP (Ajit) president Sunil Tatkare has angrily asked the BJP protestors not to do something that could sour the relationship between the two parties. The BJP workers were upset since only Pawar’s image was flashed at an official event’s venue, ignoring CM Eknath Shinde and DCM Devendra Fadnavis.
Followers of deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar are livid at Shiv Sena (UBT) MP Sanjay Raut for likening their leader to a pink chameleon. Raut made this comment at an election meeting of the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) in Mumbai on Friday. Though the obvious reference was to Ajit’s decision to wear pink jackets following a PR firm’s advice, what Raut meant was the way the NCP leader had been changing his statements over the past few days. Ajit had expressed regrets in a channel interview just a couple of days ago for fielding his wife Sunetra against his cousin Supriya Sule in Baramati for the Lok Sabha election. His latest statement that he may not contest the assembly election himself from Baramati seat has miffed his party workers since the constituency has been loyal to him since the 1990s. Some of his close associates are reportedly in two minds about continuing with him. Launching a broadside against him, Raut said the pink colour never succeeds in politics. He gave the example of the rout of KCR’s Bharat Rasthra Samiti. Raut said, “Only the saffron or the tricolour succeed in politics.” By this, he indicated the party flags of the Congress and the Sena (UBT). Raut’s remarks evoked instant reactions. NCP(SP) emerging leader Yugendra Pawar made it clear that such criticism was not desirable. He reminded the Sena MP that Ajit Pawar was his paternal uncle after all.
Maharashtra deputy chief minister Devendra Fadnavis is among the frontrunners to don the mantle of the president of the BJP. Sitting president J P Nadda’s term will soon come to an end. When Nadda was inducted in the Modi 3.0 team, it was obvious that the party will start looking for its new president. Besides giants like Shivraj Singh Chauhan and Dharmendra Pradhan, the name of Fadnavis is making rounds of the political grapevine in the national capital. However, the state assembly election being slated for October this year, some rethink about the schedule of his installation at the BJP headquarters could take place. BJP top brass has not given any indication either way but whispers are seeping out about the party machine’s overhaul. Owing to the disappointing show of the party in the Lok Sabha election, Prime Minister Narendra Modi is said to be more malleable now towards RSS suggestions. In such a scenario, Fadnavis will fit the bill perfectly as he is close to both, RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat and Modi. If and when Fadnavis is elevated, the thorny issue of selecting the next chief minister of Maharashtra will automatically get resolved as present incumbent Eknath Shinde or another DCM, Ajit Pawar, will be asked to run the show provided the NDA wins a majority. Fadnavis has time and again expressed his desire to devote to the party work.
Name calling, jibes, taunts, dares have become a daily TV routine in Maharashtra in the run-up to the 2024 state polls. Leading the pack has been the estranged partners — BJP and Uddhav Thackeray’s Shiv Sena — whose leaders have been warning of finishing each other politically. Chief minister Eknath Shinde gets criticised for ‘stealing’ a political party complete with name, symbol, ideology and even a father. Raj Thackeray gets mocked for waking up late, Ajit Pawar faces jokes over his pink jackets as much as for his corruption scandals, while Uddhav Thackeray faces jibes for operating from his home as a chief ministerial stint. His son Tejas Thackeray too does not get spared for dancing at the Ambani wedding. Uddhav pointsman Sanjay Raut gets called morning siren for his daily morning press briefings that lambast all his opponents. The BJP too has set up Nitesh Rane specifically to counter him who gives it back in equally colourful language even as it has allocated daily briefings to counter the daily tirade of allegations and counter-allegations. The name calling also got personal at times like when NCP spokesperson Vidya Chavan put out call recordings in a press conference showing how BJP leader Chitra Wagh tried to incite her daughter-in-law to take to the press against her party leadership. Not surprisingly, those with ears to the ground believe that the pot has been kept boiling deliberately as a smokescreen to avoid focus and questions on ground reality that could prove difficult for all. Considering that all parties have been partners or opponents at some point or the other, too many questions could get uncomfortably closer home for almost every party or combination.
It’s been raining doles or revdis in Maharashtra. Be it for women, girl college students, unemployed youth, the Eknath Shinde-led Maharashtra government has been promising stipends, free gas cylinders and subsidies almost every week. Leading the pack has been the Mukhyamantri Majhi Ladki Bahin Yojana that promises monthly stipend of Rs 1500 for women, which has got overwhelming response with over 1.8 crore applications received. Each of the faction of the Mahayuti alliance be it the chief minister Eknath Shinde from the Shiv Sena, Ajit Pawar or Devendra Fadnavis, have been taking credit for it, even before the disbursement of first instalment scheduled on Raksha Bandhan day (Aug 19). Though the state has over Rs 7.8 lakh crore debt, it has already sanctioned Rs 35,000 crores of the annual outlay of Rs 46,000 crore this budget for this scheme. This scheme, which is the equivalent of Madhya Pradesh’s Ladli Behna scheme, is expected to replay the MP government electoral verdict here. A recent survey by Sakaal media group has shown that the ruling Mahayuti front could bag 136 seats as opposed to 152 seats by the MVA front and the Mahayuti hopes that this scheme could help cover up the short gap in the numbers game between the ruling and opposing front explains. Shinde Sena’s spokesperson Sanjay Nirupam. These schemes could tilt the scale in favour of Mahayuti. Devendra Fadnavis has asked people not to enrol from desks set up by offices of opposition parties, as they might not submit forms in a bid to discredit the scheme. Though Ajit Pawar claims that the state has enough funds to continue these schemes, he warned people against voting for opposition lest they discontinue this scheme.
The Maharashtra Vidhan Sabha elections due in October/November 2024 has the BJP recalibrating its poll plans in the wake of the setback it suffered in the state at the recent hustings for the Lok Sabha. A revitalized and wiser BJP deputy chief minister Devendra Fadnavis is expected to stake a claim to contest 130 to 135 state assembly seats out of the 288 assembly constituencies in Maharashtra. At the recently held party conclave in Pune last week the BJP’s face for Maharashtra, shedding his inaccessibility tag, exhorted party men to desire and deserve party candidatures for the state assemblies with the only proviso that they consciously refrain from indulging in controversial public speaking. “The BJP has always performed well when a triangular political fight took place in Maharashtra, as in 2014 and 2019 securing when it won 122 seats and 105 seats respectively. The party is backing up DCM Ajit Pawar wholeheartedly to ensure a repeat in their poll fortunes in the state of Maharashtra,” BJP’s Maharashtra Executive Committee member Mahendra Jain avers dismissing talks of imminent plans to eject the Maratha leader as just idle chatter. All the same, loud rumblings abound of possible plans by the prodigal nephew of Sharad Pawar to reinvent his political positioning in Maharashtra. The BJP’s desperation for Maharashtra is undeniable, considering it lost the state in 1999 under then PM Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s tenure and again in 2019 under PM Modi, when the MVA alliance trumped BJP prospects in the state and, is leaving no stone unturned in its efforts to rule the state. The poll efforts of the BJP are easier said than done what with the tallest Maratha leader in Maharashtra, Sharad Pawar, Uddhav Thackeray of the original Shiv Sena busy garnering a double sympathy wave for their respective political formations once again in tandem with the Congress. Only time will tell for whom the political bells toll?
The present and former home ministers of Maharashtra are entangled in a fierce word war, hurling serious allegations against each other. Former home minister Anil Deshmukh has claimed that he had received a proposal from deputy chief minister Devendra Fadnavis to escape the ED’s action. Fadnavis is the home minister, too. Deshmukh has named a Jan Surajya Party leader, Samit Kadam, as the go-between. Kadam is learnt to be from Miraj in Sangli district and has refused to respond to any queries. Deshmukh was in the ED custody for a long time and has been out on bail. He said Kadam came to him repeatedly on behalf of Fadnavis and has threatened to make public certain video clips about the meetings. Fadnavis has refuted all allegations and countered that Deshmukh should come out with concrete evidence. He has threatened that he will publicise the information in his possession about Deshmukh after the latter really releases the clips. Deshmukh has reiterated his charge that there was a plan to arrest Uddhav Thackeray, his son Aaditya, Ajit Pawar (then DCM) and Shiv Sena (UBT) MLC Anil Parab. He said Kadam had carried four affidavits and had asked him to sign them. “Had I signed them, all these four leaders would be behind bars today,” Deshmukh has said. The ruling and opposition formations are now busy discrediting each other over the controversy as the state assembly election approaches.
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Editor’s Note: Short Post Is Here To Stay…
Time, they say, flies—and how true that is. Here we are celebrating our 5th Anniversary. Five years ago, when Covid-19 was wreaking havoc across the globe, I took a leap of faith and launched Short Post, India’s first website for Authentic Gossip. That was on January 31, 2021. I was convinced there was a clear gap in the market for gossip that was credible, sharp, and impactful—especially if told in just 250 words.
In this, I was fortunate. Scores of senior editors across diverse verticals bought into the idea and, in the process, gave wings to my dream. Quite honestly, Short Post could not have crossed these milestones without the unflinching support of its contributing editors. Like all start-ups, we have seen our share of ups and downs, but these editors have stood by us like a rock. I take this opportunity to doff my hat to them.
Thanks to their commitment, we have published close to 5,000 stories spanning politics, business, entertainment, and sports. I say this with pride: we made our mark as people who matter read us. “Small packs, big impact” truly captures the essence of Short Post.
We all know that Covid-19 has reset businesses worldwide, and the media sector is no exception. In the post-Covid era, investors have become more cautious and selective—and advertisers too. To compound matters, the entry of AI has disrupted the media landscape in equal measure. So far, we have managed to hold our ground, hopeful that some angel investors will take a shine to us.
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