Uttar Pradesh CM Yogi Adityanath packed a lot of wit and humour while taking potshots at Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge who had mocked Hindu sadhus straying into politics and occupying high offices “in saffron robes”. Yogi reminded Kharge that he may have forgotten some crucial parts while recollecting his family’s sacrifices “for votes”. Yogi alleged Kharge purposely glossed over the tragic death of “his mother and sister” in an attack by Razakars as he feared losing Muslim votes. Addressing a rally in Achalpur in Vidarbha,  the UP leader said, “I am a Yogi, and for me, the nation comes first, while for Mallikarjun Kharge, appeasement politics comes first.” He was responding to Kharge’s comments on the “batenge toh katenge” remark. He recounted Kharge’s childhood tragedy during the political unrest in Hyderabad during India’s independence. Kharge was born in the Bidar region of erstwhile Hyderabad state, ruled by the Nizams. The Razakars were a paramilitary force that operated in the princely state with a primary objective to maintain the rule of the Muslim Nizams of Hyderabad and prevent the accession of Hyderabad to India. Incidentally, at the very rally where Kharge was pouring scorn on Yogi’s saffron attire, the Congress chief was trying to generate some sympathy for himself by talking about how he had narrowly escaped the wrath of razakars. He didn’t name the razakars; he merely said how his father was relieved that his only son had been “saved”. “Even our house was burnt. I don’t want to talk about those who attacked us.”  

Looks like Himachal Pradesh chief minister Sukhwinder Sukhu is battling a needless controversy over a CID probe into missing samosas linked to his visit to CID headquarters last month. He has been at pains to clarify that the probe, as reported by media, was not linked to the savoury ordered from a 5-star hotel but into “misbehaviour” of officials. He also feels that the BJP’s attack against him regarding the issue was “childish”, and that the party was running a smear campaign against him ever since the Congress won the assembly election. Sukhu felt the BJP was focussing on missing samosas since ‘Operation Lotus’ to dislodge his government failed. Samosas and cakes, which were ordered for CM Sukhu, were reportedly served to his security staff instead, and the entire situation snowballed into a controversy. Eventually, a CID probe was launched as the incident was termed as an anti-government act. Those responsible acted according to their own agenda, a highly placed official in the CID said in his note on the October 21 incident when the CM visited the CID headquarters. An enquiry report by a deputy SP rank officer found that samosas from three boxes of refreshments meant for the CM were rather served to his security staff. Recovering from an infection, it must be said the CM was keeping off samosas. While on samosas it must be noted the savoury featured in the farewell proceedings in Court No 1 in the Supreme Court when CJI designate Justice Sanjiv Khanna — also referred to samosas as outgoing CJI DY Chandrachud’s favorite snack!

Maharashtra has locked-in six political parties fighting the mother of all poll battles. Upbeat NDA (BJP-Shiv Sena-NCP) — despite initial assessments indicating alliance bagging below 130 seats — hopes orchestrated triangular fights will register 140 wins. BJP wants 105 like 2019, and expects a two-digit final outcome like Gujarat (99 MLAs won). Deputy chief minister Devendra Fadnavis, BJP’s CM face, discerned his party’s 148 candidates as also for Shiv Sena/NCP led by CM Eknath Shinde/Ajit Pawar respectively, even supplanted BJP candidates on alliance party tickets (Shiv Sena:9, NCP:5). Congress leads MVA bloc fighting over 100 seats, UBT Sena fights 90 plus (below 126 in 2019). Sharad Pawar’s NCP shortlisted 35 candidates, then handled a problem of plenty after 85 bounty, finding 50 more candidates post haste. Uddhav Thackeray discerned winning candidates to rectify Lok Sabha debacle (nine MPs from 21 contested seats). Independents, (over 25) from MVA ranks while BJP mostly quelled rebellion, expected to play king makers in Maharashtra government formation post November 23. BJP’s Borivali MLA Sunil Rane rues double bad luck being dumped in favour of Sandeep Upadhyay even as CM Shinde fielded reluctant MP Milind Deora from Worli constituency. Samajwadi Party’s Mankhurd MLA Abu Azmi worries over minority reports swaying towards NCP’s Nawab Malik while BJP’s ‘Bullet’ Patil hopes to gain from “Chanakya Niti” by Fadnavis. Navi Mumbai strongman Ganesh Naik’s son Sandeep quit BJP after senior leader Manda Mhatre got the party ticket making independents unofficial third front in polls.

The CPI(M) in West Bengal is grappling with a challenging phase as several of its prominent leaders continue to quit the party and join rival parties like the Trinamool Congress (TMC) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Surprisingly, notable figures who previously held influential roles within the Left Front government have quit. Some like Abdus Sattar and Abul Rezzak Mollah stand out as former Left Front ministers who have now ascended to notable positions within the TMC. The BJP, too, has benefited from CPI(M) defections. Shankar Ghosh, a young leader from Siliguri, left the CPI(M) to join the BJP ahead of the 2021 polls, defeating his mentor and veteran CPI(M) leader Ashok Bhattacharya. Ghosh has since risen to become the chief whip of the BJP Legislative Assembly Committee. Former CPI(M) MLA Tapasi Mondal is now a BJP legislator from Haldia, her former constituency. CPI(M) State Secretary Mohammad Salim has attributed the trend to a “bankrupted political culture” fostered by the TMC-BJP nexus, emphasizing that true ideological commitment would prevent leaders from joining parties with opposing values. However, within the CPI(M), there is a growing realization that even efforts to rejuvenate the party with youth faces are not stemming the outflow of talent. Amidst these concerns, CPI(M)’s Bengal unit is re-evaluating its alliance with Congress for upcoming state elections. Although the two parties are long-time allies in West Bengal, their ideological differences remain stark, especially given their rivalry in states like Kerala. Clearly, CPI(M) leadership has a tough job on hand – to stop the exits and ensure that the party regains its pristine glory in West Bengal.

Is the honeymoon over for Odisha’s chief minister Mohon Charan Majhi who recently completed 100 days in the office? Majhi who operates from the famous third floor of Odisha Secretariat building is now being judged for his leadership skills, teamwork and results by his partymen, opposition leaders and bureaucrats. Not without reason. According to former editor of Outlook magazine Ruben Banerjee, Majhi has yet to put in place a well-oiled team in CMO on whom he can rely to monitor and execute projects. He says there is a trust deficit as Majhi has not been able to build relationships across ministries as a result most ministers and bureaucrats in Odisha’s BJP government are working in isolation. Banerjee says neither CM trusts all ministers nor they trust him. This impression is gaining currency as the CM recently asked for assistance to look after some of his portfolio from Health & Family Welfare and Parliamentary Affairs minister Dr Mukesh Mahaling instead of several ministers like Suresh Pujari holding miniscule portfolios. Also, what seems to be going against Majhi is his time-management skill. He is either late for the meeting or keeps people waiting for long hours. Recently when the Singapore High Commissioner came calling, the CM was 45 minutes late for the meeting. Sometimes back at the Odisha government’s Mumbai investor summit, he kept Kumar Mangalam Birla, Chairman of AV Birla Group waiting for over an hour.

Maharashtra Navnirman Sena leader Raj Thackeray has confidently predicted that Devendra Fadnavis will return as the next chief minister of the state. Raj made this statement while making a candid disclosure about his son Amit’s candidature from Dadar-Mahim assembly constituency in Mumbai. Raj has stated unambiguously that he had supported the decision taken by Amit to contest from the constituency, considered the stronghold of both factions of the Shiv Sena and MNS. As sitting MLA Sada Sarvankar of the Sena (Shinde) has refused to withdraw, there will be a triangular fight among the three Senas, a novel feature of the coming election. The fight will be live since the BJP had publicly appealed to Sarvankar and Shinde to yield. After their refusal, city BJP president Ashish Shelar has pledged the party’s support to Amit. A recent angle to the jumble is Raj’s fulsome praise for Fadnavis. In a TV interview, Raj said, “Fadnavis possesses the best political and technical sense. His combination with Eknath Shinde is excellent. After the election, Mahayuti will return to power with Fadnavis as chief minister.” The announcement by Uddhav Thackeray that he will not hold a campaign rally in the constituency though he has a candidate there and Raj’s silence about Aaditya Thackeray during the MNS rally in Worli are contributing to the intrigue. The intensity will increase as Raj has castigated cousin Uddhav for the present mess in the state politics due to defectors. 

The ruling Mahayuti (BJP-Shiv Sena-NCP) and the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (Cong-Shiv Sena(UBT)-NCP(SP) have decided to keep both former chief ministers in Maharashtra on hold as a cautionary strategy, indicating that they will open their cards at an opportune time. Both hopefuls, Devendra Fadnavis and Uddhav Thackeray, also have adopted a similar stance though Uddhav had earlier tried to prevail upon the Congress and senior leader Sharad Pawar to project him as the next CM. However, both MVA partners had refused to concede. Now, Pawar has announced that his party will support the leader chosen by the largest of the three parties after the assembly election. According to available statistics, the Congress party is contesting the largest number of seats, 102, leaving 96 for the Shiv Sena under Uddhav and 87 for the NCP led by Pawar. In the Lok Sabha, the Congress strike rate was the most impressive. Hence, the Congress has always maintained its claim as the eldest brother in the MVA formation. Similarly, Fadnavis has been lauded by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union home minister Amit Shah over the past two days. Despite this, Shah has declared that a decision about the next Maharashtra CM will be taken after the outcome is declared. The BJP is contesting 152 seats in the 288 member assembly and over a dozen of its leaders are contesting on behalf of the Sena (Shinde) or NCP (Ajit Pawar). Therefore, its prospects are considered better this time, after the Lok Sabha drubbing.

As the Maharashtra election battle enters a crucial phase, a cornered Congress clearly seemed uncomfortable with the kind of mobilisation for Hindu votes by the RSS and top BJP leaders including UP chief minister Yogi Adityanath. While PM Modi’s”ek hai toh safe hai” is being  been viewed largely as  an appeal to OBC and SC/ST communities  to  remain united against any move to dilute their quota entitlements by the Congress, it is  Yogi’s  “batenge toh katenge” that has worried the INDIA bloc. Yogi’s catchy slogan was endorsed by both Sangh and PM Modi.  It is in this background that Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge launched a scathing personal attack on the UP CM without taking his name. “Many leaders live in the guise of sadhus and have now become politicians, some have even become CMs. They wear gerua clothes and have no hair on their heads. I would say to the BJP either wear white clothes or if you are sanyasi wear gerua clothes but then get out of politics. On the one hand, you wear gerua clothes and on the other hand say batoge toh katoge and spreading hatred among people and dividing them.” Kharge’s attack on saffron clothes was dubbed as an attack on sanatan dharma. It came in the backdrop of the Congress working out a deal for Muslim votes. BJP sources said it was odd for Kharge to mock Yogi for his saffron attire but not speak a word about maulana in Opposition ranks. Rampur MP Maulana Mohibbullah Nadvi of Samajwadi Party is second such religious person to be in Parliament. The first was Maulana Abdul Kalam Azad. Nadwi is Imam of Parliament masjid.

Broad hints of post-election realignments have raised fears that the new Maharashtra government formation will be a long drawn complicated one. Rapprochement vibes are already being noticed from both sides of the Pawar family. While Ajit Pawar swung into action to berate an indignant remark against his uncle Sharad Pawar, his confidants like Dilip Walse Patil and Nawab Malik have been dropping hints that their legislators could swing any ways post-results. The Sharad Pawar faction too seems to have thawed relations and preparing ground for readjustments attributing their partymen exits and party split to ED threats. While Supriya Sule has already stated that there is no familial rift with Ajit Pawar, Nawab Malik has been saying that Ajit Pawar’s support will be critical for any combination that seeks to form the next government. Amit Shah throwing in his weight behind Devendra Fadnavis, at this juncture marks the BJP’s need to consolidate its own vote share in the run up to a fractured verdict. Political scientists like Prof Suhas Palshikar have predicted that a large number of independent legislators could win this time around, adding to post-election instability. Since most of these MLA’s winning on the basis of local caste equations will have weak party affiliations, it makes them susceptible to swing in any direction. Drawing parallels to Maharashtra’s ‘moment of fragmentation’ in 1995 when over 30 plus rebels won elections, Palshikar feels the poll results are unlikely to settle the dust from a scenario emerging from splits, factions, new parties and fronts thus ensuring victory for those who can command less than a lakh votes.

Former BJP MP Poonam Mahajan’s implication that a conspiracy was behind her father Pramod Mahajan’s murder has stirred the polity. The serious statement made before private Marathi TV channels has come at a time when her party is fighting a pitched battle with the Maha Vikas Aghadi to retain power in Maharashtra. BJP boss Pramod Mahajan was killed by his brother Pravin almost two decades ago. Poonam had maintained silence about the tragedy all these years. She was elected to the Lok Sabha in 2014 and 2019 and was expected to run for a third term. Hence her disclosure at this juncture is interpreted in different ways but none in favour of the saffron party. Poonam’s assertion that her family relations with Uddhav Thackeray have remained unaffected has added to the speculation since all top BJP leaders, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi, regard the Shiv Sena leader as Enemy No 1. Poonam’s charge that she was refused nomination this time for the Lok Sabha election since her work was disliked by ‘someone in Maharashtra’ has deepened the suspense created on the eve of Modi’s and Union home minister Amit Shah’s visit to the  state for campaigning for Mahayuti candidates. Her target is deputy chief minister Devendra Fadnavis, according to BJP insiders. Poonam’s veiled warning that she will write to the Union home ministry to throw light on Pramod’s demise has only added to the BJP’s discomfiture.

Firebrand politician Chhagan Bhujbal has rejected the statements attributed to him by journalist Rajdeep Sardesai in his latest book, 2024: The Election That Surprised India by threatening to initiate legal action. According to the book extracts published by Marathi daily Loksatta, Bhujbal had conceded that he, along with many other MLAs, had gone with the BJP in 2022 to extricate himself from the clutches of the Enforcement Directorate (ED). According to the published version in the daily, Bhujbal said, “All were happy for aligning with the BJP since the ED’s harassment had ended.” Maharashtra deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar and some prominent leaders of his Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) were on the ED radar at the time. There have been persistent allegations that the cases against them are not pursued ever since they decided to join the Mahayuti government in the state. Bhjujbal pointed out that most of 54 MLAs belonging to Sharad Pawar’s NCP had followed Ajit out of the party though ED cases were against only a few. Secondly, he was acquitted from the Maharashtra Sadan matter when Uddhav Thackeray was the chief minister. Finally, he decided to go with Ajit in the interest of development. “My assembly constituency has been sanctioned Rs 2000 crore worth development works,” he claimed. The Loksatta version had said that Bhujbal opted for this course since he was scared of going back into ED custody at the age of 75. “I made no such statement,” Bhujbal has insisted.

Andhra Pradesh deputy chief minister Pawan Kalyan, an ally of the ruling TDP and the BJP, censured state Home Minister Anitha Vangalapudi for not taking adequate action to curb crimes against women and children. Accusing her of “incompetence”, he warned that he would be forced to take over her portfolio. The warning came amid a spike in crimes against women and children. Of course Anitha refused to be alarmed by the harsh comment and viewed Pawan Kalyan’s words as encouragement and not criticism. “I have taken his comments very positively. I have a responsibility”, she declared. She admitted that Kalyan could be disturbed by the incident in Tirupati where a four-year-old was raped and strangled to death by a relative last week. Anitha, 45, who gave up teaching to join politics in 2013, has herself been a target of obscene messages and trolling on social media. The TDP minister is a two-term MLA from Payakaraopeta (SC) seat. Interestingly, while addressing a rally in his Pithapuram constituency, Pawan Kalyan warned Anitha about the law-and-order in the state while heaping a lot of praise for UP CM Yogi Adityanath’s record in combating crime in his state, which recorded 65,743 cases of crimes against women in 2022 — the most of any state in the country — according to the NCRB. Kalyan known to play the Hindu card also met with Union Home Minister Minister Amit Shah recently and handed him some Kondapalli tribal craft which have GI tag.

The entry of super star Vijay into politics seems to have shaken the foundations of several political parties in Tamil Nadu. Every political party in TN pivoted 360 degrees –how would it affect their fortunes? Ironically, the November issue of India Today published India’s Power Pantheon list of the 20 most power wielding politicians … .and guess what, TN chief minister MK Stalin is ranked 8th after PM Narendra Modi, Mohan Bhagwat, Amit Shah, Rahul Gandhi and others. Despite Stalin’s ideological speak not reaching pan India, he has made his voice heard in the power echelons of Delhi, with 22 Lok Sabha MPs, 10 Rajya Sabha MPS, having won all 39 constituencies in the 2024 Lok Sabha polls cornering 70% vote share. Now this is the kind of power that Vijay wants to move and shake with his just minted outfit. Vijay himself a green horn with ambitions of turning into a second MGR who made history challenging Stalin’s father the late Kalaignar by founding the AIADMK. Without naming Vijay, Stalin said in his recent meet at his constituency, Kolathur, anybody can start a party and claim lofty status. But it needs years of experience and powerful DNA. As a counter to Vijay’s rally where 3 lakh plus people showed up, it is learnt that Stalin has asked DMK workers to make his son’s Udhayanidhi’s birthday on 27th November unforgettable by organizing a massive youth rally. Clearly, it is sending out a message to Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam that the DMK means business.

An upset PM Narendra Modi has discussed with Home Minister Amit Shah and other top security officials why terrorist attacks have increased in Jammu and Kashmir. With a surge in encounters in the Kashmir region, intelligence agencies have told the PMO that some of the highly trained terrorists operating in the Jammu region might have shifted to the Valley ahead of the winter season when the high mountain passes will shut due to heavy snow. Intelligence agencies believe that the terrorists operating in parts of J&K are battle-hardened and are trained on the Afghan front. Most of these ultras also carry U.S.-made M-4 carbines, which suggests that the arms of NATO, which were left in Afghanistan, have fallen into the hands of terror groups based in Pakistan. In the recent past, the Kashmir region has witnessed attacks on non-locals, gunfights with security forces and even an ambush on an Army vehicle on October 24, which left two soldiers and two porters dead. The ambush was similar to the ones that took place in different parts of the Jammu region during the past year. The new trend in which highly trained ultras are conducting attacks has left the security and intelligence apparatus in a tizzy. Major terror attacks in the Jammu region started on the first day of 2023 when seven villagers were killed by armed ultras in Dhangri village of Rajouri. After that, multiple attacks and ambushes were reported from different corners of the Jammu region.

Is there a tussle between Amit Shah and Yogi Adityanath over appointing the next DGP of UP police? Not really. Yet Uttar Pradesh’s move to enact a law to appoint the state’s DGP at the local level, bypassing the existing Union Public Service Commission (UPSC) process for such appointments is being viewed as a political contest within the BJP fold. This at a time when UP would not be the only state with a law to appoint the top cop.  Punjab, Telangana and Andhra Pradesh already have such laws. The Yogi-led state Cabinet has approved Appointment Rules, 2024, which provides for an independent mechanism to select the DGP through a committee headed by a retired High Court judge. The selection committee will also consist of the Chief Secretary, a UPSC representative, Uttar Pradesh Public Service Commission chairman or nominee, Home Department additional chief secretary or principal secretary and a retired state DGP as members. The new guidelines say that a person, to be eligible for selection, must have six months of service left on the date of creation of the vacancy — a provision, SP chief Akhilesh Yadav signalled, could favour UP’s current acting DGP Prashant Kumar. Kumar is close to Yogi. Politics apart, UP rules conform to the SC’s landmark 2006 judgment in the police reforms case filed by retired UP DGP Prakash Singh. The SC had in 2006 clarified that its directions on the matter would apply only until the Centre or the state enact their legislation on the subject. Until 2006, DGPs were appointed arbitrarily. UP itself has only appointed ad hoc acting DGPs for three years.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s secret political agenda, at work since assuming national power in 2014: Empowerment of one lakh non-political dynasts across political spectrum of India from local self-bodies right up to the topmost constitutional post of President of India. Common man and Dalit Ramnath Kovind became India’s president followed by tribal BJP grassroots worker Draupadi Murmu in the last presidential elections. Latest entrant to big ticket politics is Navya Haridas, international software professional from Kerala, blooded for the Kozhikode civic elections in 2015, now fielded for prestigious Lok Sabha byelections from Wayanad relinquished by Congress leader Rahul Gandhi. According to a BJP insider, “PM Modi consciously and overtly launched a broadside against the all prevalent dynastic politics on the Indian political landscape first. He covertly also launched his personal mission for introducing meritorious people into active politics having little or no prior political backgrounds to empower one lakh such candidates across the nation. Navya Haridas is only the latest candidate introduced into national politics to fulfil this endeavour.” Haridas has already served as a two-term civic councillor from Kozhikode and was pressed into service by PM Modi for relief efforts when floods and landslides visited the Wayanad region in Kerala recently. A humble RSS worker’s daughter, relative newcomer to politics, Navya is tasked with taking on Priyanka Gandhi, a political heavyweight ironically being tested for the first time in national politics herself. The result may be a foregone conclusion to many but, for Navya her national political journey has just begun.

The age-old trick of misrepresenting by displaying a similar name is rampant this time as well in the Maharashtra assembly electioneering. This charade had played havoc for some prominent leaders in the past. For instance, NCP (Ajit) leader Sunil Tatkare lost the 2014 Lok Sabha election from Raigad by a mere 2100 votes since another namesake, also Sunil Tatkare, polled over 9000 votes. Influential Congress leader and former chief minister AR Antulay, too, lost from Raigad in the past since another AR Antulay received more than 21000 votes. This time, such instances are quite a few in the district. In Panvel assembly constituency, there are three candidates with the same name, Balaram Patil and also three Prashant Thakur contestants. While the real Patil is in the fray for the Shiv Sena (UBT), sitting BJP MLA Thakur is testing his luck for a second time. Karjat’s present MLA Mahendra Thorve of the Sena (Shinde) has to take on an adversary of the same name. In Alibaug, Sena (Shinde) nominee Mahendra Dalvi is engaged in a battle with three more Mahendra Dalvi names. Moreover, an independent candidate in the constituency, Dilip Bhoir, is facing another opponent of the same name. The district was in the news in 2004 for the first time when Peasants and Workers Party leader Meenakshi Patil was poised against seven independents bearing the same name. Eventually, the PWP bagged the seat, but only after a bitter fight. How many of these aspirants remain in the ring will be clear only on 4 November, the last day for withdrawal.

The Eknath Shinde era marks the ushering in a cash-rich governance period in Maharashtra. Shinde’s term has been marked by huge disbursements from the state exchequer at a time when the state faces debts of Rs 7.8 lakh crore. His government rolled out social welfare schemes worth over Rs 90,000 crore including the flagship program of Ladki Bahin Yojana that is set to cost Rs 46,000 crore per annum. His government is also known for generous land allocations; be it of 1080 acres across Mumbai to the Adani group for Dharavi’s redevelopment, or even to random groups like Jain International Organization, who were allocated prime land near Mantralaya despite finance ministry objections. The huge cash seizures in this election needs to be viewed against this backdrop. Already, over Rs 180 crore worth of drugs, gold, liquor including cash have already been seized by the election department. Uddhav Sena’s Sanjay Raut, known for his daily morning commentary, claimed that the Maharashtra chief minister has committed to providing Rs 75 crore to each Shiv Sena candidate. Police seized cash of Rs 5 crore cash on October 21 from a car at Khalapur toll point (outskirt of Mumbai) which Raut alleges were meant for a Shinde legislator’s election campaign. Sharad Pawar claims that police vehicles are being used to distribute cash for election campaigns. In a state facing agrarian crisis and rising unemployment numbers, Shinde has launched a strong election pitch that his welfare schemes could be scrapped by the opposition if they get voted in.  Will the pre-election carrots work in favour of the common man’s CM, as Shinde likes to be known, now remains to be seen!  

The Congress party in Maharashtra is engaged in fire fighting over many thorny issues, among them the minority representation grievance since a sentiment is spreading that the party leadership has yielded too much to the Shiv Sena (UBT) in ticket distribution. In Mumbai, Thane and Konkan, the party has hardly a token presence among the 75 seats of the region. Here, the fight will be mainly between the two Sena factions, the other led by chief minister Eknath Shinde. Moreover, murmurs are heard that many loyal veterans and most Muslims aspirants are handed out a raw deal in ticket distribution. The decision of senior leader Ravi Raja to don the saffron garb has shaken the organization since Mumbai Congress president Varsha Gaikwad, MP, is under attack for this drastic step. She has been censured for getting a nomination for her sister. Among the vocal dissenters is Sufiyan Vanoo, a former Wadala corporator. He has questioned the party’s decision to hand over several Muslim-dominated assembly seats to the Sena (UBT). The areas he has named include Govandi, Anushakti Nagar, Versova, Bandra (East), Byculla, Kurla and Kalina. It has been alleged that there is a plan to minimize the Congress presence in Mumbai and adjoining areas. Another factor that is haunting the Congress is that just two Marathi-speaking candidates figure in the party’s list for Mumbai. It is argued that the aspirations of the areas having substantial Marathi population have been overlooked by the leaders. Efforts to mollify the disturbed elements have intensified over the weekend.

A day after Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge reprimanded Karnataka deputy chief minister DK Shivkumar over statements suggesting a possible review of the Shakti scheme, which provides free bus travel for women, PM Modi through social media thread highlighted inability of Congress-ruled states like Himachal Pradesh, Telangana and Karnataka to fulfil its guarantees. He took to X to warn people how the Grand Old Party is “realising the hard way that making unreal promises is easy but implementing them properly is tough or impossible.” Coming ahead of Maharashtra and Jharkhand polls, Modi’s warning that voters must check the fiscal health of the Congress governments in HP, Karnataka and Telangana urging people of the country to be vigilant against the Congress sponsored culture of fake promises. Modi pointed out how people in Haryana had rejected their lies. Taking full advantage of the public spat between Kharge and Karnataka Deputy CM over review of free bus ride for women that has now become unsustainable, Modi noted.  “There is a growing realisation across India that a vote for Congress is a vote for non-governance, poor economics and unparalleled loot.” Accepting difficulties in fulfilling some guarantees Kharge highlighted the role of financial responsibility, saying that if the government is unable to deliver upon its guarantees, it will lead to bad reputations and hardships for the communities. “I advised Maharashtra Congress to make promises that align with your budget”. So now it seems the Congress has begun to talk about grounding its guarantees in the budget ever since BJP leader Devendra Fadnavis made it clear that their Ladki Bahin Yojana Scheme was not a shot in the dark. It was all provided for in the state budget!

In a perfect rebuff to the Centre that has been replying to Tamil MPs in Hindi, a DMK MP shot back in Tamil demanding that the Rail Ministry communicate with him in English. Articulating popular suspicion that the Centre was pushing use of Hindi in Tamil Nadu that did not accept it as official language, DMK leader and Rajya Sabha MP Pudukkottai MM Abdulla protested when he received a reply from Union Minister of State, Ravneet Singh Bittu in Hindi. It was in reference to a special mention he had raised about food quality and cleanliness in the railways in the Rajya Sabha in August. He shot back a note to Singh in Tamil that he did not understand the contents of his letter and suggested that he communicate to him in English.   “This is not the first time that I’m receiving a letter in Hindi from the Rail Ministry. They have done it twice before –once responding to a zero hour mention and again to department related query”, pointed out the MP. Was he blaming the new MoS Bittu? Abdulla feels that the minister has no role. “Maybe it is the agenda of Modi-Shah to impose it on a state like Tamil Nadu where Hindi is not acceptable.” Abdullla shared copies of both the letters in social media sometime back. A first term MP, Abdulla says “I make it very clear to people that I do not know a word of Hindi”. He has been a MP since 2021.

A new political formation is shaping up in Maharashtra, indicating the possibility of a novel social engineering experiment. Maratha caste reservation’s chief proponent Manor Jarange Patil has roped in leaders from Dalit and Muslim communities to create this force, which he feels will impact the outcome in the coming assembly election. It is presumed that Dalit and Muslim voters had supported the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi for the Lok Sabha election, resulting in the ruling Mahayuti’s Waterloo. At the time, Jarange was given credit for this spectacular success of MVA in a few pockets in Marathwada. Now, he is trying to recreate the experiment on a larger scale. It will be called MMD, meaning Marathas, Muslims and Dalits. Jarange will declare the names of the candidates supported by MMD on Monday (Nov 3). Alarmed by this stance, his ardent opponents, the OBC leaders, have drawn up their own counter strategy. Their spokesman Lakshman Hake has announced that the OBCs, too, have prepared their own list and will reveal it soon after Jarange’s list is out. The list will identify Jarange’s supporter candidates and Hake will appeal to the voters to defeat them. The Marathas and the OBCs are two major vote banks in the state. The Muslims can decide the outcome in certain constituencies where their population exceeds 15%. On the other hand, the OBCs are considered sympathetic to the BJP. Jarange’s MMD equation was finalised after his meeting with Buddhist and Muslim clerics at his village in Beed district on October 31.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi will sound the bugle in Maharashtra assembly electioneering on 8 November. Modi will hold a total of nine rallies across the state within a week’s time. The BJP strategists have decided not to take any chance this time after the drubbing received by the party for the Lok Sabha election. Accordingly, Modi’s rally route is meticulously planned. The first two public meetings of the PM will take place in Nashik and Dhule in north Maharashtra. The region is by and large favourable for the ruling saffron alliance and no efforts will be spared to exploit this sentiment. Senior minister Girish Mahajan is pulling out all stops to make both the rallies a grand success. The meeting venue in Nashik has been named as Modi Ground and Mahajan says it will be overflowing with lakhs of people. Modi’s blitzkrieg will be followed by visits of BJP’s star campaigners, many of whom are Union ministers. According to initial planning, Modi will be in Akola and Chimur in Vidarbha on 9 November. His next public meetings will be in Solapur and Kolhapur in western Maharashtra on 13 November. He will round off his whirlwind campaign on 14 November with rallies in Chhatrapati Sambhaji Nagar, Navi Mumbai and Mumbai. The six geographical regions have seat distribution as follows: Mumbai 36, Thane and Konkan 39, north Maharashtra 47, western Maharashtra 58, Marathwada 46 and Vidarbha 62.

Maharashtra’s state assembly elections will witness, for the first time, a third front of politicians predominantly comprising rebels and independent candidates in the fray after failing to secure official nominations from their respective parties. This third front of rebels will effectively ensure a triangular fight in around 25 assembly segments for Mahayuti and a higher number for Maha Vikas Aghadi and likely to impact government formation, post polls. The BJP indirectly settled the issue of its Chief Ministerial candidate taking over helm of Maharashtra’s political affairs post state assemblies by effectively fielding candidates in close to 170 constituencies. While 148 official BJP contestants sport the lotus, nine party MLA aspirants wield the bow-and-arrow (Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena) while another five sync time with the clock symbol (Ajit Pawar’s NCP). Another four smaller allies include RPI that fielded a BJP leader as its only candidate in Maharashtra. Ajit Pawar’s national spokesperson Brijmohan Srivastav rationalizes, says, “If 25 constituencies out of 288 witness rebel candidates, it is not a dire situation. Most will likely withdraw from the fray by November 4. Internal shopping of candidates within Mahayuti is based on winnability, exposing our sharp political coordination.” BJP’s Mahendra Jain says, “Our party always benefitted by triangular fighting in Maharashtra, securing 122 MLAs in 2014 and 105 MLAs in 2019. The large number of rebels, independent candidates has effectively created a similar circumstance for ensuing state assemblies even as 80% of our own rebels will be satiated enough to withdraw.”

The coming assembly election in Maharashtra will decide the fate of many money bags, spread across all major parties. A few notables of them are now talk of the town. BJP’s Ghatkopar (east) candidate Parag Shah has total assets of around Rs 3,383 crore.  He is followed by state minister Mangal Prabhat Lodha, whose declared wealth is exceeding Rs.440 crore. Lodha has been elected to the state assembly from the prestigious Malabar Hill constituency repeatedly. BJP’s Sameer Datta Meghe (Rs 159 crore) has been fielded from Hingana, Nagpur. His father Datta Meghe was a right hand associate of veteran Sharad Pawar for a long time. He then switched over to the BJP and the family has remained loyal to the saffron flag. BJP’s Prashant Ramsheth Thakur (Rs 183 crore) is the son of the then Lok Sabha member Ramsheth. A successful builder-developer-contractor, Ramsheth has been a handsome donor for various causes. Rajesh Sambhajirao Pawar (Rs 191 crore) from Naigaum in Nanded district is among the other high value contestants. Congress candidate Vishwajit Patangrao Kadam (Rs 216 crore), son of then education minister Patangrao, runs the Bharati Vidyapeeth, which has several engineering, medical and technical institutions in Maharashtra.  Another Congress candidate, Sanjay Chandrakant Jagtap is testing his luck from Purandar in Pune district and has property worth Rs.245 crore. Controversial politician Abu Azmi of the Samajwadi Party has assets of over Rs 200 crore. There are a large number of candidates whose wealth is around Rs100 crore or less. Now they are vying for public mandate to become law makers.

Is Tamil Nadu Governor RN Ravi who seems to be having a running battle with the DMK government headed by MK Stalin being replaced? Sources say he may be headed to The Research and Analysis Wing (R&AW), the foreign intelligence agency of India. This 1976 Kerala cadre IPS (hometown Bihar) wended his career path through the spooky labyrinths of the CBI and RAW as Additional Security Director, then did a brief stint in Nagaland before being appointed as the Governor of TN. Reams of news, views and ruse have been dedicated in writing about Ravi, his tempestuous relationship with Stalin, his talent for lighting fires when files were sent up for the Governors assent. Stalin’s strategy of “forgive and forget” saw him attending a Tea tete-a-tete at Raj Bhavan. The CM, making it clear hostilities to be contained, even conceded the prickly issue of K Ponmudi, Minister for Education and replaced him with Govindan Nedunchezhian popularly known as Govi Chezhiyan. Now comes the news that BJP’s big wig, former chief of staff VK Singh is on his way to TN as the new governor, to mend fences and sweeten the relationship with the DMK.

In a significant political development, the CPI(M) and CPI(ML) have formed an alliance ahead of the by-elections in six Assembly seats. The CPI(ML), known for its radical leftist stance and Naxalite roots, will contest the Naihati seat, which was left by CPI(M). This coalition marks a shift as CPI(M) has struggled in recent elections, seeing a steep decline in votes since 2011. In previous elections, CPI(M) had allied with Congress and ISF but has now partnered with CPI(ML) as Congress is contesting all six seats despite Biman Bose and former MP and Pradesh Congress chief Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury’s plea to continue with the alliance. The Left Front, which includes other leftist parties like Forward Bloc and RSP, was consulted on this move, and Left Front Chairman Biman Bose approved it. Debajyoti Majumdar of CPI(ML) has been fielded for the Naihati seat, with support from CPI(M) leaders. This alliance signals an attempt to revive leftist politics in Bengal, which has been in decline since the Left’s ouster from power in 2011. The CPI(M)’s previous alliances with Congress for the 2016, 2021 Assembly, and 2024 Lok Sabha elections did not yield significant results. The CPI(M) has been advocating for greater left unity for years, but its ties with CPI(ML) have been strained due to differences, particularly over CPI(ML)’s softer stance on the Trinamool Congress, which it prioritized over the BJP as the “big enemy.” CPI(M) leader Sujan Chakraborty emphasized the importance of assessing political realities in today’s context, stating that the revival of the Left is crucial to take forward the civil society-led movements.

Aam Aadmi Party chief Arvind Kejriwal had promised before his first Delhi assembly elections that he would live an austere life as a CM. He had said a simple home of four to five rooms was enough for him. Revelations that Kejriwal spent Rs 45 crore on renovating his official home at 6, Flagstaff Road, Civil Lines in Delhi, had triggered a political row in 2023. The issue is back in the limelight with the Public Works Department (PWD) revealing an astonishing inventory of the infamous “Sheesh Mahal”, the luxurious bungalow occupied by him for nine years. The amenities are valued at over Rs 100 crore. The 21,000-square-foot residence features a range of opulent items that starkly contrast with the “aam aadmi” image that Kejriwal and his party AAP, have long sought to project. Among the extravagant features are: 16 Ultra Slim Smart 4K TVs costing Rs 64 lakh, motorised window curtains valued Rs 4-6 crore, luxurious recliner sofas priced at Rs 10 lakh, all highlighting a lifestyle of affluence that has drawn public ire and scrutiny. The inventory was compiled at the request of the Delhi Chief Minister’s Office as it prepares to transition the property to the new CM Atishi Marlena. Kejriwal first came under the scanner in May 2023 after the media leaked details of him splurging taxpayer’s money on personal luxury. However what takes the cake is the “fully automatic, sensor-equipped TOTO smart toilet seats with features like automatic open-close seat, heated seat, wireless remote deodoriser and automatic flushing”. These hi-tech toilet seats were found missing in the audit. One such toilet seat costs between Rs 10-12 lakh. Kejriwal has, however, chosen to maintain radio silence on the matter.

 “A rose by any other name would smell as sweet” said Shakespeare. With due modification, sugar barons in Maharashtra have proved that whatever political party they may belong to, sugar is sweet for them and their peers. This is because many prominent candidates for the state assembly election own or control sugar cooperative or private sugar factories. If not themselves, their family members find a place in the lists declared so far. Expectedly, NCP president Ajit Pawar heads the list while his bete noire Jayant Patil of the NCP (Sharad Pawar faction) is also among the top five. Pawar’s grandson Rohit Pawar, a bitter critic of uncle Ajit, also figures in the roll. BJP’s Radhakrishna Vikhe Patil, who has travelled to the saffron party via the Congress and the unified Shiv Sena, continues to be counted among the most powerful sugar barons for decades. The latest turncoat Harshvarrdhan Patil, now blessed by the NCP (SP) is another name. State Congress leader Balasaheb Thorat, described as a dark horse, is indispensable for any such listing. Chief minister Eknath Shinde, deputy chief minister Devendra Fadnavis or former CM Uddhav Thackeray don’t have any sugar connection directly though some of their close followers do have an interest in the sector. Shinde’s confidant Tanaji Sawant, public health minister, is among them. BJP’s Abhimanyu Pawar, once a private secretary to Fadnavis, finds a place as well. These are only a few examples. In unison, they have proved the dictum that sugar is a great sweetener which binds those holding the reins of power in Maharashtra. 

The lure of number nine (9) is manifesting in different forms for the coming Maharashtra assembly election though the attraction is at least four decades old. At present, the BJP, the Shiv Sena (Shinde) and the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena have chosen number nine for their initial lists of candidates. The BJP has declared 99 nominees so far while the Sena (Shinde) and MNS have announced 45 names each, achieving a total of nine. But the association of number nine and politics in the state goes back to the first Sena-BJP alliance formed by Balasaheb Thackeray and Pramod Mahajan. The division of the 288 constituencies was originally to be 168 (SS) and 120 (BJP). However, at Balasaheb’s suggestion, it was changed to 171 and 117, so as to make the total nine. Incidentally, Raj Thackeray has stuck to the numeral. His party was formed on the 9th, his cars bear the same number and all his important events are connected with nine. A little known fact is that even Union minister Nitin Gadkari chooses the number for his cars, which bear the numerals 27, 2727 or 81 on their number plates. Chief minister Eknath Shinde, too, seems a firm believer in the power of nine. The number of his car is 567, making a total of nine. In numerology, it is called the Cardinal Number, and is held to be very auspicious. How nine benefits which candidate, which party and which formation will become known on 23 November.

In an interesting political twist, Milind Deora, a two time Lok Sabha MP from South Mumbai and presently Rajya Sabha MP from Shiv Sena (Shinde) will be facing off with GenNext Shiv Sena (UBT ) leader Aaditya Thackeray in Worli assembly constituency. Milind is of course no stranger to the area as during the Lok Sabha polls, he was tasked to handle  Worli and had managed to restrict  the UBT lead in the assembly segment to 6, 500 votes. The idea of fielding a strong candidate is to take on Aaditya Thackeray and pin down the young UBT leader in his constituency who is seeking a second term. The  decision to field Deora reportedly took place at NDA leaders meeting in Delhi attended by Maharashtra CM Eknath Shinde. It may be recalled that the UBT has cornered CM Shinde by fielding Kedar Dighe, nephew of his mentor Anand  Dighe in his  assembly constituency . Looks like CM Shinde could be getting even with Thackerays. Acknowledging that he would be in the fray, Milind posted a cryptic “CM @mieknathshinde ji believes that justice for #Worli & Worlikars is long overdue. Together, we’re paving the way forward & will share our vision soon.It’s Worli NOW!”  In the initial rounds, Shaina NC’s name was doing the rounds for the seat. But the battle for Worli now has only got bigger and better.

In what  can be seen as part of PM Modi’s  efforts to explain his latest foreign policy decision vis a vis Canada to people in the country, Sanjay Verma, Indian High Commissioner who was recalled from Canada, was seen across TV channels recounting the way he was treated in that country. Verma was not only sharing incidents of personal trauma — a frightening incident when Khalistani assailants attacked him with a sword in Alberta while he was with his wife. Verma described how the Khalistani “goons” came dangerously close to injuring him, noting that they wielded a sword — not a ‘kirpan’ religious symbol — but a weapon capable of causing harm. “When I was in Alberta a sword came around 2-2.5 inches close to my body…”he said. He also revealed how Canada was forcing students with valid visas to apply for asylum. “The Khalistanis have made Khalistan into a business in Canada. In the name of Khalistan, they do human trafficking, drug trafficking and gun-running. They earn a lot of money through that and also through gurudwaras”. He said that extreme hard-line Khalistanis are only about 10,000 in numbers, and supporters amount to perhaps 1 lakh in a Sikh population of about 8 lakhs. He also shared how gangster Goldy Brar who was put on the wanted list after India’s insistence has “disappeared”. “Canada has its gangs, and Goldy Brar is a name that we gave to them, Lawrence Bishnoi is a name that we gave to them. Verma, an IIT graduate and a nuclear scientist has previously served as India’s ambassador to Japan and Sudan.

Why has Congress backed out of fighting some of the 9 assembly by-elections in Uttar Pradesh? Is it because the Samajwadi Party offered fewer seats for the Congress? Or did Rahul Gandhi feel that Congress could not win them? After the Lok Sabha polls, there was an understanding that the alliance would fight together in all states. However, Congress was so confident of its victory in Haryana, that it rejected the SP’s request for seats in the Haryana assembly polls. For UP, the Congress demanded at least 4 of the 9 seats. The SP said it could not spare more than 3 seats. Also, the seats were not the ones the Congress could win easily. A day after, SP chief Akhilesh Yadav posted on X that all nine candidates would be contested on the symbol of SP. Apparently, Rahul Gandhi and SP chief Akhilesh Yadav spoke twice to sort out the differences. He also reminded Rahul how he was initially reluctant to fight in the Rae Bareli Lok Sabha seat. It was Akhilesh who had convinced Rahul to fight, and he had won by a sizeable margin. Yadav explained that he was willing to give Phulpur to the Congress.  But SP had announced its candidates for Phulpur because the Congress was delaying the talks. Besides, if the SP withdrew a Muslim candidate, Mujtaba Siddiqui from Phulpur to make way for the Congress, it would send a wrong signal in a seat with a sizable Muslim presence. Rahul felt that the Congress could not win the seats offered by the SP, so the Congress leader Avinash Pandey later informed SP leaders that the party had decided not to contest at all.

They think differently. And, they think out-of-box. Sometimes, such thinking throws up a practical solution. On many occasions, such an idea could remain in the realms of utopia. The wars in Gaza, Lebanon, Yemen, Iran and Ukraine are stark reminders of the enduring instability and violence in the modern world. The human and economic costs of these conflicts are immense. They affect not just the countries involved but the entire globe. The escalating tension has put a pressure of an unusual magnitude on over-populated in these war zones. Is there a mechanism to mitigate this situation? At least Dr SK Prakash believes there is a possibility for this. This senior faculty in the Department of Economics of Ramakrishna Mission Vivekananda College in the city of Chennai is of the view that ‘controlled migration’ could help bring the temperature down in an over-populated war zone. With a passion for articulating newer solutions in the emerging geo-political dynamics, Dr Prakash advocates the creation of a new global institution to address overpopulation in conflict and crisis zones. “Countries facing demographic decline such as Japan and certain European nations could benefit from controlled migration from over-populated regions. A well-regulated migration policy could relieve population pressure in conflict zones while addressing labour shortages in developed nations,” argues Dr Prakash.  Any takers!

The BJP is scheduled to undertake an ambitious membership drive in West Bengal, aiming to strengthen its base ahead of the crucial 2026 State Assembly elections. This initiative, part of the party’s nationwide membership campaign, holds particular significance for the Bengal unit as it seeks to regain momentum after a disappointing performance in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. It faced a similar setback in the 2021 State Assembly election. Insiders within the Bengal BJP unit reveal that the State BJP President Sukanta Majumder, along with the party’s 12 other MPs, has been tasked with enrolling at least 10,000 new members each. Meanwhile, all MLAs, including Leader of the Opposition Suvendu Adhikari, have been asked to gather a minimum of 5,000 members each. This aggressive membership push is scheduled to be completed by November 15. Though the membership drive officially began on September 2, following an inauguration by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, progress in Bengal had stalled due to the civil society protests over the tragic RG Kar Medical College incident. Now, the party is set to resume its efforts with renewed vigor. The drive will take place in three phases — October 26-30, November 1-7 and November 9-15. Union Home Minister Amit Shah is set to visit West Bengal on October 27 to inaugurate this membership campaign. His visit will be crucial, as it marks his first public appearance in the state since the BJP’s disappointing results in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. His address to the party cadre is expected to reinvigorate the base and chart out a strategic path for the 2026 State Assembly election. 

The Congress has bitten the bullet in Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh by conceding parity to regional partners: UBT Sena, NCP (SP). In UP, Congress similarly left the field open for Samajwadi Party for 9 state assembly by-polls after refusing to play ball in Haryana with SP and AAP failing to come to power. High stakes play for Maharashtra state assemblies sees a wiser Congress high command establishing a direct link up with UBT Sena Chief Uddhav Thackeray, who refused to continue seat sharing talks unless MPCC Chief Nana Patole was excluded. Sharad Pawar’s earlier political gambit, in tandem with Thackeray, has paid off big time for the Maratha leader. Pawar will now field 85 candidates just like UBT and the Congress, keeping hopes alive for assuming the helm of Maharashtra affairs as CM himself or, deputing party president Jayant Patil if SP NCP secures most seats among MVA partners while cumulatively crossing the 145 assembly seats mark for government formation. The Congress party has factored in the realization of regional alliance partners including DMK in TN, that Congress’ growth adversely impacted their own regional growth. A pragmatic Congress high command focussed attention on government formation in Maharashtra rather than sitting pretty over high Lok Sabha strike rate (17 MPs) in just concluded general elections. Congress’ Maharashtra observer Ramesh Chennitala forged an understanding with Thackeray ensuring seat sharing discussions excluded Patole, who was only authorized to announce the resultant formula ratio of 1:1:1 (85 seats each). For the remaining 33 seats the field is still open.

Are Hindu places of deep faith and devout worship soft targets for political pillage and desecration? Why are other faith places of worship not dared to be targeted? Secularism is a selective cash cow. After many other such instances of partisan interference, the sacred 9th century Arulmigu Arunachaleswarar Temple built by the Chola kings at the foothills of the revered Thiruvannamalai has now become the target for yet another commercial exploitation. A shopping complex is the ambitious plan. Every year lakhs of pilgrims visit this Lord Shiva temple. The most famous being the full moon night Girivalam, a 13-km trek circumambulating the Hill. The coffers of this place overflow on the festival day of Karthigai Deepam, when the hilltop glows with a massive Jyothi seen for miles. This year, Rs 3.5 crore filled the Hundis in three months. In 2023, TN’s  HR & CE ministry came up with a shocking plan to build a shopping complex right across from the Eastern Rajagopuram of the temple to house 150 shops on temple land, by using Rs 6. 4 crore of temple money. Activist TR Ramesh quickly filed a case to strike down this move to commercially exploit the temple land using temple funds. After a quick hearing the Madras HC Division Bench “directed that all construction activity should stop immediately”. Ramesh of the INDIC Collective Trust has got a reprieve from parties that profess atheism and malign Hindu religion for political mileage but want Hindu devotees’ largesse for their gain.

The once ruling Shiv Sena’s split has redrawn the political calculations in Maharashtra. Their impact will be tested in the coming assembly election as over two dozen constituencies will witness a pitched battle between the two Sena factions. The outcome can be decisive as the balance of power will depend on the ultimate political formation, which will happen by consigning the loyalty factor to the dustbin. Over the past few days, defections have been galore and every hour, turncoats declare their commitment for the party they join by deserting their original outfit. With the proliferation of candidates, each constituency’s fate is uncertain. The atmosphere is surcharged as the average Shiv Sena worker, belonging to either faction, is facing a dilemma of sorts. The prominent constituencies include chief minister Eknath Shinde’s Kopri-Pachpakhadi seat in Thane. The rival Sena (UBT) has fielded Kedar Dighe, who is a nephew of late Anand Dighe, the mentor of Shinde. Still, the most interesting fight will be in Dadar-Mahim since there will be three candidates, all of them loyal to the memory of Shiv Sena founder Balasaheb Thackeray. His son Uddhav has selected Mahesh Sawant, who will take on sitting Sena MLA (Shinde) Sada Sarvankar and MNS chief Raj Thackeray’s son Amit. Firebrand leader Narayan Rane’s son Nilesh of Sena (Shinde) will be locked in a fight with Sena (UBT) candidate Vaibhav Naik, a traditional foe of the Rane family. In Chhatrapati Sambhaji Nagar district, at least half a dozen fights between the two factions will take place. Strangely, several of the candidates from both sides were in other parties till yesterday. When it became evident that their party had overlooked their claim, they changed hats and obtained candidacy, too. The constituencies concerned are Sawantwadi, Kudal, Ratnagiri, Dapoli, Patan, Sangola, Paranda, Karjat, Malegaon, Nandgaon, Vaijapur, Sillod, Kalmanuri, Ramtek, Mehkar, Pachora, Ovla-Majivada, Magathane, Kurla, Mahad, Radhanaari and...

Acutely feeling the political pressure of abandoning Wayanad for Raebareli Lok Sabha seat, Leader of the Opposition Rahul Gandhi made a strong, sweet pitch for his sister Priyanka who filed her papers for the November 13 by-election as his replacement. “Priyanka has always been someone who would sacrifice anything for her family and friends, and this quality will make her an exceptional MP for Wayanad. To her, the people of Wayanad are family. As her brother, I ask you to support and protect her as you have done for me. I will always stand by Wayanad as your unofficial MP,” and then he went on to add that Wayanad would perhaps have two MPs– one official and the other unofficial in him.  The Gandhi scion was aware that Wayanad had stood by him in most trying times. It sent him to Lok Sabha, when he had lost from Amethi during Modi’s first wave in 2014. That’s why Priyanka Vadra’s political debut was made a high profile event. Not only did CPP leader Sonia Gandhi put in an appearance to boost Kerala Congress but party leaders from outside like Karnataka CM Siddaramiah were also present. Deputy CM DK Shivkumar had to skip the event as he had to ensure that BJP leader CP Yogeshwar joined Congress to contest the Channapatna assembly by-election, a seat he had lost to JD(S) leader HD Kumaraswamy. Meanwhile, the BJP flayed the Gandhi family for fielding Priyanka from Wayand which had 30% Muslim voters. Party spokesperson Pradip Bhandari also charged the party of humiliating Dalit leader Mallikarjun Kharge as he could not be present when Priyanka was handing her papers to the Returning Officer as more than 5 people are not allowed in the room.

Not all is quiet in the Biju Janata Dal (BJD) front, post its election defeat to BJP.  Many within BJD put the blame on Naveen Patnaik for his blind faith reposed on his personal assistant VK Pandian, IAS officer from Tamil Nadu cadre. The man who was seen in every photo frame of Naveen Patnaik for over a decade now has gone off the grid post the election debacle. BJD insiders say though Pandian seems largely out of sight but he is not out of the picture. He continues to be Naveen babu’s eyes and ears and stealthily visits Naveen Nivas regularly. On his part, the former Odisha chief minister publicly acknowledged that “Pandian had served the state and party with utmost dedication, efficiency and integrity”. Sources say Pandian is like the late RK Dhawan, Indira Gandhi’s personal secretary, who knows too much and that perhaps explains why Patnaik continues to support him. Not surprisingly, his influence continued and led to more disgruntlement, dissensions and desertion within BJD. BJD’s former five time MP Prasanna Kumar Patasani who joined BJP says BJD has become a divided house because Pandian continues to guide BJD as he has Naveen babu’s protection. Patasani alleges that Pandian advised him not to raise the issue of conferring Bharat Ratna to Naveen’s father late Biju Patnaik in the Parliament earlier. Amidst all this finger pointing exercise many from BJD are crossing over to BJP.

For the first time in recent years, Tollywood has taken the Puja box office by storm in Bengal, outshining twin Bollywood releases. Three Bengali films — Srijit Mukherjee’s Tekka, starring and produced by superstar Dev, Shiboprasad Mukherjee-Nandita Roy’s Bahurupi, and Shastri, featuring veteran actor Mithun Chakraborty and Deboshree Roy—hit theatres on October 8 as a Durga Puja bonanza, and audiences flocked to cinemas, setting a new trend in festive box office dominance. Despite earlier scepticism, due to controversies and online trolls targeting Tollywood actors following the RG Kar incident, the three films delivered big time helping the industry recover from a difficult first half. It has been a tradition of releasing Bengali films during Durga Puja but RG Kar protests forced directors and producers to cancel trailer launches and promotions back in August. This led to disappointing collections for films like Raj Chakraborty’s Babli and Srijit’s Mrinal Sen’s biopic Padatik. The only notable box office success during that period was Prosenjit Chatterjee and Rituparna Sengupta’s 50th film, Ajogyo which crossed Rs 1 crore at national multiplexes. Bahurupi earned over Rs 3 crore in six days. In four days, Tekka achieved over 450 housefull shows making it the highest-grossing Puja release to date of Rs 2.75 crore. Trade analysts expect Tekka to surpass last year’s Puja hit, Dawshom Awbotaar which earned Rs3 crore in 10 days. Meanwhile, Shastri earned over Rs 1 crore. Bollywood’s two major releases Alia Bhatt’s Jigra and Rajkummar Rao’s Vicky Vidya Ka Woo Wala Video earned Rs 2.5 crore each, significantly less than their Bengali counterparts. 

If there is one formula for the success of its third term in Haryana that the BJP would most likely use in Maharashtra assembly polls, it would be having a very limited campaign of its star campaigner PM Modi. Unlike the previous strategy of carpet bombing the poll-bound states and Lok Sabha constituencies with Modi’s rallies in the run upto 2024 Lok Sabha polls, the party has begun to restrict the number of Modi’s rallies from Haryana elections. Party sources indicate that PM Modi would not be addressing more than half a dozen rallies and at best such rallies would be spread across different regions in the state. BJP sources pointed out  that the CM face for Mahayuti was more or less settled at the Chandigarh NDA CMs  meeting when PM Modi asked  Maharashtra CM Eknath Shinde to move  the resolution lauding the return of the BJP in Haryana for a third term. Shinde was picked for the honour even as Devendra Fadnavis who represents the BJP in Maharashtra was present. Deputy CM Ajit Pawar also attended the Chandigarh meeting. The NDA CMs conclave started immediately after the swearing-in ceremony of Nayab Singh Saini on October 17 in Chandigarh. There were 13 Chief Ministers and 16 deputy CMs belonging to the BJP and other NDA allies in attendance. Besides CMs of Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh, states like Bihar, Sikkim, Nagaland and Meghalaya had also put in their attendance.

National media attention over the Haryana/J&K state assembly elections blindsided the rest of India from political goings on in neighbourhood Punjab. Fully fit CM Bhagwant Mann quietly reshuffled his cabinet of ministers stamping his authority in Punjab notwithstanding changing intra-party dynamics. Chetan Singh Jauramajra with nine portfolios to include Defense Services Welfare, Freedom Fighters, Horticulture, mining and geology, water resources, conservation of soil and water got the pink slip. AAP’s Jalandhar MLA Mohinder Singh Bhagat (who had left AAP for BJP pastures) secured ministership and first three of these portfolios. Another newly inducted Minister Barinder Kumar Goyal got the remaining departments and a place in Punjab’s council of ministers.  Another big loser in the political stakes was Anmol Gagan Maan who held Hospitality, Investment Promotion, Labour, Tourism & Cultural Affairs till CM Mann replaced him with another biggie, Tarunpreet Singh Sond allocating to him Gagan Maan’s portfolios and department of industries and commerce as well. In addition to these Sond also takes charge of rural development and panchayat departments that another downsized minister Lalit Singh Bhullar held till September 23. Local Government and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Balkar Singh lost his portfolios but not cabinet rank and will administer the Jails department of Punjab. Ravjot Singh became minister and took over his erstwhile portfolios. Hardeep Singh Mundian is another big new ministerial find for CM Mann and takes charge of housing and urban development (CM held portfolios) along with revenue, rehabilitation and Disaster Management (held by Brahm Shankar Jimpa, who also got the axe. Harjot Singh Bains also found induction as the new Information and Public Relations minister in last month’s reshuffle. Was CM Mann pre-empting a coup? Only time will tell.

The Bharatiya Janata Party has taken a lead over other major parties by declaring its first list of a hundred candidates for the coming Maharashtra assembly election. The party is expected to contest around 160 seats in the 288-member house. Even as the partners in the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi have been haggling for their individual share of the seats, the BJP’s decision to come out with the first list is considered strategic. Already preparing for the election immediately after the Lok Sabha election was over, the party machinery is geared up to take on its adversaries. Significantly, the first list has few surprises as almost all the sitting MLAs have been asked to contest. The list is topped by deputy chief minister Devendra Fadnavis. A somewhat surprising nominee is state BJP president Chandrakant Bawankule, who has been accommodated in the legislative council after he was refused the assembly opportunity in 2019. He is considered a loyal follower of Union Minister Nitin Gadkari. A few days ago, there were murmurs that Gadkari’s loyalists were being side lined. Following some such news reports, a meeting between Gadkari and Fadnavis took place. Bawankule’s selection to fight for the assembly is considered as an adjustment. While the BJP candidates have gone into an overdrive, the hopefuls in other parties are still groping in the dark about their future. Their fate will be declared latest by Monday (Oct 21) evening, it is felt.

It is reportedly the fifth busiest airport by passenger traffic and aircraft movements in India. It is also the third busiest airport by international traffic. In 2023–24, it handled over 21 million passengers. Well, the Chennai International Airport is turning out to be hectic by the day. Handling such heavy traffic and facilitating customs processes prove a big challenge for the authorities. Well, the government is quite aware of this. The Ministry of Finance has decided to appoint approved valuers for assessing gold, silver, jewellery and precious stones at Chennai International Airport. It has already come out with a notification inviting nominations for a panel of valuers responsible for assaying and valuing precious items for both accompanied and unaccompanied passengers, as well as for issuing export certificates. The appointed valuers will also handle the valuation of seized or confiscated goods. One of the requirements for appointment is that they should be available at any time. Qualified assayers, valuers or jewellers affiliated with recognized associations are eligible for submitting applications. “The assayer/valuer is required to present himself /herself before any adjudicating authority / appellate authority/ courts to give the evidence/ produce the relevant records, as and when required,” it said. A valuable initiative, it appears!

In an interesting initiative, PM Modi has established a monitoring group chaired by Union Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan to focus on reviewing the implementation of various schemes announced by him, its budgetary provisions, subordinate legislation, and other critical infrastructure projects. The inaugural meeting of this newly formed group took place on October 18 at the PMO. The meeting saw participation from all secretaries to the GoI, including the Chairman of the Railway Board, who attended in a hybrid format. This group is set to convene monthly at the PMO in South Block. The group has been tasked to examine the announcements made by Modi and also assess projects for which the foundation stone has been laid by him. Besides, Chouhan will also communicate expectations of the PMO to relevant secretaries, especially if any project appears to be lagging or requires inter-ministerial support. Modi was reportedly worried about delays in the implementation of government schemes, highlighting these issues in closed-door meetings with secretaries and senior PMO officials. His proactive approach to governance suggests a commitment to ensuring that all government initiatives are executed in a timely and effective manner. The establishment of this monitoring group is widely interpreted as a response to these concerns. Involving Chouhan with more governance responsibilities also reveals that Modi has more plans for the BJP veteran from Madhya Pradesh than what the RSS envisions for him. The Sangh has been pitching for Chouhan who had a near record run of three plus terms as Madhya Pradesh CM as next BJP chief. With his involvement in both day-to-day administration and global affairs, Modi will surely have his say on who will head the BJP next.

The Chief Justice of India has inspired and installed a brand new Lady Justice in the SC library, in an effort to bin many a vestige of British colonialism. The just sculpted Lady Justice is as Indian as she can get…she wears a bindi, bangles and strongly resembles Goddess Saraswati. The makeover immediately flashes memories of how justice was strongly and tellingly portrayed in our films with titles like Andha Kanoon, Insaaf ka Tarazu in Hindi, Sattam Oru Iruttu Arai (law is a dark room) in Tamil. The stark inequalities and systemic interpretation of class, gender and caste that torment society were portrayed as the “interpretation” of the law by the Lady Justice, blindfolded, holding a weighing scale in her right hand and a sword in her left. These symbols were meant to convey an impartial system that did not discriminate, and one that meted out punishment, swiftly. The new symbol is significant in keeping with the new Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita replacing the old, the saree clad Lady Justice has no blindfold and the Indian Constitution replaces the sword as a revered Tome in her left hand. She strongly resembles Devi Saraswati from the paintings of Raja Ravi Varma or from the Pooja idols of Kolkata’s Kumartuli. But mere intent to clean up colonial cobwebs is not enough. With 51 million cases clogging the judicial system, 80,000 in the SC alone, delaying justice delivery in a shocking way, how is the system gearing up for fast redressals and closures?

Maharashtra Congress president Nana Patole has become a stumbling block in the seat sharing talks with the Shiv Sena led by Uddhav Thackeray. The simmering differences over allotment of seats in Vidarbha and in Mumbai to some extent are said to be the reason for the disagreement. “It seems Maharashtra Congress leaders are unable to take decisions in several matters. Hence we will talk with Ramesh Chennithala and Rahul Gandhi,” Sena MP Sanjay Raut said. However, the news has leaked out that the Sena will not join any talks where Patole is present. The Nationalist Congress Party led by Sharad Pawar is yet to react to the tricky development. Thus, the three-party Maha Vikas Aghadi will have to negotiate a slippery patch very cautiously to land safely in the electoral arena. Over the past few days, a series of meetings have been held by MVA to finalise the seat sharing formula for the election to be held on 20 November. The regained confidence after the Lok Sabha election’s win needs to be retained since inordinate delays in such sensitive matters can vitiate the mood of the rank and file, the Sena feels. MVA leaders till now have reached an accord on about 200 seats of the total 288. The main impediment is the seat sharing in Vidarbha, where the Congress party has an upper hand. The Sena’s claim that it sacrificed seats like Amravati and Ramtek for the Lok Sabha election in favour of the Congress is not seen to be cutting much ice. This has angered Uddhav, who is not ready to wait any longer.  

Former Maharashtra chief minister Ashok Chavan is being considered by the BJP for contesting the Nanded Lok Sabha byelection. A Rajya Sabha member at present, Chavan and his father Shankarrao have been elected from Nanded repeatedly for the past six decades on Congress tickets. A father-son CM duo, the Chavan family has a close attachment with Nanded, an underdeveloped pocket of the backward Marathwada region. Both have represented Nanded in parliament and the assembly. Ashok’s wife Ameeta, was a Nanded MLA. At present, their daughter Shrijaya is in the news as the next Nanded candidate of the BJP for the assembly. While Ashok Chavan seemed ensconced comfortably in the Rajya Sabha, the unexpected death of sitting Nanded MP Vasant Chavan of the Congress has changed the political equations. Since the seat was wrested by the Congress from the BJP earlier this year, Ashok is considered the best bet to win it back. The Congress has announced the candidature of Ravindra Chavan, the son of the deceased MP. Nanded Lok Sabha constituency has a substantial Muslim population, it being an important region of the Nizam’s Hyderabad princely state. In view of this, former Aurangabad (Sambhaji Nagar) MP Imtiyaz Jaleel of AIMIM has declared his resolve to enter the fray. In case this happens, the arithmetic of the election will undergo a sea change. Whatever happens, Ashok Chavan will continue to be a member of parliament.

Black cat commandos will no longer guard VVIPs? PM Modi has decided to completely overhaul the VIP security setup in the coming months, leading to the transfer of security duties for over a dozen high-risk individuals from the National Security Guard (NSG) and the Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) to other paramilitary forces. This exercise will cover political figures, ex-ministers, retired bureaucrats, and others. The strategy to withdraw black cats from VIP security duties has been under consideration since 2012. This is due to NSG commanders anticipating a scenario where simultaneous terrorist attacks could occur at various locations across the country, necessitating the rapid deployment of commandos in multiple directions. The plan to relieve NSG from VIP security tasks has been in the making since 2012 when NSG commanders foresaw an event where simultaneous terror attacks could be witnessed at one time on multiple centres in the country, and the commandos would have to be rushed in different directions. In January 2020, after the removal of the SPG cover for the Gandhi family, a committee of the MHA decided to withdraw NSG from VIP security tasks. The initiative was taken after the CRPF, which was assigned to Parliament security duty, was withdrawn after the Central Industrial Security Force (CISF) took over the responsibility of providing overall security in Parliament. Once the CRPF takes over the VIP security, the NSG will be assigned solely with its commitment to combat terror activities. Home Minister Amit Shah has asked the officials to work on the idea of making NSG free from VIP duty. The SPG, formed in 1985, after the assassination of Indira Gandhi, exclusively guards the PM and his immediate family.

PM Narendra Modi, Home Minister Amit Shah launched their national political plan while proactively handling Haryana’s assembly poll affair to elect 90 MLAs. Focussed on the anti-incumbency factor and unsure BJP’s sitting CM Manoharlal Khattar resigned in March 2024, donated worldly possessions worth Rs 1 crore to PM Relief Fund and was replaced by party’s Haryana OBC face Nayab Singh Saini. ‘Jat’ political predominance was sidestepped with emphasis on Dalit, backward communities instead, never before seen in Haryana. Saini’s eight-month tenure as CM backed several pro backward community measures culminating with his decision to encompass all crops grown in Haryana under the state sponsored MSP regime. The BJP distracted from its held election SOP and announced Saini as its CM face. Senior BJP leader Anand Vij, holding high respectability for probity in public service announced mid-poll campaign he would take leadership as Haryana CM, post elections causing Saini’s swearing in ceremony as CM postponed from October 13, 2024 to October 15 and then finally, held on October 17. BJP’s southern Haryana royalty factor: Rao Birendra Singh also needed assuaging, then said he follows party line after meeting Shah. Amit Shah, appointed by PM Modi, then busy with international challenges, ensured smooth government formation. An insider says, “Saini’s importance envisaged by PM Modi (Shah) factored the impact his community holds in Haryana and also Punjab, Delhi and Rajasthan. Shah smoothened ruffled feathers, accommodating Vij’s political growth just like another day in office. The opposition said rebel infighting within BJP delayed swearing-in but only Congress suffered, then lost elections due to infighting.”