Nandigram has once again become a key political battleground. Unlike 2021, the focus this time is on Opposition leader Suvendu Adhikari. Former close aide of Suvendu, Pabitra Kar, switched to Trinamool Congress (TMC) and was given ticket to contest from Nandigram. The defection — timing, messaging and disruption — is a masterstroke by West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee and her nephew Abhishek Banerjee. TMC leaders interpret Pabitra’s candidature as an indication that political equations in Nandigram are changing. The move raises questions about Suvendu’s organisational strength and internal stability. Kar poses a serious threat as he knows the local terrain and Suvendu’s political network from within. BJP leaders acknowledge the challenge admitting that the contest in Nandigram has become more uncertain due to this development, but maintain that Suvendu retains a strong voter base. Kar has grassroots connections, family political presence, and links with local religious organisations. Local BJP unit has admitted that the timing of the defection has hurt perception, though its real impact will depend on ground-level translation. Defections like this can influence booth management, cadre morale, and voter perception. A section of the party believes that local workers may face confusion due to Kar’s shift, affecting campaign coordination. Nandigram has a history of tight elections—Didi lost by just 1,956 votes against Suvendu in 2021.  Nandigram remains politically symbolic and emotionally significant in Bengal politics. Political observers believe that elections here are decided by booth management, local equations, and last-mile outreach—not rallies. Kar’s insider knowledge could influence these micro-level dynamics. For Suvendu, 2026 elections is a different test as he must not only defend Nandigram but also Bhabanipur where he challenges Mamata Banerjee.

There is bitterness in Mumbai City with the Mumbai Cricket Association (Wankhede Stadium) not being awarded one of the five Test matches for the Border-Gavaskar Trophy series against Australia for the home international season of 2026-2027. The rancour is misplaced though. The BCCI follows a rotation policy to award Test matches. In the yesteryears, Bombay (Mumbai Cricket Association), Madras (Tamil Nadu CA) /now Chennai), Kanpur/Lucknow (Uttar Pradesh CA), Kolkata (Cricket Association of Bengal) and Delhi (Delhi & Districts CA) were determined as the permanent Test centres and they held the multi-day Test matches by rotation. Afterwards, Bengaluru (Karnataka State CA), Hyderabad (Hyderabad CA), Ahmedabad (Gujarat CA) and Mohali (Punjab CA) and Nagpur (Vidarbha CA) were added to the Test-match centre list. The numbers swelled in the last decade or so with Ranchi, Dharamsala, Indore, Rajkot, Pune, Visakhapatnam and Guwahati added as Test match centres. The first Test in India was held at the Bombay Gymkhana and the nearby Cricket Club of India has played host to 18 Tests at the Brabourne Stadium. The Corporation Stadium in Chennai has hosted nine Test matches. In the first week of June, New Chandigarh will join the Test match centre list. With the BCCI members creating new infrastructure, the first five permanent Test centres have been losing out, forced to share Test matches with new centres. Ahmedabad has held more in the last five years because it had to forgo matches for three years because the Stadium at Motera was being rebuilt. Ditto seems to be the case with Guwahati that made its Test debut hosting the India-South Africa Test last November. The Mumbai CA may help its cause by playing Ranji Trophy matches at the Wankhede and demonstrate that the Churchgate venue is its primary ground, not the one at BKC.

With less than two weeks to go for the Kerala Assembly polls on April 9, party workers are intensely praying in Delhi that the Congress decisively wins this election. Prayers for a UDF win is to ensure that powerful AICC General Secretary K C Venugopal — perceived to be the root cause of all problems plaguing the party — moves to his home turf as CM. The Alappuzha Lok Sabha MP had reportedly paved the way for his own career switch by dominating the state candidate list. Majority of the 95 Congress MLAs for 140 assembly seats were picked by him. A sizable section also owe loyalty to senior leader Ramesh Chennithala. A handful of tickets have been given to the most popular CM face — LoP, V D Satheesan. Party sources said if Congress wins, Venugopal is likely to persuade Rahul Gandhi to send him to Thirvanathapuram as CM. “The only thing that may deny Congress a sweep is that we fear Muslims are still not comfortable with us. They suspect we have a pro-Christian bias. Of course, this time all our CM contenders are Nairs. Era of A K Anthony, Oomen Chandy, the league of Christian leaders from Congress is over…yet we found the Muslims were moving away and falling back on Pinarayi Vijayan,” conceded a top Cong source. Of course, the UDF has a long standing alliance with IUML. Besides there is a tacit understanding between the BJP and CPI(M) with the former relying on its NDA ally in Kerala —Twenty20 Party (active in Ernakulam)—to take on the UDF. Meanwhile, former Rajya Sabha deputy chairman P J Kurian stirred some interest by suggesting that Ramesh Chennithala would be the CM. Later Kurian conceded that he had made the remark as Chennithala had just walked into the meeting. “I am aware everything will be decided by Rahulji,” he said.

Tamil Nadu’s run up to this election has been quite surprising, often quite shocking …the attitude, demands and ego trips of alliance partners could have upset any other politician but chief minister MK Stalin. There is a popular Hindi song Bade Miyan To Bade Miyan Chhote Miyan Subhan Allah. Exactly how Rahul Gandhi’s whimsical demands rocked the alliance in Puducherry; he suggested that Congress could fight in the same constituencies as the alliance party, calling it a “friendly fight”. Fortunately for the party, Mallikarjun Kharge took over the seat sharing talks in TN with Stalin but insisted on taking three favoured seats, one being Velachery. In the last election DMK sacrificed this high-profile seat to Congress. The Congress candidate neglected Velachery. Stalin did not relent on this one. The tail wagging the dog took an even more comical yet irritable negotiation turn when DMDK supremo, Premalatha(wife of the late Vijayakanth ) walked in to meet the old DMK warhorse T R Baalu, for seat sharing talks. Baalu has seen many such grandstanding alliance party heads. But Premalatha’s impossible seat demands made Baalu see red. She wanted three DMK winnable seats …Vikravandi, Virugambakkam and one more. Baalu’s reference to the Rajya Sabha seat already in the DMDK bag made Premalatha see a more crimson red. “What Rajya Sabha? You can keep it …we shall resign now”. Stalin is seen as a punching bag by desperate allies, even as the DMK put on a brave front.

The Nationalist Congress Party (Ajit), a partner of ruling Mahayuti alliance, is again finding itself in a corner. The latest embarrassment is a video clip, allegedly showing minister Narhari Zirawal in a questionable position in company of a transgender at his official ministerial residence. A former deputy speaker of the state assembly, Zirawal is a tribal and a long-time follower of the late Ajit Pawar. Even earlier, Zirawal was found embroiled in a controversy when his personal assistant was caught accepting bribes in Mantralaya. Before that, Zirawal had jumped into the safety net from the sixth floor of Mantralaya to press some demands of the tribal sections in the state. As the pressure is mounting on chief minister Devendra Fadnavis to sack the minister, the delicate power balance is facing a litmus test. Ajit’s widow, Sunetra Pawar is burdened with deciding the fate of Zirawal. Already facing the impending assembly byelection challenge, Sunetra will have to show her leadership qualities. The NCP (A) is finding itself caught in a web over the exposes concerning Nasik Godman Ashok Kharat. At the centre of the scandal is Rupali Chakankar, even now president of the women’s wing of the state unit of the party. Rupali was compelled to resign her post as chairperson of the State Women’s Commission following the shocking disclosures concerning Kharat. All in all, the NCP (A) will have to wade through a political challenge soon.

Shiv Sena (UBT) scion Aaditya Thackeray’s reported tiff with party MP Sanjay Raut over the earlier decision to yield the lone Rajya Sabha seat to veteran leader Sharad Pawar is the talk of the town, even after the spokesman has discounted any such development. As the term of party MP Priyanka Chaturvedi is over, the suspense over her renomination has ended but the internal differences over the issue are having an echo even now. Aaditya’s opposition to Pawar’s new Rajay Sabha term on the strength of the Sena (UBT) had surfaced when Priyanka’s future was being discussed. At the time, Raut had vehemently asserted that Pawar will be in the Rajya Sabha for another six years and Aaditya had expressed his unhappiness at the outcome. Over the past few days, news speculation about the recurrence of ‘Operation Tiger’ in Maharashtra began afresh, with whispers that certain Sena (UBT) MPs were likely to defect to the NDA. In the wake of their increasing frequency, Uddhav Thackeray summoned the MPs to Matoshri to understand their mind. Coincidentally, Raut was not present for the meeting as his book ‘Unlikely Paradise’ was being released in New Delhi the same day. Finding himself at the receiving end, Raut now has refuted the media coverage of the reported tiff. At the same time, he has declared that he will never leave the Shiv Sena (UBT). Uddhav is yet to comment on the matter.

Amidst West Asia war crises and disruptions in energy supply and emerging geopolitical risks, the BJP-led government in Odisha is now making international headlines. After steel and mining prowess, the Odisha government is seriously contemplating to set up the world’s largest underground 4 million tonne crude oil storage facility at Chandikhole, Jajpur district entailing an investment of Rs 8,743 crore. This project was conceived during Naveen Patnaik times. But, it remained only on paper…gathering dust for the last seven years. The current war in West Asia has triggered of energy crises globally and this gave the current chief minister of Odisha Mohan Charan Majhi to relook at the project. The main issue now is to quickly allot 400 acres of land to Indian Strategic Petroleum Reserve Ltd. It is learnt that the BJP’s Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan nudged both the Odisha CM and Petroleum Minister Hardeep Singh Puri to fast track the strategic underground crude oil storage facility terming it as a national project which has been delayed for 7 years because of land issue and bureaucratic delays. Sources say 286 acres are now being processed while the remaining land may take another two months. Only when the entire 400 acres of land parcel is handed over to ISPRL will the project take off?

In a strategic shift ahead of the upcoming Assembly elections in West Bengal, the BJP has decided to release a comprehensive “chargesheet” alleging decline in various sectors in the state during the 15-year rule of Chief minister Mamata Banerjee. Party sources said that before unveiling its election manifesto, this document will be released on March 28 by Union Home Minister Amit Shah and is expected to outline a series of allegations against the state government in 14 key areas. The chargesheet will not only target Mamata but will also hold her nephew and second-in-command of the party, Abhishek Banerjee accountable. The move signals a recalibration of the BJP’s campaign approach, placing emphasis on alleged governance failures before presenting its Bengal Manifesto in early April. The broader outline of these allegations includes corruption and scandals such as the ration scam, irregularities in School Service Commission recruitment leading to 26,000 job losses, misappropriation in the mid-day meal scheme and also cattle smuggling syndicate. Besides these, the BJP has also levelled allegations on administrative breakdown and political mis-governance, Incidentally, the TMC has already published its manifesto charting out “Didi’s Dash Protigya” (Didi’s 10 Promise). Following the chargesheet, the BJP’s manifesto is likely to outline a range of promises, including increased funding for existing welfare schemes such as Lakshmir Bhandar and Yuva Sathi, development of Singur as an industrial hub, and improved road connectivity between North and South Bengal. Besides, the central leadership is also expected to include the promise to implement the 7th Pay Commission within 45 days of coming to power and payment of pending Dearness Allowance dues.

Food culture has emerged as a parallel campaign theme in the current West Bengal assembly election. The phrase “Mache Bhaate Bangali”, signifying the deep-rooted connection between Bengalis and fish-rice cuisine, has gained prominence in the political discourse. Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee had earlier foregrounded “Bengali asmita” in her campaign. Food habits are now being projected as an extension of that identity. The ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC) has sought to frame dietary practices as part of the state’s cultural fabric, raising concerns that these may come under threat with the BJP’s possible rise in influence. TMC leaders have repeatedly portrayed the BJP as an “outsider” force and flagged issues around “vegetarianism” and restrictions on meat consumption in BJP-ruled states. They have suggested that similar policies could affect Bengal’s established culinary traditions. Mamata Banerjee has alleged “food control politics”, warning that dietary freedoms, including the consumption of fish and meat, may be at risk. The BJP in West Bengal has responded by rejecting allegations of imposing dietary restrictions. State BJP president Samik Bhattacharya said fish and meat would remain part of daily life, while indicating that certain regulatory positions on beef would continue. BJP candidates have also sought to emphasise their connection with local food culture. Campaign activities have included public displays of consuming fish and carrying staple varieties such as katla and rohu during outreach programmes. Leaders including Swapan Dasgupta and Rudranil Ghosh have highlighted their preference for traditional Bengali meals. Bidhannagar candidate Sharadwat Mukhopadhyay drew attention by carrying a raw katla fish during campaigning. With campaigning intensifying, the TMC is expected to sharpen its “outsider versus insider” narrative, focusing on cultural identity. The BJP, meanwhile, is attempting to recalibrate its messaging to counter perceptions of cultural disconnect...

After the Congress roped in Karnataka deputy chief minister DK Shivakumar (DKS) as a central observer for Assam polls, the BJP initially felt the compulsion to rush in Tejasvi Surya, the young MP from Bangalore South to counter the narratives for the ruling party in Assam. However, DKS who initially felt there was “a strong wind in favour of a change,” in the North Eastern State, going to polls on April 9, changed his opinion after a first-hand assessment. One visit to Guwahati made the senior Karnataka leader change his mind. He felt there was no need to spend precious “resources” on campaigns and candidates. He shared his views with top party bosses including Priyanka Gandhi who is handling the poll-bound state. With steady erosion of Congress leaders who were seen making a beeline to join the BJP, DKS found the Congress organisation itself in a precarious position. Exit of a Lok Sabha MP Pradyut Bordoloi just ahead of elections to 126 assembly seats was a clear indication that the rot had set in. The BJP has set the target to form the government for the third term with CM Himanta Sarma at the helm. By making DKS an important part of the Congress battle in Assam, the party had sought to highlight the commitment of a Congressman. Despite differences with Karnataka CM Siddaramaiah, DKS had not betrayed Congress. The Congress wanted to contrast DKS’s commitment to Congress with Himanta Sharma who had quit the Congress to join the BJP in 2015 and became Assam CM in 2021. It also wanted to highlight the success story of Karnataka under Congress. However, with non-fulfilment of guarantees in Karnataka, the Congress will find it difficult to hard sell the Karnataka model in Assam. With or without DKS.