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The intitial turn out for India’s opening ICC Champions Trophy match at the Dubai International Stadium (DIS) was a far cry from the spectators who showed up for India’s home series matches against England recently. It was full house in Nagpur and Cuttack, and around 60000 at the Narendra Modi Stadium in Ahmedabad for the third ODI. The men in blue are a big draw anywhere in the world but on Friday — which is not a holiday here — there were not many takers, most of them having saved Dirhams for the India-Pakistan group match on Sunday, which is a weekend holiday. The DIS can hold between 25000 and 30000 people and by the time Mohammed Shami and Harshit Rana struck blows in the first 10 balls of the match — after Bangladesh chose to bat winning the toss — one could see empty seats at the Stadium. The venue which has a canopy like roof and gives a ring of fire like visual as dusk settles in, has become a popular venue in the UAE — the other two being the Sharjah Cricket Stadium and the Shaikh Zayed Cricket Stadium in Abu Dhabi. Tickets are priced as low as 250 AED and it goes up to a high of 12500 AED for the Grand Lounge at the DIS. The ticketing arrangements have been done by the host Pakistan Cricket Board and Emirates Cricket Board and much of the gate receipts should be going to Pakistan’s kitty. Wickets were falling in a heap in the first hour of the match as India gained the upperhand and the only disappointing aspect was skipper Rohit Sharma spilling a catch at slip to deny left arm spinner Axar Patel, a hat-trick.
In a week’s time, that’s next Sunday on February 23, the world of cricket would swing to the passions reflected across India and Pakistan in the ICC Champions Trophy. The clash between the arch rivals in cricket will be a sell out with every seat at the Dubai International Stadium, where the expatriates will shell out thousands of Dirhams and create an electrifying atmosphere. Seventeen months ago, a near full house at the Narendra Modi Stadium rooted for the Rohit Sharma-led Indian team against Pakistan in the ICC World Cup. India which won that match was the host of the World Cup and Pakistan travelled to Ahmedabad for the marquee event. The Pakistan Cricket board (PCB) being the host of the ICC Champions Trophy, believed India would travel across the border to give the local fans — either in Lahore or Karachi — a real experience of a high-octane tension filled match, but the BCCI, not allowed by the government of India, refused to send its team to Pakistan — citing security concerns — and India’s group matches were scheduled in Dubai. An India-Pakistan contest in any sport is an extraordinary event by itself, but one between the cricketers of the two countries is truly uplifting to the millions of fans of the country that wins the contest. Eight years ago Pakistan downed India by 180 runs in the Champions Trophy final at ‘The Oval’ in London. Pakistan holds a 3-2 edge in the Champions Trophy and 73-57 edge overall in ODIs, but it’s 2-0 for India in Dubai with Rohit Sharma totalling 317 runs in five matches with a high of an unbeaten 111 against Pakistan in the 2018 Asia Cup.
Maharashtra’s Gadchiroli district seems to be on the radar of corporate India. Two big projects, an iron ore, and a steel plant, involving huge investment is expected to transform this naxal-infested belt forever. Sajjan Jindal promoted JSW Group is setting up a 25 million tonne steel plant – world’s largest — by investing Rs 1 trillion over next seven to eight years. Helping the steel plant with regular supply of iron ore is B Prabhakaran-promoted Thriveni Sainik Mining. This company is a prominent player in the coal mining sector with a capacity to deliver 15 MTPA of coal. Coming to iron ore, Thriveni has entered into an agreement with Mukesh Gupta-promoted Lloyds Metals and Energy as Lloyds was granted a 50-year iron ore mining lease in 2007 for 348 hectares at Surajgarh Village. This area is known to have a major iron ore reserve. It may be recalled that Gupta was a high-profile businessman in the nineties running a clutch of companies from steel to real estate to pharma. Thriveni which got into play in 2021 after being appointed MDO or Mine Developer and Operator has already produced over 3 MTPA and plans to produce 25 MTPA iron ore. Sometimes back, Thriveni Group was in the news not because its promoter Prabhakaran was arrested over his role in a mining scam but, because the Union minister of Railways Ashwini Vaishnaw before entering politics was a director in Prabhakaran-promoted iron ore company Thriveni Pellets Pvt Ltd set up in 2019.
Nine years after the Left Democratic Front (LDF) headed by Pinarayi Vijayan blocked the then ruling UDF’s plan to allow private universities into Kerala, the LDF has had a change of heart. “The government’s latest decision is in sync with changing times,” says Higher Education Minister, R Bindu. Any agency which has experience and credibility can apply to set up a University provided it deposits Rs 25 crore as corpus money and also has the requisite land as per regulatory agency. In case the proposed Private University is a multi-campus varsity, then at least 10 acres of land is required. The government’s move is to ensure that Malayali students remain in Kerala. As per a joint study by Gulati Institute of Finance and Taxation (GIFT) and Centre for Development Studies (CDS), nearly 50.8% of Malayali students migrate to neighbouring Karnataka alone for higher studies. Though the government has indicated that the new policy has attracted many institutions/universities, it is too early to predict how things will play out due to certain stiff parameters included in the proposal. They include 40% seat reservation for permanent residents of Kerala and that SC/ST students have to be provided scholarships and fee concessions. The LDF government has also indicated that its nominees — Higher Education Secretary and another Department Secretary should be nominated in the Private University’s governing council. And if this is not enough intervention, the state government will have a nominee as member of the University’s executive council and three nominees in the academic council. It will also comply with directions of regulatory agencies regarding appointment of Vice Chancellors and faculty members. Initial indications are that the Azim Premji University and another Gulf-based institution with the blessings of the promoter of Lulu hyper-market chain, M A Yusuff Ali, have indicated their interest.
The Union Home Ministry’s decision to grant actor-politician Vijay, the chief of the Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK), ‘Y’ category security in Tamil Nadu has stirred the political pot. Sources said while the security was accorded after an internal security audit by the Intelligence Bureau, it has prompted a sharp reaction from the AIADMK, which suspected that the BJP would use the security cover to get the newbie politician to its side at a time when it is planning a grand alliance with TVK and the Congress for next year’s assembly elections. It may seem the Centre’s security decision is being over analysed. But sources say the Congress is already under pressure from AIADMK to change its TN president ahead of the assembly polls as he is being viewed as too close to the DMK, post Erode assembly by-elections. Meanwhile, it is felt Vijay may accept the security cover as it will be helpful in managing the crowd during his public engagement as a politician. AIADMK functionaries however are unconvinced that the Centre’s decision was merely a security decision. Strongly backing the Centre’s decision to give Vijay ‘Y’ security cover, TN BJP chief K Annamalai pointed out that the Central government had given CRPF security to Opposition leader Edappadi K Palaniswami, regardless of whether the AIADMK was in alliance with the BJP or not. He pointed out that similarly the central government had given ‘Y’ security to Vijay. “The reason that Vijay is not able to meet the public is because of the huge crowds.” He also wanted to know why the DMK government in the state had not come forward to give Vijay this sort of security.
The recent release of Chaava, featuring Vicky Kaushal and Rashmika Mandanna, has ignited significant discussions around the intersection of art and political scrutiny in India. While the film has garnered considerable buzz and attention at the box office, it has also faced backlash from various political groups, often dubbed as the “moral police.” This scrutiny particularly intensified around a promotional song featuring a traditional lezim dance that depicted the historical figure Sambhaji Maharaj in a manner some deemed inappropriate. Critics argued that the portrayal of the king dancing was historically inaccurate and disrespectful, prompting Maharashtra Minister Uday Samant to advocate for a review by historians to preserve the dignity of the Sambhaji Maharaj. In response to this pressure, director Laxman Utekar met with political leader Raj Thackeray and ultimately decided to remove the contentious scene. This incident reflects a growing trend where political entities feel entitled to intervene in Bollywood productions, raising concerns about the freedom of expression for artists. This pattern is not new; previous controversies, such as the uproar over the song “Besharam Rang” from Pathaan and the backlash against the song “Malhari” from Jodha Akbar which faced criticism for its use of the phrase “Vaat Laavli,” underscore the inconsistent responses from the industry and authorities. Sanjay Leela Bhansali, known for his grand historical narratives, has frequently found himself at odds with political outfits, from Jodha Akbar to Padmaavat to Gangubai Kathiawadi. This trend illustrates a troubling reality where the creative landscape is increasingly shaped by political agendas, often at the expense of artistic integrity and historical representation. As the lines between art and politics blur, it raises critical questions about the future of creative freedom in India.
In Tamil Nadu, the Dravidian major AIADMK is going through a minor crisis of confidence with a senior member in Sengottaiyan staying away from an event that felicitated the party chief Edappadi K Palaniswami (EPS). The former minister explained it away saying he was told there would be no portraits of party founder MGR and his protégé J Jayalalithaa at the venue and the party explained it away by saying the event was by a federation of farmers. The minor misunderstanding alone is not, however, what the leader and former chief minister EPS is facing. He is deprecated as the ‘dubbing voice’ of the BJP by TN chief minister MK Stalin and assailed every day by those who he had forced out of the party like TTV Dhinakaran of the Sasikala clan. While Palaniswami may be forced to accept that to go with the BJP in the Assembly elections of 2026 could be the only option given the scattered vote share of the Opposition, he is being offered an olive branch by the ousted former chief minister O Panneerselvam (OPS) who now senses an opportunity to call for unifying all forces so the party may regain the strength of old and be a force to be reckoned with in the state. OPS is now saying he is willing to patch up and return even with EPS as chief. provided fair elections are held soon with all party members allowed to vote for their chief. Meanwhile, word has come in that political advisers are saying that only a front against the ruling DMK with AIADMK, BJP and Vijay’s fledgling TVK could fancy its chances of downing the ruling party.
Maharashtra keeps proving that there are no permanent friends or enemies in politics. So, the BJP which had launched a vociferous diatribe against Ajit Pawar’s Dhananjay Munde in Beed through its local legislator Suresh Dhas there, suddenly mediated a peace meet between them signalling de-escalations in political tensions on that front. Maharashtra reeled in a shock when Dhas admitted to dropping in to check up on Munde’s health following a surgery after spending weeks accusing his aides of extortion and murder. Uddhav too has started warming up to BJP chief minister Devendra Fadnavis prompting talks of a BJP-Sena alliance after calling each other names like Fadtus and Kadtus to each other. Fadnavis though met up with his cousin Raj Thackeray sparking talks of BJP aligning with him. Uddhav’s bete noire Eknath Shinde, on the other hand, displayed signs of warming up to Sharad Pawar. Sharad Pawar played a masterstroke by publicly felicitating Shinde, praising him and clearly dropping out Uddhav Thackeray from his books like a hot potato. Shinde these days is already having an upper hand with Operation Tiger; he intends to poach Uddhav’s three MPs. Ajit Pawar has already started attending events with the senior Pawar on the dais sparking talks of both the NCP factions warming up to each other. Amidst all these shifts and readjustments, probably to gear up for the forthcoming local body polls, the Congress is the only party which finds itself left lonely to nurse its wounds all alone.
The silent war for supremacy claims between Rajini and Vijay’s fans has been smouldering for a few years now. Vijay has conquered that top slot in box office status which Rajini and Kamal shared. Who is the highest paid actor is the bone of contention…obviously the commercial success of Vijay’s formula padded high-octane films is hard to ignore, harder not to acknowledge it. Recently, it took an ugly turn when the X (formerly Twitter) handle of Rajini fan clubs carried an unsavoury threat to Vijay. The plan was to chuck rotten eggs at Vijay in his political meetings. The rotten eggs were to be sourced at bulk rates from Namakkal. This audio caused a major flutter and Rajini’s PR mouthpiece condemned the plan. “A genuine fan of our Thalaivar would never think of such base actions. Mutual respect for fans is what we profess. Don’t make cinema a divisive force”. Another distasteful event had preceded this one on February 7 when Ajith’s long-awaited Vidaamuyarchi hit the screens. Suddenly at the Nellai’s Ram theatre, a bunch of diehard Vijay fans and newly minted party acolytes came, waving TVK flags and matching swag to impress the crowd about their leader. A few Ajith fans caught hold of the enthusiasts and thrashed them, saying you want to watch a movie, do so without pomp and flag fare. Even when celebrity stars don’t resort to cheap publicity, the fan clubs bring a bad reputation. And when cine glitz transforms into politics, the stakes are higher.
Aadav Arjuna, son in law of lottery king Santiago Martin, convinced poll strategist and founder of Jan Suraaj Prashant Kishor to meet actor Vijay at his Neelankarai residence. During the meeting, it is learnt, Kishor talked about forging an omnibus alliance in Tamil Nadu – Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK), AIADMK and the BJP. The meeting that lasted over two hours left the media and watchers agog with curiosity and questions. TVK commands 20% of the votes in TN, a figure that Prashant is said to have spoken about to mainline media as well as podcasters. “My two-hour meeting has set 2000 kites flying with their own versions,” said Prashant. It was said that Prashant who visited Vijay as a friend has spelt out the dos and don’ts. He has set out three commandments. First suggestion, his exhortation to TVK and Vijay build up the party to reach every nook and corner. Cinema can only go so far in providing optics. The second commandment, TVK was recently started and does not have enough time to build a full-scale infrastructure in the short time before 2026 hustings. It is not possible to stand alone and hope to fight elections without the support of a strong alliance. The third one is seen as most strategic. In 2017 DMK was almost reborn after a 10-year Vanvas but it had seamlessly worked with alliances that stood the test of time. So instead of fighting a monolith coalition, try to wean away the unhappy B Listers. For now, Kishor has just thrown the bait …it was obvious that TVK and Vijay were working, planning and converting every chance into an opportunity. And now with the Centre’s Y security status accorded to Vijay, he is already in the chosen list.
There is no dearth of one sensational turn after another in Maharashtra politics over the past three months. Ever since the state assembly election results came out in November, the polity has been in upheaval. The latest such development is firebrand leader Chhagan Bhujbal’s obeisance to RSS top leader Bhayyaji Joshi. Of and on attacking the Sangh Parivar, Bhujbal had nurtured his image as a secular follower of NCP founder Sharad Pawar. Many observers recalled how Bhujbal was the first to split the Shiv Sena in 1991 when Balasaheb Thackeray was at the height of his popularity. The issue was Thackeray’s refusal to accept the Mandal Commission report. Again, it was Bhujbal who was among the top disciples of Pawar to join the newly-floated NCP in 1999. He rose to become Maharashtra’s deputy chief minister. The recent vertical split in the NCP found Bhujbal joining the faction led by Ajit Pawar and many of his closest workers were astounded. In a recent surprising turn, Bhujbal was not accommodated in the cabinet formed by chief minister Devendra Fadnavis. He had publicly lamented that Fadnavis wished to make him a minister but Ajit had stalled the move. Owing to such happenings, there is a whispering campaign to suggest that Bhujbal is on his way to join the BJP. He himself has never discounted this possibility. On top of this, Bhujbal’s unreserved praise of Bhayyaji at a Ram temple in Niphad in Nasik district a couple of days ago has once again heightened suspense about his next move.
Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) chief Raj Thackeray’s son Amit has given indications that the organisation can change its course. At a party meet in Mumbai, Amit has dismissed his father’s claim that EVMs were responsible for his party’s defeat in the 2024 Maharashtra assembly elections. Raj had only recently doubted the election results by alleging that EVMs were manipulated to engineer the BJP’s victory. In a bold departure, Amit has told the party leaders that it will be futile to blame the EVMs and that a thorough introspective has been called for. Amit’s candid admission has assumed significance against the backdrop of local body elections, including in Mumbai, lurking on the horizon. Amit reportedly said in that meeting that notwithstanding his father’s observation about the EVMs, he was of the opinion that there were other reasons for the sorry performance. Amit had lost the assembly election from Dadar-Mahim constituency, the Shiv Sena’s birthplace in 1966. Amit’s outspoken stand and chief minister Devendra Fadnavis calling on Raj Thackeray just before the MNS meet are hardly a pleasant coincidence. Moreover, certain BJP leaders announcing that the party could go alone in the Mumbai civic election have been considered as a warning for the Sena led by deputy chief ministers Eknath Shinde and Ajit Pawar. An additional factor is the nervousness pervading the Sena led by Uddhav Thackeray amidst reports that many of its prominent leaders are on way out.
The Congress party is taking steps to bring back its house in order in Maharashtra, the second largest state, electorally. However, the initial signals in response to Rahul Gandhi’s decision to appoint Vidarbha’s Maratha leader Harshwardhan Sapkal as MPCC president are not very heart warming. The party was in search of a leader to occupy the post after incumbent Nana Patole had resigned in the wake of the assembly election debacle. Sapkal’s appointment has been frowned upon by senior party leader Vijay Wadettiwar, who was hopeful of occupying the post. A staunch OBC proponent, Wadettiwar was earlier in hot water for publicly praising chief minister Devendra Fadnavis. The Congress party’s zero performance in the Delhi assembly election for a successive third time has spread a pall of gloom for its workers. Top leaders like Prithviraj Chavan and Balasaheb Thorat have gone into political retirement and have refused to head the state unit. Younger leaders like Vishwajit Kadam and Satej Patil, too, have declined the offer. On top of that, a nondescript worker like Harshwardhan Sapkal has been appointed to steer it. Sapkal’s only known qualification to be elevated to the post is his close contacts with Meenakshi Natarajan, an inner circle member around Rahul. His first test will be the coming local body elections. His loyalty is not questionable but his ability. Many feel that Rahul should have consulted at least some state leaders before taking this step.
In Maharashtra, the three-party Opposition alliance Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) will have to draw its roadmap afresh since tension is growing within the anti-BJP combine, whose only game plan is to oppose the ruling Mahayuti saffron alliance. But the picture for MVA is not too bright since the NCP led by Sharad Pawar does not have much space in the state politics although it performed well in the last Lok Sabha election. The state NCP president Jayant Patil has been holding the reins for the past decade but has been retained despite vociferous demands from the rank and file for his replacement. Pawar’s recent feelers to the NDA have not gone down well for MVA. On the other hand, the Sena led by Uddhav has been losing its leading lights with frightening regularity. Still, Uddhav is not seen ready to change his style of functioning. Continuous reports about his Lok Sabha MPs deserting the party have created grave apprehensions within the organization. The third MVA partner, the Congress has appointed a new state president by choosing the relatively unknown Harshwardhan Sapkal, a Maratha leader from Vidarbha. But there is no enthusiasm seen in the organization. In short, the Opposition in Maharashtra is in a disarray and will have to mend its house soon to mount an effective challenge to the ruling dispensation. Not surprisingly, Sena (UBT) leader Aaditya Thackeray’s decision to meet Rahul Gandhi and Arvind Kejriwal but not Sharad Pawar has generated fresh speculation about the future of MVA.
Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis has described the BJP’s spectacular victory in Delhi assembly election as one more example of Ek hai toh Safe hai. Welcoming the verdict, Fadnavis recalled how Maharashtra voters had supported the NDA in the recent assembly election, scripting the first instance of Ek hai toh safe hai after BJP’s poor show in the 2024 Lok Sabha election. Fadnavis explained how the BJP had lost the Dhule Lok Sabha seat since it had hardly received any votes in the Malegaon assembly segment in which Muslims are in majority. In all the five other segments, the BJP was leading but had to accept defeat due to the substantial anti-BJP voting in Malegaon alone. He termed it as the ‘Love Jihad’ effect and said a dozen Lok Sabha seats were lost by the NDA due to the same reason. Fadnavis said that for the assembly election, PM Narendra Modi toured Maharashtra and spread the message of Ek hai toh safe hai and the impact was magical. After Maharashtra, the message has shown its power in Delhi, he observed. Fadnavis had campaigned in the national capital assembly election, too. He had held several meetings in the Marathi-speaking population of Delhi and mobilised their support. The CM has ridiculed Congress leader Rahul Gandhi for alleging that a sudden spurt in the registration of new voters was noticed in Maharashtra just before assembly polls. He advised Rahul to introspect and learn to accept the popular mandate.
Anti-corruption crusader Anna Hazare has hit out at AAP chief Arvind Kejriwal and held him responsible for his party’s resounding defeat in Delhi assembly election while analysing the pro-BJP outcome in the national capital. Anna said about his one-time ardent disciple that Kejriwal was influenced by power and money so much that he was not ready to listen to alarm signals voiced time and again against his style of functioning. Anna’s recent video clip, released on the eve of the election, had told Kejriwal in no uncertain terms to mend his ways. The message was mostly ignored by the media though shortpost.in had uploaded a news item about it just before the polling. Reiterating his stand, Anna said after the results were declared, “Ideology and actions should be pure in public life. An individual should not carry any stigma so that the electors develop confidence in that leader. I repeatedly conveyed this message to AAP but it was ignored.” An exasperated Anna had asked the voters not to support AAP in this clip. In fact, there are many in Maharashtra who feel smug, ridiculing Anna and supporting Kejriwal. However, Prime Minister Narendra Modi acknowledged Anna’s stand while addressing a BJP victory rally in party headquarters in Delhi. Modi also focused on AAP’s corruption by pointing out that all its top leaders had been in custody. Modi said Anna’s anti-graft crusade had catapulted Kejriwal to become the Delhi CM and expressed happiness that Anna’s stand had been endorsed by the people of Delhi. “Finally, Anna has been liberated from the AAP shroud,” the PM said to a huge applause.
Shiv Sena (UBT) MP Sanjay Raut’s spree of making audacious allegations one after another is reaching new heights now, with his latest shocking claim. According to Raut, Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis is not shifting to the CM’s official residence ‘Varsha’ since during previous CM Eknath Shinde’s tenure, a he-buffalo’s horns had been interred in the premises of the bungalow. The horns were that of an animal sacrificed at Guwahati’s famous Kamakhya temple, Raut had said, adding that the ritual was performed to ensure that no Shinde successor should continue in CM office for long. Fadnavis has ridiculed the slur. He has clarified that he would continue at ‘Sagar’ bungalow as his only daughter’s 10th standard examination is due soon and that she has requested him to stay there till it is over. The family will shift afterwards, he has clarified. Deputy CM Ajit Pawar has lambasted Raut for the insinuation, telling him that it was none of the MP’s business to ask such a question. Raut had also asserted that Fadnavis was not shifting to Varsha for fear of such a black magic. Raut’s reference to Kamakhya temple relates to the Shiv Sena’s split and a majority of Sena MLAs aligning with Shinde at Guwahati, where they went for a pooja at the temple. Raut is in the news for making a claim in the Rajya Sabha about the number of casualties at the ongoing Maha Kumbh at Prayagraj.
Maharashtra deputy chief minister Eknath Shinde’s repeated clarifications that he is not unhappy in the cabinet headed by chief minister Devendra Fadnavis have failed to stop the surge of speculations about his next move. The reason for such discussions is Shinde’s frequent absence from important state meetings. As a result, Shinde continues to generate suspense for the ruling coalition. The discussions revived after Shinde skipped a “war room” meeting held by Fadnavis to discuss some important schemes and projects. These included the departments like health, housing and water supply and sanitation under Sena ministers. Though Shinde failed to turn up, another deputy CM Ajit Pawar was present for the marathon meeting. Shinde had also cancelled some other official engagements and a cabinet meeting last week. Fadnavis has time and again tried to explain that there was no complication for his dispensation and that Shinde was working wholeheartedly with him. Shinde also has reiterated that he is not unhappy. “When I was the chief minister, Fadnavis worked under me. Now that he is the CM, I am working under him. For both of us, the interests of Maharashtra are paramount,” Shinde told the media. Despite this, certain signals from the BJP side are interpreted to be making Shinde uncomfortable. His supporters recall how he consented to join the Fadnavis cabinet at the eleventh hour, keeping the Mahayuti on tenterhooks. BJP strategists feel that Shinde will yield at a proper time.
Maharashtra Navnirman Sena chief Raj Thackeray has invited ire of the ruling saffron alliance in the state due to his controversial claim that the votes his party had received in the recent assembly election had ‘vanished’ somewhere. Addressing his first public rally after the election, Raj also attacked the NCP led by deputy CM Ajit Pawar as well as the BJP in general. This is one more example of his ambivalence since Raj has time and again either praised PM Narendra Modi or criticized him, never taking a firm stand. Mumbai BJP president Ashish Shelar has castigated his old friend Raj for the offensive remark, telling him that the BJP has never indulged into politics of adjustments. On the other hand, Shiv Sena (UBT) MP Arvind Sawant has congratulated Raj ‘for speaking out the truth.’ But the most pointed barb against Raj has been fired by NCP(Ajit) leader Anand Paranjpe. “MNS contested 138 assembly seats and secured only 1.55% votes without a single win,” he has taunted Raj. The NCP is chagrined since Raj has raised doubts about its winning 41 seats. This free for all will impact the local body elections, likely to be held later this year. Raj has been advised to study the situation seriously and introspect about the defeat of his own son in the Dadar-Mahim constituency in which his family resides.
The Congress party in Maharashtra is in most pitiable condition. It has neither leadership nor focus or has any agenda. Its senior leaders like former chief minister Prithviraj Chavan or Balasaheb Thorat were trounced in the recent assembly election and hence have no voice. State Congress leader Nana Patole is a former BJP MP while leader of the Opposition, Vijay Wadettiwar, has travelled from the Shiv Sena when it was unified. A staunch follower of then chief minister Narayan Rane, he has continued in the Congress but none is certain about his enduring loyalty, given his friendship with chief minister Devendra Fadnavis. The party has had no major victories in western Maharashtra or Marathwada regions. As a result, the organisation is demoralised. For a change, Patole has warned of a state wide agitation against the proposed fare increase by the state transport corporation, the largest public transport undertaking in Asia. However, even Congress workers are unsure if the protest will really take off. They remember how Patole had announced a mass agitation against the state government’s decision to hand over Mahananda, the state dairy behemoth, to Amul via the National Dairy Development Board and how not a whimper was heard later. Over the past two years, the Congress in Maharashtra has shown any signs of life only when party leader Rahul Gandhi has visited. Its headquarters, Tilak Bhavan, in Dadar is an abandoned mansion now. The workers are awaiting the arrival of a saviour to rejuvenate the party.
The attempt to push the ruling into a corner by the Opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi and the saffron alliance’s retaliation is now dominating Maharashtra politics. The Modi government at the Centre has caught the Shiv Sena led by Uddhav Thackeray in a cleft stick by conferring the prestigious Padma Bhushan title on the late Manohar Joshi, who was a Lok Sabha speaker and the state chief minister. Although Joshi occupied such high posts, he was constantly humiliated by the supporters of Uddhav during his twilight years. The NDA government has thus created a quaint situation for Uddhav since he can’t either welcome the decision to decorate Joshi nor oppose it. Taking advantage of the situation, the Sena and the Congress have started a discussion of having a third deputy chief minister in Maharashtra. Although there is no basis for such a possibility since the state already has two deputy CMs, it is becoming embarrassing for the Mahayuti to discount the rumours since it could mean an indirect reflection on two of its leaders, Girish Mahajan of the BJP and Uday Samant of the Sena led by deputy CM Eknath Shinde. but it is generally felt that this is only an attempt to spread disinformation. The political game has gained significance as Sena MP Sanjay Raut has emphatically claimed that Samant has 20 party MLAs behind him. On the other hand, Samant has reiterated his total commitment to Shinde’s leadership. The Opposition has been planning to spread such confusing information to further deepen discontent in the Mahayuti quarters, it is felt.
Social crusader Anna Hazare has released a video clip on the eve of the Delhi assembly election, obliquely criticising AAP chief Arvind Kejriwal by asking the voters to support that party and leader, who believe in public service and sacrifice. Anna had been instrumental in dislodging the UPA government in 2014 by launching an indefinite hunger strike at Jantar Mantar in Delhi. Among his staunchest workers was Kejriwal, who later became the focus of the anti-Congress politics in the national capital. However, Anna had frowned at this development since it was his stand that his followers should keep themselves away from active politics and especially from power games. This position was reversed by Kejriwal in no time and after that, the two have hardly spoken to each other. In the video, which has been mostly ignored by major political parties, Anna has asked the voters to elect only such people who are having a clean character and who wish to work for the people without expecting anything in return. There is a pointed reference to alcohol consumption since Anna says, “One should not take a stand that I drink and help others to drink too.” This is considered quite vocal since Kejriwal is facing several serious charges concerning the liquor license distribution in Delhi. Anna’s decision to break his long silence just before the Delhi election, scheduled for 5 February, has raised eyebrows since Anna himself has faced charges that he was a stooge of certain forces. Anna has never responded to such criticism and has closeted himself in his village in Ahilya Nagar district in north Maharashtra. In the last many years, no political leader has called on him.
A crucial meeting between RSS functionaries and BJP members of the Maharashtra cabinet in Mumbai will go a long way in charting the future path to be adopted by the state government led by chief minister Devendra Fadnavis. The two-day conference was attended by Fadnavis and state BJP president Chandrakant Bawankule, who is also the revenue minister. The ministers were told in no uncertain terms that their priority will be to serve the public and to maintain a clean image. Moreover, special arrangements should be in place to cater to the work connected with various individuals and organizations under the Sangh Parivar umbrella. The NDA’s unprecedented success in the state assembly election held recently is mainly attributed to the ground work done by RSS activists all over Maharashtra, especially to mobilise pro-Hindutva vote. Although the RSS has not taken any credit for this spectacular feat publicly, those working for the BJP candidly acknowledge the saffron organisation’s debt. A tentative agenda for the way ahead has been prepared for the ministers and discussed with them by top RSS representatives. Subsequently, it will be finalized as its importance will impact the local body elections, likely to be held in the near future. Like the assembly election, the BJP will dominate the candidate lists for the local bodies, too, it is expected. Accordingly, the two partners, the Shiv Sena led by deputy CM Eknath Shinde and the NCP under deputy Ajit Pawar, will have to be accommodated in the Mahayuti formula for the ensuring electoral bout, it is suggested.
Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) chief Ajit Pawar has come under fire from firebrand leader Chhagan Bhujbal, who has lashed at the party’s ‘monopolistic’ style of functioning. Bhujbal’s outburst at the NCP’s Shirdi conclave and his distancing from Pawar by not even greeting him has sent warning signals within the party as the OBC proponent is among the senior most colleagues of Ajit. When veteran Sharad Pawar was attacked prior to the split in the NCP, it was Bhujbal who took up cudgels on behalf of Ajit and alleged that the latter was always sidelined. During the recent assembly election, Bhujbal’s importance was underscored following his spirited pro-OBC statements since it became evident that the OBCs had wholeheartedly voted for the NDA of which NCP(A) is a constituent. However, the picture suddenly changed when Bhujbal was not inducted in the government led by Devendra Fadnavis. The discord grew when Bhujbal maintained that Fadnavis wanted him in the cabinet but the NCP decided otherwise. So far, Ajit Pawar has not reacted at all to Bhujbal’s grievance even once. Hence, Bhujbal’s complaint that there was no collective decision making in the NCP is interpreted as a cautionary sign. NCP top leader Praful Patel has tried to quell it by announcing that internal talks will be held to exactly understand the issue. But this relief has not satisfied Bhujbal, who has declared that he will decide his course of action soon.
The rift in the powerful Pawar family appears to be widening despite persistent speculation that patriarch Sharad Pawar and his estranged nephew Ajit Pawar are likely to patch up eventually. Pawar’s recent kudos showered on the RSS cadres and his restrained reaction to various political developments have proved intriguing for his followers and detractors alike. On the other hand, Ajit’s frequent absence from important events in the state and especially at a function graced by RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat have added grist to the rumour mill. Against this backdrop, the body language of Pawar and his daughter Supriya Sule at a Pune dais with Ajit present alongside is considered quite vocal. Not a single word was exchanged between them during an agro exhibition at Baramati. The main event and the lunch thereafter were touted as possible venues for a handshake, which did not take place. The organisers had placed the chairs of Pawar and Ajit apart, perhaps to avert any discomfiture for either. Ajit and his wife Sunetra, Rajya Sabha member, were felicitated by Supriya but there was no verbal exchange. She rued the refusal by Ajit to talk to her. Supriya said that she continued to be in touch with Sunetra, as well as with their two sons. Supriya’s earlier grievance that Devendra Fadnavis would take her calls but not Ajit Pawar is recalled in this connection.
The increasing influx of suspected Bangladeshis in Mumbai and certain parts of the state is causing grave concern. The Maharashtra police have intensified their efforts to identify and round up such infiltrators. However, existing procedure to deal with such infiltrators is such that the accused take benefit of the system and roam freely in India. Last year, over 300 Bangladeshis were arrested in Mumbai alone while more than 900 have been caught over the past three years. Sadly, just 220 of them could be deported due to the legal framework. Almost all of them were holding passports and Aadhar cards or ration cards. A few of them reportedly could vote for the recent Lok Sabha election as well. The Anti Terrorists Squad of the police has now accelerated the drive to weed out such illegally staying Bangladeshis. According to investigators, when such migrants are produced in court, they are able to secure temporary relief on technical grounds. Once protected by court orders, they indulge in various activities. A majority of them are said to be construction workers or plumbers. The ATS has now started writing to banks to freeze their accounts. Similarly, various state authorities like the transport and rationing departments are asked to cancel their driving licenses or ration cards. It has transpired that there is a systematic chain which manages different formalities so that the migrants can obtain official seal. Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis has termed this development as a Vote Jihad and asked the police to crack down ruthlessly.
Top Congress leader Vijay Wadettiwar has extended good wishes to Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis by obliquely suggesting him “to succeed Prime Minister Narendra Modi.” He, moreover, said Fadnavis has the ability, performance and courage. The veiled feeler has come at a moment when the Congress party in the state is almost leaderless. Wadettiwar is a former disciple of the then Shiv Sena’s and later BJP’s leader Narayan Rane. He followed Rane in the Congress party from the Sena and stayed on even after his mentor had followed the BJP. Wadettiwar is known for his antagonism towards state Congress president Nana Patole, a former BJP MP. Wadettiwar’s proposition was expressed at an anniversary function to remember the state’s second CM Marotrao Kannamwar at his birthplace, Chandrapur. In his acerbic speech, Wadettiwar did not feel shy of attacking Patole and Sena (UBT) MP Sanjay Raut for the drubbing the Maha Vikas Aghadi suffered in the assembly election. Wadettiwar expressed suspicion that MVA was deliberately kept unprepared for the hustings and blamed Patole and Raut for the delay and the defeat. Fadnavis did not react to Wadettiwar’s encomium while lauding the contribution of Kannamwar. The absence of former finance minister Sudhir Mungantiwar from the function in his hometown and Wadettiwar’s frank praise for Fadanvis are seen as suggestive of the shape of the things to come since the two leaders have been political competitors for a long time.
The three-party Opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) appears to be heading towards yet another upheaval. The reason is said to be veteran leader Sharad Pawar’s displeasure with the Congress and the Shiv Sena led by Uddhav Thackeray because both the partners have shown little interest in working together against the NDA government led by BJP leader Devendra Fadnavis. Even as the INDIA bloc is still to recover from the shock administered by Uddhav with his announcement of backing the Aam Aadmi Party in Delhi assembly elections, Pawar’s discontent is finding whispers among his followers. The Congress party is still to react to Uddhav’s stance but several prominent workers from all three parties have started speaking against the two other partners. The reason is that not a single serious post-election meeting of MVA has taken place after the assembly debacle to discuss the fallout. Secondly, there is no concerted action plan against the Fadnavis government. On the other hand, there are reports that some NDA leaders have approached at least half a dozen MPs from Sharad Pawar’s NCP to join the saffron alliance. Overall, the already weak Opposition in Maharashtra is appearing shaky and doddering more and more. Untimely utterances by old timers like Prithviraj Chavan have only added to the bitterness. Pawar’s anger will prove very costly electorally for MVA since local body elections across the state are likely to take place any moment. Hence, Pawar’s next move is awaited by the opposition and the ruling side equally eagerly
Shirdi Sai Baba temple in north Maharashtra is a major pilgrimage centre for numerous devotees in India but it, too, is not impervious to political give and takes. The Shirdi temple administration’s practice of distributing free food to over 50,000 people daily has been criticised by former BJP MP Sujay Vikhe Patil. He has demanded immediate stoppage to this daily occurrence by the administration, which works under a board of trustees appointed by the state government. The food distribution has been going on for a long time. Hence, Vikhe’s timing to raise the demand has perplexed many. Vikhe has said that free food attracts a large number of beggars, many of them from around the country. The expenditure for the food distribution is met from the donations of the devotees. “Stop this practice and spend the money for sculpting the future of children, on their education,” he has asked the board. Warning of an agitation if this is not stopped forthwith, Vikhe has lamented the dismal level of academic standard imparted at an educational complex developed in Shirdi by the administration at a huge expenditure. Vikhe has also demanded concessional rates for meals served to the devotees. His views on the free food have been resented by Akshay Maharaj Bhosale, a leader of the Shiv Sena’s Dharmaveer Adhyatmic wing. The devotees thronging the temple should not be termed beggars, he has quipped. He has advised Vikhe to contact deputy CM Eknath Shinde in case the scion of one of most powerful families in the state has any problem with the Shirdi tradition.
Embattled minister Dhananjay Munde has generated a political logjam in Maharashtra as even while facing fresh verbal attacks day in and day out, he is refusing to resign. Munde, a confidant of deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar, belongs to Vanjari community, a prominent OBC section. The NCP led by Pawar is already in the dock owing to the deputy CM’s silence over the entire sordid Beed chain of events as well as his refusal to sack Munde from the Mahayuti government. In fact, symptoms of friction between the BJP and the NCP (Ajit) over the Beed lawlessness events have started coming out in the open. The reason is some reckless statements made by BJP’s MLA Suresh Dhas, elected from Ashti in Beed district. A seasoned political figure, Dhas is a Maratha, who has been talking openly against Munde and his cousin Pankaja, both cabinet ministers in the state. In one of his speeches, Dhas attacked Pawar and the home department, held by CM Devendra Fadnavis for not removing Munde. While there is silence in the BJP camp over the utterances, Ajit’s party spokesman Sooraj Chavan has warned Dhas that such outbursts can create complications for the alliance.. “Attempts to defame Ajit Dada will be met with retaliation,” he has warned, while urging Fadnavis to rein in the MLA. The atmosphere is becoming murky since both deputy CMs, Eknath Shinde and Ajit Pawar, are avoiding making any statement over the ongoing Beed developments.
Senior BJP leader Ravindra Chavan’s anointment as the next possible Maharashtra BJP president has sent warning signals for the supporters of deputy chief minister Eknath Shinde, once again indicating internecine power play within the ruling Mahayuti alliance. Chavan’s name has been announced as the state in-charge by outgoing president Chandrashekhar Bawankule. The reshuffle was expected ever since Chavan was not included in the cabinet while Bawankule was asked to contest the assembly election which he has won. Chavan was a minister in the previous Shinde government, holding the public works department, considered a prominent position in the state hierarchy. The tussle between Shinde and Chavan is based in Thane district from which both have been getting elected time and again. In the recent assembly election, the BJP bagged nine seats while Shinde’s Shiv Sena won six. Chavan’s contribution in this handsome victory was lauded by chief minister Devendra Fadnavis by visiting Thane for a party function. This gesture has made Shinde’s supporters jittery since local body elections are expected to be held in the near future. Thane has always remained a matter of tension between the Sena and the BJP, from the days of Balasaheb Thackeray. So far, Shinde has prevailed but the assembly results have changed the picture. Chavan was elected to the assembly for the first time in 2009. Under his tutelage, the BJP has been performing well in the district. A formal announcement about Chavan’s appointment as state BJP chief is expected soon.
Nationalist Congress Party (Sharad Pawar) MLA Uttam Jankar has made a sensational allegation regarding the recent assembly election results in Maharashtra. After calling on Pawar in Baramati on Sunday, Jankar said the Mahayuti alliance had won just 107 seats in the 288-member house though the official results have placed the number at 237. Jankar had shot to fame recently when he had announced a ballot paper voting in Markadwadi village in his Malshiras assembly constituency in Solapur district. The move was abandoned after it was disallowed by the authorities, deploying massive police bandobast. Undeterred, Jankar has reiterated his suspicion of the EVMs and has warned that he will take up the issue with the EC, Pawar and Congress leader Rahul Gandhi. The objections against the EVMs have been repeatedly rejected by the EC and the Supreme Court. Pawar himself and his daughter Supriya Sule, MP, have desisted from making any adverse observations about the election process. Still, certain INDIA bloc leaders persist in raking up the issue. Jankar has created sensation by charging that rival NCP’s leader Ajit Pawar had lost the election from the prestigious Baramati constituency in actuality but was declared elected by the EC by a thumping margin. Jankar said the results in nearly 150 constituencies were open to such suspicions. He demanded that the VVPAT slips should be given to the voter for dropping into the ballot box and should not drop automatically.
Leaders and thinkers from Maharashtra describe the state as the cradle of progressivism and rationalism. But the current discomfiture attached to a palatial bungalow in south Mumbai and a cabin in Mantralaya are proving amusing for the pall of superstition they have spread. At the centre of the controversy is the historic ‘Ramtek’ bungalow in Mumbai’s posh Malabar Hill area. Ramtek has been tagged as ‘unlucky’ for its occupants. And history is quoted to bolster this claim. The first such victim was then deputy chief minister Gopinath Munde, who lived in Ramtek between 1995 and 1999, never to return. Soon after becoming a Union minister in 2014, he died in a car accident in Delhi. If a bungalow is perceived to be unlucky, a mere cabin, too, is seen with apprehension. Though just a cabin in Mantralaya, Room 602 is viewed as jinxed. Presently used by a bunch of bureaucrats, ministers are reluctant to move into it. In this list, Chhagan Bhujbal is at the top since Room 602 was allocated to him in 1999. He was at the time the deputy CM and home minister. Residing in Ramtek, he became the focus of the multi-crore fake stamp paper Telgi Scam. After him, Ajit Pawar started using the cabin but he also had to step down after accusations regarding the irrigation scam started against him. He later returned as deputy CM but kept away from Room 602. The others to be hit are then BJP leader Eknath Khadse, who had to resign after being implicated in a land scam. The next occupant, BJP’s Pandurang Fundkar, died suddenly in 2018. The most recent occupant was then BJP minister Anil Bonde, who lost the assembly election in 2019. Who will occupy Ramtek and Room 602 is watched with considerable interest.
Political attacks against embattled minister Dhananjay Munde and his cousin Pankaja Munde, a cabinet minister in Maharashtra, are becoming more and more damaging for the Mahayuti government since they indirectly target the law and order situation in the state. The state’s atmosphere has been in a spin ever since a village sarpanch in the district, Santosh Deshmukh, was brutally murdered 19 days ago. The flurry of allegations was started by Beed district BJP MLA Suresh Dhas. Now, another MLA from the district, Prakash Solanke, who belongs to the NCP led by deputy CM Ajit Pawar, has joined the melee. Both have demanded that Beed’s situation will not improve unless chief minister Devendra Fadnavis himself accepts the responsibility as its guardian minister. This is seen as an oblique criticism of Munde. Incidentally, both have attracted ire from within the Mahayuti since Ajit Pawar’s spokesman Amol Mitkari has charged that it is a smear campaign to damage the reputations of Dhananjay and Pankaja. Till now, Fadnavis as well as deputy CMs Eknath Shinde and Ajit Pawar have been maintaining that the guilty will be punished. However, the police department’s failure to nab the three absconding suspects has pushed the Fadnavis government in the dock. Of the three, Walmik Karad, is closest to Dhananjay. Pictures of them hugging each other have gone viral. Dhananjay has admitted their intimacy but has claimed that those responsible for the murder of Santosh Deshmukh deserve severest punishment. This stance has not pacified the local people, who will hold a protest march to demand immediate action by the authorities.
Even as the dust is settling over the internecine acrimony about the allocation of portfolios in the ruling Mahayuti alliance, a new wave of one-upmanship has erupted about the appointment of guardian ministers. As there are more than two or three claimants to grab the powerful position, the competition is intense. Moreover, as there are 36 districts in Maharashtra while the number of ministers is 41, it is obvious that some of them will be ejected out of the race. Another major issue of contention is the guardianship of Pune and Thane districts, which are politically very important for every party. In Pune, deputy CM Ajit Pawar was the guardian minister under the government of Eknath Shinde till recently. Now, the BJP and the Shiv Sena (Shinde) feel it is their turn to occupy the position. Similarly, in Thane, deputy CM Shinde wishes to become the district guardian minister. However, the BJP is keen to obtain the turn this time. Senior BJP minister Ganesh Naik and Shinde have been at loggerheads for long and the tussle between the two seems unavoidable. In neighbouring Raigad district, NCP(Ajit) boss Sunil Tatkare’s daughter Aditi is trying to retain the responsibility though Shinde’s supporter Bharat Gogawale is determined to wrest it from her. Sambhaji Nagar, another sensitive district, is claimed by Shinde’s soldier Sanjay Shirsat while BJP’s powerful minister Atul Save, too, is considered a strong claimant. Chief minister Devendra Fadnavis is now busy untangling the rider.
Controversial minister Dhananjay Munde is now facing public ire over the murder of Massajog village sarpanch, Santosh Deshmukh, last week in Beed district. Allegations abound regarding Munde’s close associate Walmik Karad being the mastermind of the gruesome broad daylight killing in Beed district, the fiefdom of the Munde clan for several years. Chief minister Devendra Fadnavis has announced a judicial inquiry into the shocking incident and has replaced the district police chief. However, as this could not pacify the local people, deputy CM Ajit Pawar visited the village immediately after the legislature’s winter session was over as Munde is one of his staunch supporters in the NCP. Pawar was greeted with demands to remove Munde from the council of ministers. The situation has a caste angle as the deceased Deshmukh was a Maratha while Munde and Karad belong to the Vanjari community, a prominent OBC section. Pawar now has been asked by a Maratha delegation to forthwith remove Munde from the cabinet. A memorandum submitted to Pawar has levelled serious allegations against Munde. When Pawar reached Beed to interact with the Deshmukh family, he promised the bereaved that no guilty would be spared. However, the villagers were angry since Ajit Pawar did not meet them. Munde’s absence from the legislature for the last three days and the refusal of his cousin Pankaja to comment on the incident, too, have added to the gravity of the situation. Munde is expected to come out with his version so#WalmikKarad
The Thursday (Dec 19) visit of BJP and Shiv Sena (Shinde) MLAs to the RSS headquarters in Nagpur has become a hot political topic though there are other reasons, too, for intense politicking. Firstly, the MLAs belonging to the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) led by deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar did not join the event. Secondly, those disgruntled due to their non-inclusion in the council of ministers have started expressing their anger openly. Like earlier two occasions, Ajit Pawar and most of his followers distanced themselves from the visit organized by chief minister Devendra Fadnavis. The presence of former CM Eknath Shinde and his MLAs proved to be another highlight. However, the discontent brewing within Mahayuti on other counts is now becoming more vocal. Political heavyweight Chhagan Bhujbal was the first to articulate it. His open criticism of Ajit Pawar surprised many since he had stayed by the side of Pawar all through. Now, there are reports that some of Bhujbal’s supporters want him to join the BJP to end his political wilderness. So far, Bhujbal has maintained that he is with the NCP (Ajit). The other notable leader to become the subject of political speculation is the legislative council’s deputy chairperson Neelam Gorhe. Her detractors, mainly the recent Sena (UBT) entrant Sushama Andhare, have started hinting at Gorhe’s plans to go with the BJP. Gorhe, too, has not reacted to the talk. Ajit’s sudden disappearance for two days from the winter session only added grist to the grapevine. His explanation that he was down with a throat infection is hardly swallowed. More murmurs are expected to be heard once Fadnavis announces the allocation of the portfolios.
The Shiv Sena led by Uddhav Thackeray has started preparing for the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) election, expected to take place early next year. This will be the fight for political survival for Thackeray because the Sena has been in power in India’s richest civic body since 1985. Taking stock of the situation, other political parties, too, have begun their planning. The picture this time will be fundamentally different since the BJP has emerged as the largest party in the state after the assembly election. Its estrangement with the Sena (UBT), which split in 2022 owing to Eknath Shinde’s decision to walk out of it, will be a major factor in the coming election in which the Congress will be an insignificant player, given its lacklustre performance in Mumbai and the state as a whole. Equally exasperating is the condition of the state Congress committee as its president Nana Patole is perceived as an ineffective leader by the rank and file. The BMC’s last election saw the Sena winning 84 seats in the 227-member house while the BJP had captured 82. Owing to the alliance ethics, the BJP had made no effort to bag the mayoralty of the financial capital of India. However, the BJP is not prepared to take any chance this time and a decision about its Mumbai president is likely to be taken soon. Sitting chief Ashish Shelar is among the hopefuls though his inclusion in the council of ministers could be a decisive factor in the final choice.
The swearing-in ceremony of the council of ministers of chief minister Devendra Fadnavis held in Nagpur on Sunday (Dec 15) will be remembered for various interesting features. While such a ceremony has taken place in the second capital of Maharashtra after a gap of 33 years, the focal point of that time, Chhagan Bhujbal in 1991, was conspicuous by his absence since his name was not in the list of the ministers of the second Mahayuti government. Similarly, prominent names like Sudhir Mungantiwar of the BJP and Dilip Walse Patil of the NCP (Ajit) were found missing though Walse, the former assembly speaker, was seen in the front row of the invitees. As announced by deputy CM Ajit Pawar, the term of all the ministers will be of two and a half years. Each has signed an undertaking accepting the condition. This, too, has happened for the first time. The rationale behind the stipulation is that since there are many hopefuls to become minister, some of the present will be asked to work for the organisation so that certain new faces can be accommodate at that future date. Barring a minister or two, all of them took oath in the name of God. Senior minister Mangal Prabhat Lodha was the lone inductee to take oath in Sanskrit. The Fadnavis team has four women, a sort of record since the outgoing government had only Aditi Tatkare, as a minister of state. Hence, the much talked-about ‘Laadki Bahin’ Scheme had been identified with her, making her victory in the assembly election easier.
On the day the new ministerial team was being sworn in at Nagpur, another important development was unfolding in Mumbai on Sunday (Dec 15). The two Thackeray cousins, Uddhav and Raj, attended a family function at a five-star hotel in the suburbs though it is not said that they did not hold a conversation, or even shook hands. The event was a function related to the wedding of Shaunak Patankar, a nephew of Rashmi Thackeray. She made it a point to welcome brother in law Raj, who has estranged from the family since 2006. Shaunak’s father Shridhar is Rashmi’s brother. Although supporters of both leaders maintain that not much should be read in the development, many of them have been insisting in private that the two Thackeray cousins should join hands to create a strong pro-Marathi force again. However, there are many ifs and buts. Uddhav’s animosity towards the BJP and Raj’s reiteration that he will follow the saffron line in the future will be the two decisive points. The last time they met was when Uddhav was hospitalised and Raj had driven him for the treatment. Barring this meeting, they have avoided each other in public. However, as nothing is impossible in politics, both leaders will be under a scanner from both sides, the Maha Vikas Aghadi and the Mahayuti.
Veteran leader Sharad Pawar has once again monopolised the centre stage following reports that a top leader of his party has held talks with a prominent BJP Union minister in Delhi. The political grapevine is buzzing with different versions since the meeting is believed to have occurred at industrialist Gautam Adani’s Delhi residence. In fact, Pawar started hitting the headlines on Thursday (Dec 12) morning as the news that his nephew Ajit Pawar and a couple of other NCP (Ajit) leaders had reached the patriarch’s residence. Ajit later said that being a family member, he had greeted his uncle on his birthday and nothing unusual should be read in the visit. Ajit was accompanied by Praful Patel and Sunil Tatkare, both very close to Sharad Pawar till the recent split in the NCP. The name of Adani added grist to the gossip since the industrialist had visited Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis just a couple of days ago in Mumbai. The Adani group continues to BE target of Congress leader Rahul Gandhi and Shiv Sena party chief Uddhav Thackeray. In the past too, Adani has been meeting Pawar off and on. The presence of Fadnavis in Delhi on Thursday proved to be another trigger to speculate that the political scene of Maharashtra was likely to undergo another overhaul. Pawar’s hot and cold relationship with Prime Minister Narendra Modi has always remained an intrigue. Hence, his followers are unable to predict which way he can turn.
Shiv Sena leader Uddhav Thackeray’s plans to attend the Winter Session of the Maharashtra legislature beginning from December 16 at Nagpur will prove to be a game changer, his followers feel. Thackeray’s continued distance from the state legislative council proceedings over the past year are discussed by his party members in hushed tones since the aggressive direction needed to corner the BJP-led three-party government somehow lacks as far as his Sena is concerned. Council’s leader of the Opposition Ambadas Danve (of the Sena UBT) lacks the image and articulation which are vital for any LoP to humble the ruling side. Now that the new government led by Devendra Fadnavis has decided to appoint former CM Eknath Shinde as leader of the upper house, Danve’s limitations will be felt more vividly. Thackeray’s intermittent presence in the council ever since he resigned as chief minister in 2022 has been noted more due to his statements outside the house. He has hardly made any worthwhile speech on the floor. Therefore, his plans to remain present for the Winter Session have revived the hopes of his followers, who wish to witness his attacks against the BJP and the Sena led by Shinde. It is being recalled that Thackeray did not attend the recent three-day session of the legislature in Mumbai, held after the assembly elections. According to present indications, Thackeray will reach Nagpur well in time for the week-long session, which will be a stormy affair, focussing on settling political scores.
Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis is now engaged in performing a balancing act between the Shiv Sena led by deputy CM Eknath Shinde and the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) founded by Raj Thackeray. Keeping in view the coming local body elections, it will be a priority for Fadnavis to prevent any fissures in the Mahayuti alliance and to enhance its electoral might at the same time. As part of this strategy, MNS can become a crucial factor in bigger municipal corporations like Mumbai, Pune and Nasik. The Sena (UBT) still has considerable clout in these areas and any split in the Mahayuti vote bank can prove decisive for the outcome since the winning margin can be very narrow, given the possibility of multicolour fights. MNS chief Raj Thackeray had taken a unilateral decision to contest the assembly election for which he had fielded 125 candidates. But not a single victory came his way. Immediately after the BJP’s spectacular score was announced, Raj announced his unconditional support for the new government led by Fadnavis. On the other hand, the Sena led by Shinde is insistent that no decision about MNS should be taken without first holding consultations with him. Therefore, Fadnavis will have to wield his political skills to the hilt to keep the flock together. Shinde’s uneasiness in accepting the deputy CM’s post is no secret. Hence, placating and persuading him to accept the MNS will be the next priority for Fadnavis.
Veteran leader Sharad Pawar has raised a question mark over the assembly election outcome in Maharashtra but has desisted from making any direct allegations against the EVMs or the Election Commission. Pawar’s observation has come against the backdrop of his visit to Markadwadi in Solapur district. Some of the villagers had organised a paper ballot polling in the village to protest against the EC’s declared voting figures. However, the move was abandoned after the government banned any such attempt. Pawar visited the village to articulate the people’s right to express discontent against the government since cases have been filed against around 200 villagers in connection with the protest. About the assembly results, Pawar said his party candidates had received 72 lakh votes but could win only 10 seats. On the other hand, the NCP faction led by Ajit Pawar had recorded 58 lakh votes but it won 41 seats. A party getting 80 lakh votes has just 15 winners while the other party gaining 79 lakh votes has 57 successful candidates, Pawar pointed out. However, he said although the outcome was surprising, it would not be proper to comment about the EVMs until there was a solid basis. Pawar also expressed his misgivings by stating that opposition parties were winning smaller states while bigger states were won by the BJP. Still, the Maha Vikas Aghadi has decided to face the coming local body election together, Pawar reiterated. His refusal to join the anti-EVM chorus triggered by the Congress party is being interpreted differently by the other two MVA partners, the Shiv Sena led by Uddhav Thackeray and the Congress.
Disregarding the voting pattern in the Lok Sabha election earlier this year, the BJP has won 14 seats in the Maharashtra assembly election in Muslim-dominated constituencies. This score is more remarkable since the Vote Jihad campaign was a talking point during the electioneering for the fiercely fought battle for the reins of the state. Interestingly, the BJP did not have a single Muslim candidate. Still, all its winning candidates in such constituencies have been elected with huge margins. In the Lok Sabha election, Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) was leading in 155 assembly segments against Mahayuti 125. Mahayuti, the ruling saffron alliance, bagged 21 seats out of the 38 segments identified as having a majority Muslim population. This fact has astounded the self-appointed analysts, most of whom had predicted a re-run of the Lok Sabha pattern. The opposition MVA could capture 14 seats in these areas with the Shiv Sena led by Uddhav Thackeray winning six, followed by the Congress which managed to win five though the minority vote is considered its vote bank. The NCP under Sharad Pawar has won three seats whereas the Samajwadi Party has got two and the AIMIM just one. According to the last census of 2011, the Muslim population in the state was over 11.50% or around 1.30 crore. At least six of the assembly constituencies house more than 20% Muslim voters. All these seats have voted in favour of the BJP. This election has revealed several intriguing facts, defying expert clichés based on the statistics of castes, sub-castes and religion.
Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) leader Raj Thackeray has once again made a surprising move, joining the chorus against the Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs). Immediately after the results of the state assembly election started pouring in, the Shiv Sena led by Uddhav Thackeray and some state Congress worthies began complaining about the so-called discrepancies between the EVM vote figures at 5 pm and the final tally. Although senior leader Sharad Pawar took a cautious position by declaring that he will comment only after some solid data is available, the anti-EVM protests kept on swelling. This did not dampen even after the Supreme Court dismissed a petition demanding returning to the old paper ballot system. MNS is the latest to join the campaign. While the ruling Mahayuti has swept the polls, the three MVA partners are reduced to minuscule numbers in the 288-member assembly. MNS had fielded around 125 candidates but failed to get even a single seat. The most humiliating defeat was of Raj Thackeray’s son Amit, whose electoral debut was watched with considerable interest. Raj has been ambivalent on and off about his relationship with the BJP. In 2014, he supported Prime Minister Narendra Modi wholeheartedly but became his critic in 2019. In the Lok Sabha election this year, he stood wholeheartedly with the BJP but for the assembly, he decided to go alone. Despite this, he said, he will be supporting the NDA. Hence, his attack against the EVMs has come as a surprise.
The next legislative assembly in Maharashtra may have to function without a recognised leader of the opposition (LoP) unless the ruling Mahayuti decides to grant the status to one of the Maha Vikas Aghadi partners as a political favour to the other side. This situation has arisen since none of the opposition parties has been able to secure the minimum 29 seats in the lower house required to gain the status of the LoP, as is required by rules and precedents. The piquant legislative logjam is created as the BJP-led Mahayuti coalition has won a landslide victory, bagging 233 seats in the house of 288 seats. On the opposition side, the Shiv Sena led by Uddhav Thackeray has obtained just 20 out of 95 seats it contested. The Congress being the largest partner of the MVA had contested 103 seats but won only 16. Veteran leader Sharad Pawar’s NCP is the worst sufferer with barely 10 seats. In the past, various small opposition parties would form a group that would be recognised by the speaker to grant LoP status. Such an understanding took place in Maharashtra in 1986 when socialists Mrinal Gore and Nihal Ahmed and PWP’s Datta Patil were made LoP though they had very few members each. But such a gesture was not shown by the Modi government in the Lok Sabha in 2014 and 2019. Hence what happens in Maharashtra will depend upon both sides.
For the first time perhaps, the judiciary has been held responsible for an electoral rout. Shiv Sena (UBT) Rajya Sabha MP Sanjay Raut has been blaming the former Chief Justice of India DY Chandrachud for his party’s electoral defeat. The Sena spokesman has also attacked the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh for the Maha Vikas Aghadi’s decimation in the Maharashtra assembly election in which the opposition has been reduced to a minuscule presence. In the 288 member house, 236 members will belong to the treasury (BJP-Shiv Sena-NCP) benches. Enraged at the poll outcome, Raut retorted while referring to the various petitions pending in the Supreme Court in regard to proceedings against certain MLAs in Maharashtra that Chandrachud had emboldened the defectors by not deciding on the disqualification pleas against them. Raut said the former CJI’s name will be written in black ink in India’s history. Taking a swipe at the RSS, he said the Sangh played a key role in the campaign. The poisonous campaign it conducted hit us adversely. Harping upon the BJP’s so-called Gujarat connection, he advised that the swearing-in ceremony of the new government should be held in the neighbouring state. “If it is held at Shivaji Park, it will be an insult to Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj and if held at Wankhede Stadium, it will be a disrespect to the memory of the 105 martyrs who laid down their lives for the demand for Samyukta Maharashtra movement,” he quipped. Sena’s mouthpiece Saamna also has lashed at the thumping majority of Mahayuti. It is edited by Sanjay Raut.
Increased voting by women and a comparatively lower turnout of the Muslims for the Maharashtra assembly elections are likely to be the two major factors which can tilt the outcome of the crucial battle that will conclude on Saturday evening. These two trends have been commented upon repeatedly by several analysts while making a comparison with the Lok Sabha election’s voting pattern. As the turnout for this election has been the highest at more than 66% over the past three decades, both sides are claiming that it will benefit their candidates. For instance, deputy chief minister Devendra Fadnavis has suggested that the Laadki Bahin Yojana was one reason for the handsome response of women, who would support the Mahayuti nominees. The opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) failed to gauge the potency of the scheme whereby eligible women receive Rs 1500 per month from the state. Both sides have promised to enhance the provision after watching the unprecedented welcome it has received. Similarly, the lack of enthusiasm of Muslim voters as compared with the Lok Sabha voting complexion has emerged as another important factor for the final outcome. At least a dozen Lok Sabha seats went to MVA owing to en bloc minority voting. In Dhule, while the other five assembly segments supported the Mahayuti, voting in the Malegaon assembly changed the picture and the seat went to MVA. In view of such aspects, the results are awaited eagerly.
As the term of the present Maharashtra assembly ends on 26 November, the political calculations to capture power will have to be finalised within just 48 hours once the results are out. This has heightened the suspense about the outcome of the election since the richest state of India will play a crucial role in shaping the national political future. A mandate in Maharashtra will strengthen the prospects of both the ruling Mahayuti and the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA). The state saw a brief spell of President’s Rule in 2019 as none of the claimants was ready to form a government within the deadline. Making preparations to avert any such eventuality, Mahayuti and MVA planners have booked dozens of rooms in five star hotels in Mumbai for the possible winners. Moreover, chartered planes and helicopters have also been booked in readiness to ensure the availability of the future MLAs. Another precaution is to keep them under watch so that sides are not changed at the eleventh hour. But the Lok Sabha results changed the picture as MVA won 30 out of the 48 seats. The exit polls for the assembly election have predicted a keen race, making it imperative for both sides to count on each vote. Therefore, the 48 hours after the results will become the game changer.
If rising onion prices decided the election outcome in many states some decades ago, falling soybean prices could impact the outcome in around 70 assembly constituencies in Maharashtra. Hence, Prime Minister Narendra Modi as well as Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge, representing two ends of the political spectrum, are found promising farmers of much higher rates, but only after they are elected on 20 November. The sensitive constituencies are spread in Marathwada and Vidarbha regions, where cotton and soybean are the main cash crops. The current market rate of Rs 4000 per quintal is unacceptable to the growers though they have no choice but to sell the produce as it can’t be stored for long. The MSP is Rs 4800 but not enough stocks are lifted by the machinery. The ruling saffron alliance has been promising better tariffs. The government hiked the soybean import duty in a bid to jack up the prices but the hike was of only around Rs 400, still leaving a gap of the same amount. Sensing the distress and the government’s inability to make any major announcement, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi has promised Rs 6000 per quintal of the legume. To go a step further, Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge has pledged to pay Rs 7000. Shiv Sena leader Uddhav Thackeray has also joined the chorus. The two regions had by and large supported the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi during the Lok Sabha election. Hence, Mahayuti leaders are wary of saying anything that can dampen their prospects.
Veteran leader Sharad Pawar finds commonality between Vote Jihad and a particular section of the people voting for the BJP. Explaining his stand, the NCP founder said it was seen in Pune that the BJP was consistently supported by a certain segment (read Brahmin) in some areas. We expect this to happen though don’t call it Vote Jihad, he remarked. According to Pawar, if such voting patterns happen, it is the right of every community to vote as per its choice. He again charged that deputy chief minister Devendra Fadnavis had raised the issue of Vote Jihad. Pawar’s jab was directed at those specific areas of Pune where Brahmin population is dominant and mostly BJP candidates are elected from such localities. Time and again, Pawar has been accused of creating the bogey of caste with an eye on electoral gains by engineering a rift between sections of the electorate. In support of his contention, Pawar said slogans like ‘batenge toh katenge also fall in the same category as they have a communal shade. He alleged that the issue has been cropped up by the ruling dispensation as it is desperate at the bleak prospect in the assembly election, after the Lok Sabha rout. Fadanvis had condemned the Vote Jihad philosophy after cleric Sajjan Nomani released a list of the Maha Vikas Aghadi candidates and asked the Muslims to vote for them.
Maharashtra chief minister Eknath Shinde, deputy CM Devendra Fadnavis and former CM Uddhav Thackeray have started singing the same tune. They keep on telling the media, “I am not hankering for Maharashtra’s chief ministership.” Over the past few days, the three leaders have been interviewed by leading dailies and news channels. Each has been repeatedly asked about his prospects to be the next CM. In response, each has reiterated that a decision about this issue will be taken after the assembly election results on 23 November. The issue had become a hot topic soon after the Lok Sabha election when Uddhav Sena’s spokesman Sanjay Raut publicly suggested to Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) to project his leader as the next CM. The move was immediately scuttled since veteran leader Sharad Pawar of NCP and state Congress president Nana Patole rejected it. Now that the polls are away in just four days, the issue has been resurrected. Shinde has predicted that the ruling Mahayuti will win around 160 seats in the 288-member house. Fadnavis has been consistently saying that the issue will be decided by Shinde, BJP’s Central leaders and another deputy CM, Ajit Pawar. This stance of the three top leaders in Maharashtra is interpreted as a precaution to ensure that the boat is not rocked at the opportune time.
Maharashtra’s deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar has raised apprehensions about his future moves, once again. Over the past few days, Ajit has betrayed his ambivalence about the way campaigning is proceeding in Maharashtra. While this is being commented upon, his absence at the final rally of Prime Minister Narendra Modi at Shivaji Park in Mumbai on November 14 has been noted with concern within the ruling Mahayuti. Neither Ajit nor any of his NCP’s candidates turned up for the PM’s rally organised by chief minister Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena and the BJP. As Ajit failed to appear on the dais, the media attention has focussed on his possible calculations after the assembly poll results are out on 23 November. Already, he has rubbed Shinde and deputy CM Devendra Fadnavis the wrong way by objecting to UP CM Yogi Adityanath’s slogan batenge toh katenge. Ajit had observed that such slogans will not work in Maharashtra, whose culture was different from that of UP. Ajit’s insistence on fielding former minister Nawab Malik from Mankhurd-Shivaji Nagar constituency in Mumbai despite the BJP’s open objections had created some strain within the Mahayuti. Now, Malik has told the saffron formation that Ajit’s NCP will not be a part of the next government if Yuti’s campaign strategy is not changed. Ajit’s another confidant, Dilip Walse Patil had said a few days ago that some fresh combination can occur after the election. Ajit has not refuted neither statement. Hence, he is under close observation by the other two partners of Mahayuti.
Maharashtra Navnirman Sena leader Raj Thackeray has confidently predicted that Devendra Fadnavis will return as the next chief minister of the state. Raj made this statement while making a candid disclosure about his son Amit’s candidature from Dadar-Mahim assembly constituency in Mumbai. Raj has stated unambiguously that he had supported the decision taken by Amit to contest from the constituency, considered the stronghold of both factions of the Shiv Sena and MNS. As sitting MLA Sada Sarvankar of the Sena (Shinde) has refused to withdraw, there will be a triangular fight among the three Senas, a novel feature of the coming election. The fight will be live since the BJP had publicly appealed to Sarvankar and Shinde to yield. After their refusal, city BJP president Ashish Shelar has pledged the party’s support to Amit. A recent angle to the jumble is Raj’s fulsome praise for Fadnavis. In a TV interview, Raj said, “Fadnavis possesses the best political and technical sense. His combination with Eknath Shinde is excellent. After the election, Mahayuti will return to power with Fadnavis as chief minister.” The announcement by Uddhav Thackeray that he will not hold a campaign rally in the constituency though he has a candidate there and Raj’s silence about Aaditya Thackeray during the MNS rally in Worli are contributing to the intrigue. The intensity will increase as Raj has castigated cousin Uddhav for the present mess in the state politics due to defectors.
The ruling Mahayuti (BJP-Shiv Sena-NCP) and the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (Cong-Shiv Sena(UBT)-NCP(SP) have decided to keep both former chief ministers in Maharashtra on hold as a cautionary strategy, indicating that they will open their cards at an opportune time. Both hopefuls, Devendra Fadnavis and Uddhav Thackeray, also have adopted a similar stance though Uddhav had earlier tried to prevail upon the Congress and senior leader Sharad Pawar to project him as the next CM. However, both MVA partners had refused to concede. Now, Pawar has announced that his party will support the leader chosen by the largest of the three parties after the assembly election. According to available statistics, the Congress party is contesting the largest number of seats, 102, leaving 96 for the Shiv Sena under Uddhav and 87 for the NCP led by Pawar. In the Lok Sabha, the Congress strike rate was the most impressive. Hence, the Congress has always maintained its claim as the eldest brother in the MVA formation. Similarly, Fadnavis has been lauded by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union home minister Amit Shah over the past two days. Despite this, Shah has declared that a decision about the next Maharashtra CM will be taken after the outcome is declared. The BJP is contesting 152 seats in the 288 member assembly and over a dozen of its leaders are contesting on behalf of the Sena (Shinde) or NCP (Ajit Pawar). Therefore, its prospects are considered better this time, after the Lok Sabha drubbing.
Former BJP MP Poonam Mahajan’s implication that a conspiracy was behind her father Pramod Mahajan’s murder has stirred the polity. The serious statement made before private Marathi TV channels has come at a time when her party is fighting a pitched battle with the Maha Vikas Aghadi to retain power in Maharashtra. BJP boss Pramod Mahajan was killed by his brother Pravin almost two decades ago. Poonam had maintained silence about the tragedy all these years. She was elected to the Lok Sabha in 2014 and 2019 and was expected to run for a third term. Hence her disclosure at this juncture is interpreted in different ways but none in favour of the saffron party. Poonam’s assertion that her family relations with Uddhav Thackeray have remained unaffected has added to the speculation since all top BJP leaders, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi, regard the Shiv Sena leader as Enemy No 1. Poonam’s charge that she was refused nomination this time for the Lok Sabha election since her work was disliked by ‘someone in Maharashtra’ has deepened the suspense created on the eve of Modi’s and Union home minister Amit Shah’s visit to the state for campaigning for Mahayuti candidates. Her target is deputy chief minister Devendra Fadnavis, according to BJP insiders. Poonam’s veiled warning that she will write to the Union home ministry to throw light on Pramod’s demise has only added to the BJP’s discomfiture.
Firebrand politician Chhagan Bhujbal has rejected the statements attributed to him by journalist Rajdeep Sardesai in his latest book, 2024: The Election That Surprised India by threatening to initiate legal action. According to the book extracts published by Marathi daily Loksatta, Bhujbal had conceded that he, along with many other MLAs, had gone with the BJP in 2022 to extricate himself from the clutches of the Enforcement Directorate (ED). According to the published version in the daily, Bhujbal said, “All were happy for aligning with the BJP since the ED’s harassment had ended.” Maharashtra deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar and some prominent leaders of his Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) were on the ED radar at the time. There have been persistent allegations that the cases against them are not pursued ever since they decided to join the Mahayuti government in the state. Bhjujbal pointed out that most of 54 MLAs belonging to Sharad Pawar’s NCP had followed Ajit out of the party though ED cases were against only a few. Secondly, he was acquitted from the Maharashtra Sadan matter when Uddhav Thackeray was the chief minister. Finally, he decided to go with Ajit in the interest of development. “My assembly constituency has been sanctioned Rs 2000 crore worth development works,” he claimed. The Loksatta version had said that Bhujbal opted for this course since he was scared of going back into ED custody at the age of 75. “I made no such statement,” Bhujbal has insisted.
The age-old trick of misrepresenting by displaying a similar name is rampant this time as well in the Maharashtra assembly electioneering. This charade had played havoc for some prominent leaders in the past. For instance, NCP (Ajit) leader Sunil Tatkare lost the 2014 Lok Sabha election from Raigad by a mere 2100 votes since another namesake, also Sunil Tatkare, polled over 9000 votes. Influential Congress leader and former chief minister AR Antulay, too, lost from Raigad in the past since another AR Antulay received more than 21000 votes. This time, such instances are quite a few in the district. In Panvel assembly constituency, there are three candidates with the same name, Balaram Patil and also three Prashant Thakur contestants. While the real Patil is in the fray for the Shiv Sena (UBT), sitting BJP MLA Thakur is testing his luck for a second time. Karjat’s present MLA Mahendra Thorve of the Sena (Shinde) has to take on an adversary of the same name. In Alibaug, Sena (Shinde) nominee Mahendra Dalvi is engaged in a battle with three more Mahendra Dalvi names. Moreover, an independent candidate in the constituency, Dilip Bhoir, is facing another opponent of the same name. The district was in the news in 2004 for the first time when Peasants and Workers Party leader Meenakshi Patil was poised against seven independents bearing the same name. Eventually, the PWP bagged the seat, but only after a bitter fight. How many of these aspirants remain in the ring will be clear only on 4 November, the last day for withdrawal.
The Congress party in Maharashtra is engaged in fire fighting over many thorny issues, among them the minority representation grievance since a sentiment is spreading that the party leadership has yielded too much to the Shiv Sena (UBT) in ticket distribution. In Mumbai, Thane and Konkan, the party has hardly a token presence among the 75 seats of the region. Here, the fight will be mainly between the two Sena factions, the other led by chief minister Eknath Shinde. Moreover, murmurs are heard that many loyal veterans and most Muslims aspirants are handed out a raw deal in ticket distribution. The decision of senior leader Ravi Raja to don the saffron garb has shaken the organization since Mumbai Congress president Varsha Gaikwad, MP, is under attack for this drastic step. She has been censured for getting a nomination for her sister. Among the vocal dissenters is Sufiyan Vanoo, a former Wadala corporator. He has questioned the party’s decision to hand over several Muslim-dominated assembly seats to the Sena (UBT). The areas he has named include Govandi, Anushakti Nagar, Versova, Bandra (East), Byculla, Kurla and Kalina. It has been alleged that there is a plan to minimize the Congress presence in Mumbai and adjoining areas. Another factor that is haunting the Congress is that just two Marathi-speaking candidates figure in the party’s list for Mumbai. It is argued that the aspirations of the areas having substantial Marathi population have been overlooked by the leaders. Efforts to mollify the disturbed elements have intensified over the weekend.
A new political formation is shaping up in Maharashtra, indicating the possibility of a novel social engineering experiment. Maratha caste reservation’s chief proponent Manor Jarange Patil has roped in leaders from Dalit and Muslim communities to create this force, which he feels will impact the outcome in the coming assembly election. It is presumed that Dalit and Muslim voters had supported the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi for the Lok Sabha election, resulting in the ruling Mahayuti’s Waterloo. At the time, Jarange was given credit for this spectacular success of MVA in a few pockets in Marathwada. Now, he is trying to recreate the experiment on a larger scale. It will be called MMD, meaning Marathas, Muslims and Dalits. Jarange will declare the names of the candidates supported by MMD on Monday (Nov 3). Alarmed by this stance, his ardent opponents, the OBC leaders, have drawn up their own counter strategy. Their spokesman Lakshman Hake has announced that the OBCs, too, have prepared their own list and will reveal it soon after Jarange’s list is out. The list will identify Jarange’s supporter candidates and Hake will appeal to the voters to defeat them. The Marathas and the OBCs are two major vote banks in the state. The Muslims can decide the outcome in certain constituencies where their population exceeds 15%. On the other hand, the OBCs are considered sympathetic to the BJP. Jarange’s MMD equation was finalised after his meeting with Buddhist and Muslim clerics at his village in Beed district on October 31.
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