Self-proclaimed Godman Ashok Kharat’s arrest for his alleged sex atrocities against many women has stirred a hornet’s nest as pictures of some top leaders with him have started surfacing. The Nationalist Congress Party (NCP-Ajit) and the Shiv Sena (Shinde), the two major partners in the Mahayuti regime in Maharashtra, are finding themselves on the defensive with every new such disclosure. NCP leader Rupali Chakankar has become the focus of the sex scandal since many serious allegations are being made against her hour by hour. The plot has thickened since a couple of NCP leaders have charged that certain suspicious things found outside the official residence of late deputy CM Ajit Pawar when he was alive were part of  black magic reportedly perpetrated by Kharat. Investigations so far have revealed that Kharat had been practising his questionable occultism to lure hapless women and that he has amassed huge wealth through this route over the years. The sordid racket of Kharat was exposed when chief minister Devendra Fadnavis himself ordered the police bosses to act against him. It is whispered that besides some prominent politicians, certain police officials also will face the heat as the probe progresses since they tacitly permitted Kharat to operate.  Ironically, Kharat was caught by the police when he himself had filed a complaint against a couple of his acquaintances, who had been blackmailing him. Retired from Merchant Navy, Kharat was flaunting the title of a Captain while running his racket in Nasik in north Maharashtra.

Seeking a fourth consecutive term, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee who released a 291-seat candidate list clearly signalled a sweeping organisational reset. Defined by a “three-generation balance” strategy, the list represents a calculated gamble by Mamata and her nephew Abhishek Banerjee to neutralise anti-incumbency through a mix of youthful energy and seasoned stability. Didi’s focus this time has been on younger faces, increased representation of women, and caste & community equations. Party insiders describe a “three-generation balance”, an idea pushed by Abhishek. Of 291 candidates, 219 or 75% are under 60, 45% around 50, 72 above 60 and 25 over 70 — marking a clear shift from 2021. To address anti-incumbency, 74 sitting MLAs have been dropped. Veterans like Samar Mukherjee (83), Sobhandeb Chattopadhyay (82), Firhad Hakim, Madan Mitra, Jyotipriya Mallick have been retained. Younger faces include Madhuparna Thakur (27), Rituparna Adhya (28), Debangshu Bhattacharya (29), and Rajib Biswas (29). Thirteen recent entrants have been fielded immediately that includes Pabitra Kar against his mentor Opposition leader Suvendu Adhikari in Nandigram. Meanwhile, Partha Chatterjee, Chiranjeet Chakraborty, Kanchan Mullick, Paresh Pal and Swarnakamal Saha, Vivek Gupta have been dropped. Several second-generation leaders have been fielded, including Shreya Pandey (daughter of Sadhan Pandey), Sirsanya Bandopadhyay, Tirthankar Ghosh, Basundhara Goswami, Shubhankar Singh and Sandipan Saha; however, the exclusion of late Mukul Roy’s son Subhranshu Roy signals a selective legacy politics. The list includes 52 women, 40 Muslims, 78 Scheduled Caste and 17 Scheduled Tribe candidates. Interestingly, the TMC appears to have moved away from its earlier reliance on inducting fresh faces from the Bengali film industry.

Unstinted support by the Shiv Sena (UBT) of the Freedom Religion Bill in the Maharashtra legislature has once again renewed political speculation about Uddhav Thackeray’s next likely stance regarding the BJP. His silence on the coming two assembly byelections in the state has already created unease within the Opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA). The state Congress unit has declared that it will consider fielding candidates in the two constituencies, one of them Baramati, represented by late deputy CM Ajit Pawar. His wife Sunetra, who has taken over his place in the state cabinet, will contest from Baramati. Her sister in law and NCP(SP) leader Supriya Sule has announced that her party will not challenge Sunetra. However, that decision has been seen as a family matter. But the Congress party is sore since it was taken without consulting its state leader Harshwardhan Sapkal. Even earlier, the Congress was ignored by the other two MVA partners when it was decided that veteran NCP leader Sharad Pawar will be sent to the Rajya Sabha. This was a BJP strategy to compel the MVA to agree to elect the remaining six Mahayuti candidates unopposed. Hence, rather than alienating the Hindutva vote bank, Uddhav decided to support the Religion Freedom Bill, which will soon become a law with state governor’s consent. He ignored the Bill’s criticism by the NCP(SP), the Congress and the fringe Opposition parties. Uddhav’s stand has made MVA uneasy once again but it will hardly reflect in the state polity, it is felt.

With barely a few days left for nominations to close for Puducherry assembly elections (Mar 23), Congress leaders were hoping for a miracle. They were hoping that there would be some electoral arrangement with actor Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) in the Union Territory. This seemed possible as the party in power — All India N R Congress — sent a message to its partner BJP that it could go alone in the polls. The CM’s Congress colleagues were keen that he break away from the NDA and return to the Congress fold. Jose Charles Martin, the son of lottery tycoon Santiago Martin, had launched his own political party — Latchiya Jananayaga Katchi. But the CM was not keen to include anyone with a lottery background. The CM raised everyone’s hopes in the Congress in TN as he played truant. He had avoided meeting Union Minister Mansukh Mandviya in Puducherry. However, Home Minister Amit Shah ensured all outstanding issues were sorted out and the alliance for 30 seats was finally sealed on March 20. Meanwhile, it is being said Rahul Gandhi has not publicly endorsed the DMK-Congress alliance in TN; it is quite likely that he may not campaign for the alliance. With his close aide Praveen Chakravarty renewing contacts with Vijay, there is a possibility that there could be an informal understanding between the Congress and the TVK in select constituencies in the state. However, more than TN it is the contest in Kerala that is posing a challenge for the Congress. Party sources say return of the Left Front for a record third term is now inevitable with the Congress trailing a good 2% behind. With group clashes coming to the fore, party men feel Kerala can be reclaimed only if the Congress projects a different CM — say a Shashi Tharoor!

It’s a high stakes battle in Bhabanipur between West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee and Leader of Opposition Suvendu Adhikari. Didi will do everything to defend her urban stronghold, while Adhikari — former TMC heavyweight turned BJP leader defeated her in the 2021 Nandigram contest — has entered the fray to challenge her once again. Interestingly, Adhikari will also contest from Nandigram as well. Observers say this could be BJP’s strategy to pin down Mamata to a gruelling local fight in Bhabanipur so as to limit her ability to lead a state-wide campaign. Her presence remains vital for TMC candidates across West Bengal’s closely contested districts. The constituency itself, often called “mini Bharat,” features a diverse demographic where nearly 40% of voters are from non-Bengali communities—including Gujaratis, Marwaris, Punjabis, and Odias—alongside a 20% Muslim electorate. While the seat has leaned toward the TMC since 2011, the BJP is aggressively courting the business community to bridge the gap. The build-up to the April 23 and April 29 two-phase elections has been marked by a fierce dispute over the electoral rolls. Reports indicate over 47,000 names were removed during a special intensive review, with another 14,000 under scrutiny. While the BJP justifies the deletions as a clean-up of duplicate entries, the TMC alleges a conspiracy involving the Election Commission to disenfranchise genuine voters. Despite these tensions, Didi enters the race with a formidable record, having won her 2021 by-election by over 58,000 votes. Her party’s broader list reflects a push for representation, featuring 52 women, 95 SC/ST candidates, and 47 minority representatives.

TVK supremo Vijay’s consigliere Aadav Arjun is seen to be deranged by the political rank and file, especially after his loose cannon remarks. The one baiting Thalaivar Rajinikanth has raised the hackles of all …fans especially who are waiting to be roused to rise. What did Arjun say? In an extreme attempt to schmooze and schmaltz in his role of deifying Vijay, this indiscreet party member said, “Even Rajinikanth attempted to plunge headlong into politics, aping MGR, assuming he would be worshipped by TN. But what happened? The first family of DMK threatened him. And he withdrew. But our TVK leader Vijay is a rock…cannot be threatened by anyone”. You can imagine the storm raised by this indiscreet and vicious comment especially about Rajini who is worshipped by devoted fans all over the country. Tamil Nadu BJP chief Nainaar Nagendran tried to condemn Aadav’s pointless talk, with some meek, assuaging words and the challenge that Aadav should apologise to Rajinikanth. But it is the scathing repartee of journalist Mani that made a big impact. “This man is not just ignorant, but indecent…and he is not even a politician but a lottery ticket vendor. Earlier he tried to latch on to Thirumavalavan, then the DMK’s first family …now he has latched on to Vijay.” Rajini fans have protested but the DMK has brushed off the allegation like a fly. With a consigliere like Aadav who needs enemies?

West Bengal’s upcoming Assembly election will be held in two phases, dividing the state into contrasting political zones, with data from the 2021 Assembly polls and 2024 Lok Sabha segment mapping indicating the battle for power will unfold differently across the two regions. The first phase, scheduled for April 23, covers 152 constituencies across 16 districts, including North Bengal, the western belts, and coastal Purba Medinipur. A retrospective mapping of the 2021 results suggests a competitive landscape where the TMC held 92 seats against the BJP’s 59. While the BJP previously capitalised on anti-incumbency here, 2024 Parliamentary data shows a tighter race; the TMC secured a 52.6% vote share, the BJP 39.5%, and the Congress-Left alliance 7.9%. With an average victory margin of just 9.89%, this zone remains highly volatile. Social demographics add further complexity. Of the 39 constituencies with minority populations exceeding 40%, the TMC’s 2021 clean sweep faced fragmentation in 2024, with the TMC leading in 21 segments, the Congress-Left in 11, and the BJP in seven. Furthermore, voter list adjudication poses a mathematical threat: in 48% of these seats, voters under adjudication outnumber the 2024 victory margins. On April 29, the battle shifts to 142 seats in the South Bengal heartland, encompassing Kolkata and the 24 Parganas. This remains a formidable TMC stronghold; the party won 123 seats here in 2021 and maintained an 80.3% lead in 2024 segments with a wide 15.05% average margin. Interestingly, this region shows high voter deletion rates, averaging 12.7% in TMC-won seats. As the BJP’s strongest areas vote first, the TMC may benefit from a schedule that allows it to consolidate momentum toward its core base in the final.

Many political aspirants and Tamil Nadu party leaders are secretly coveting this extraordinary Brand status of Vijay, the leader of TVK. How lucky can a man get with such super branding, promos, press and news stature like the cine star Vijay? Of course he bungee jumped into the fray with a mind blowing fan following, star status and oodles of money and flash. Just two years into his splash down, Vijay gets to hog the press…41 people die in the Karur stampede at his first ever public meet, his overhyped and meticulously planned release Jana Nayagan, so called swan song hits the censor road block, allegations of an extramarital affair and the fury of his wife Sangeetha in her divorce plea, his two children openly cutting his name off as parent, toxic revelations about his parents distancing themselves from him, CBI summons and trips to Delhi so called pressure wooing from a national party. In fact, every facet of his public and private life is in the constant glare of publicity. Would any other politician go out on a limb and still smell of roses? Vijay does. The Kohinoor in Vijay’s crown is the happening development — V Senthil Balaji summoned to Delhi for CBI questioning. Balaji is the DMK MLA from Karur, his powerful stomping ground where the stampede killed 41 people. Vijay is alleged to have conveyed to the CBI, that though he was delayed coming to the mega meet, it was the henchmen of Balaji who sprayed a fainting agent on the crowd …the stampede, melee and deaths quickly happened.

Ahead of the March 16 Rajya Sabha poll, a complex tug-of-war situation is now brewing in Odisha between BJD-Congress and BJP. Parties are now guarding against possible poaching scenario ahead of Rajya Sabha polls. Already, Congress has shifted nine of its 14 MLAs to Bengaluru and BJD’s Naveen Patnaik has lined up daily meetings with his legislators to guard against possible horse trading. There are five competing candidates spread between BJD-Congress and BJP who are now competing for four Rajya Sabha seats. What seems clear is the growing prospect of cross voting, absenteeism or intentional rejection of votes scenario. This essentially means smooth sailing for Manmohon Samal (BJP), Sujeet Kumar (BJP), the outgoing MP who is now opting for another term and Dr Santrupt Misra (BJD). However, Congress-BJD supported candidate Dr Datteswar Hota seems to be in a tricky situation. He could be facing possible cross-voting and absenteeism scenario. This scenario could make Dilip Ray(Independent) ex-Union Minister win the Rajya sabha seat backed  by BJP’s 79 MLA’s including three independents. Most agree that BJP will have 23 surplus first preference votes for Dilip Ray ensuring he sails in smoothly amidst fluid political situation.

In a strategic move to turf out West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee in the upcoming Assembly poll, the BJP is focussing on her stronghold – women voters. Didi’s Lakshmir Bhandar scheme has proved to be very popular. As a counter to that the BJP has launched Labharthi Sampark Abhiyan scheme which promises to top Didi’s scheme which is currently paying Rs 1,500– Rs 1,700 per month to Rs 3,000 if voted to power. Complementing this, Union Home Minister Amit Shah announced a separate Rs 5,700-crore special fund dedicated to women’s safety, education, skill development, and self-help groups. BJP manifesto committee members emphasize that this fund is an additional empowerment initiative distinct from the monthly cash transfers. To popularise its Labharthi Sampark Abhiyan, BJP has embarked on a massive door-to-door campaign targeting approximately 64 lakh families, or nearly 2 crore voters. Under this strategy, a dedicated committee and district-level teams have appointed a Labharthi Sampark Pramukh at 1,060 booths. Workers are instructed to show that while Lakshmir Bhandar provides roughly Rs 60,000 over five years, central schemes like the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana, Ujjwala LPG connections, and PM-Kisan provide benefits worth up to Rs 4 lakh per family over the same period. The BJP’s internal data highlights a significant reach, noting that 82 lakh families in Bengal have received central benefits, including 18 lakh minority and 64 lakh Hindu households. Within the Hindu demographic, 42 lakh families have accessed at least three schemes, while 35 lakh families have benefited from five. By focusing on direct individual benefits—such as housing, toilets, and piped water—and excluding general infrastructure like roads, the party aims to prove its efficacy. BJP leaders are betting that this “beneficiary-first” model will finally yield a breakthrough in West Bengal.