An important event took place at the recent Annual General Meeting (AGM) of the Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI) in Mumbai. BCCI members, as permitted by the Supreme Court, attend the AGM and try to make their presence felt. The representative of the Mumbai Cricket Association (MCA), Dr Unmesh Khanvilkar, may have stirred the hornets’ nest by telling the BCCI bigwigs that Mumbai should be considered for prominent Test matches. He even went so far as to propose that Mumbai be awarded a Test match in the Border-Gavaskar Trophy because Gavaskar is from the great city of Mumbai, which has won the Ranji Trophy 42 times. The MCA has hosted 27 Test matches in the last 51 years, the last being the third Test of that series against New Zealand. The city’s second Test venue, the Brabourne Stadium at the Cricket Club of India, has hosted 18 Tests, while the Bombay Gymkhana hosted one, the inaugural Test in India, against England. India has over 30 Test grounds, with the original first five permanent Test venues being Bombay (Mumbai), Madras (Chennai), Delhi, Calcutta (Kolkata), and Kanpur. Some noted former Test players believe that the time has come for the authorities to schedule Test matches at traditional venues. Australia, England, South Africa, and New Zealand have their own Test centres that attract large attendance. Adding Guwahati, Ranchi, Indore, Visakhapatnam, Dharamsala, New Chandigarh and Rajkot has made the rotation policy long and winding. The five Test series against Australia have already been scheduled at Nagpur, Chennai, Ranchi, Guwahati and Ahmedabad, and it looks like Mumbai’s frustration will continue for a long time. But it’s good that the MCA has raised the issue.

Trinamool Congress supremo Mamata Banerjee and CPI(M) secretary M A Baby have reopened communication after decades of rivalry in West Bengal, amid concern over differences within the Election Commission on the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls. Both parties are founding constituents of the INDIA bloc but maintained no communication. Sources said Mamata and Baby spoke over the phone after Baby wrote to Opposition and non-BJP parties. They discussed bringing Opposition parties together to launch a joint campaign to safeguard the credibility of the electoral system. It is also learnt that Didi spoke to LoP Rahul Gandhi and urged him to call an INDIA bloc meeting next week. Baby’s letter called the recently published news report a “major exposé”, raising questions over the commission’s credibility and saying the democratic process was at stake. He claimed the process could affect voting rights of more than 13 crore voters and urged a collective response. Baby proposed a date and venue and approached non-INDIA parties, including BRS, AAP, DMK, Tamil Nadu’s ruling party TVK, BJD and the Cockroach Janta Party. Mamata is learnt to have told Baby that INDIA constituents should meet without delay and work out a strategy. Coordination gathered momentum after reports said Election Commissioners Sukhbir Singh Sandhu and Vivek Joshi recorded objections at least 14 occasions over 10 months to SIR-related decisions. Opposition parties have demanded CEC Gyanesh Kumar’s removal and an independent inquiry into the EC under Supreme Court oversight, and are likely to submit a notice in Parliament.

India’s culture of political defections has been deplored by Sweden’s MP Nila Vikhe Patil while castigating her uncle Radhakrishna Vikhe Patil, a senior minister in Maharashtra. After spending her childhood at Loni in Ahilyanagar district of north Maharashtra, 41-year old Nila returned to Sweden where she has been recently elected to its Parliament. A staunch worker of the Green Party, Nila has expressed chagrin over the attempts by Sujay, son of Radhakrishna, to show closeness to her and claim some credit in her political achievement. Radhakrishna Vikhe and his son Sujay are with the BJP. Sujay was elected to the Lok Sabha in 2019 but lost five years later. Nila is the daughter of Radhakrishna’s elder brother and educationist Ashok Vikhe Patil. The brothers Vikhe are not on good terms. After Nila’s electoral victory, Sujay spoke with news channels. Nila, however, erupted when she saw one of the video clips in which Sujay was seen saying that although he was defeated in the Lok Sabha election, another member was elected in Sweden. Nila expressed angrily that she had no contact with either Radhakrishna or Sujay in over a decade. She burst out, “I will never change my party. They have.”  She was referring to Vikhe’s changing caps, from the Congress to the Shiv Sena (Unified) and now with the BJP. All through, he has remained an influential cabinet minister, belonging to the powerful Maratha caste and seen as a confidant of chief minister Devendra Fadnavis.

Another chapter of suspense will open in Maharashtra’s politics as Prime Minister Narendra Modi has accepted an invite from veteran leader Sharad Pawar to visit Baramati on 24 October. The camaraderie between the two dates back to many decades and is a bone of contention between the Gandhi family and the erstwhile Congress strongman. Another sore point is industrialist Gautam Adani, who is close to Pawar since his fledging days while Rahul Gandhi does not miss a single opportunity to attack him. In Baramati, Modi will inaugurate ‘Preranasthal’ (Place of Inspiration) where a memorial for Lord Gautam Buddha is being developed. Always curious about state-of-the-art technology, Pawar has established an Artificial Intelligence (AI) Institute at the Baramati campus to benefit rural students. His penchant was seen when a Robot greeted him on Thursday (Sept 24). Pawar had gone there to see a presentation regarding the preparation for the PM’s visit. Of late, Pawar is appearing rather active despite his advancing years. For instance, he wrote a letter to chief minister Devendra Fadanvis to declare a drought in Maharashtra, given the paucity of rainfall and the privations suffered by a huge number of cattle and farmers. Fadnavis immediately responded and undertook tours of the affected areas. A substantial assistance package for the farming community is expected to be announced by him any moment, given the gravity of the situation. Thus, he has sent a tacit message that he has shown adequate respect towards Pawar. The Congress and the Shiv Sena (UBT) are pushed to the sidelines once again in affairs of the state.

For some inexplicable reason the Congress has suddenly taken a fancy to targeting National Security Advisor (NSA) Ajit Doval. It is not clear why the party is targeting Doval, who has been giving sleepless nights to Pakistan and kept India safe. It is no coincidence that within a couple of days after Congress leader Rahul Gandhi alleged that NSA Ajit Doval was conducting widespread surveillance on Indian citizens at his Chhatron ki Goonj programme in Indore. Former Maharashtra CM Prithviraj Chavan questioned the overlapping authority of EAM Jaishankar and NSA Doval, pointing out that key strategic areas are seeing neighbouring nations pull ahead. Prithviraj Chavan wanted to know why the NSA has been elevated to a cabinet rank under the current government, whereas it was a junior position (Minister of State rank) during the UPA tenure under PM Manmohan Singh. Chavan charged that Doval as a Cabinet Minister was playing a role in Foreign Policy; he was, after all, reporting directly to PM Modi. He questioned how a non-elected official with no parliamentary accountability holds direct access to the Prime Minister and exercises overlapping authority alongside External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar.  In a media interview, Chavan was heard questioning Doval’s role at the time of BRICS Summit. He pointed out that while Jaishankar visited Russia ahead of BRICS Summit, Doval had visited Beijing. Clearly, the Congress is stunned by the visit of Chinese President Xi Jinping for the BRICS Summit in Delhi mid-September. That is why the Congress has still been insisting that it still does not know the outcome of the 2-day conclave.

Now it is becoming quite obvious that the Centre is most likely to convene a special session of Parliament during Navaratri to take forward legislation on women’s reservation and delimitation. These bills will have to be passed only then is a Cabinet reshuffle possible. So, a number of new allies who have extended support are waiting for this. The Monsoon Session of Parliament concluded more than a month ago, but it has reportedly not yet been prorogued, adding to speculation that the government could still convene a special sitting. The nine-day Navaratri festival begins on October 11 and continues until October 20.  Official sources indicate that the government could consider holding the special sitting between October 11 and 15, taking into account the festival calendar. NDA sources say women’s reservation during Navaratri would augur well about the government’s commitment to women’s representation in Lok Sabha and state assemblies. Sources said the government has also reached out to Opposition parties on the issue. One source said the option of a special session remains open, although no final decision has been taken on its timing or the legislative route for operationalising women’s reservation. Several sources described Navaratri as an opportunity to take up legislation on women’s political representation and connect the agenda with the symbolism of Nari Shakti.

Every film the two sisters acted in drew audience craze, not just for the dancing, cavorting and romancing top heroes of the 80’s but for their acting talent too. Ambika and Radha acted in over 200 films, leaving unforgettable memories. The film Sakalakala Vallavan was as much enjoyed for Ambika’s acting, dancing and oomph as Kamal’s mastery of cinematic skills. The box office jingled and rocked for younger sister Radha who gave thespian Sivaji Ganesan an equal run for the money in Muthal Mariyathai…her mesmeric sexy looks drew as much appreciation as her acting. This high-profile sibling combo are now matronly mothers. Suddenly, Radha walked into the IG of Police office with a serious allegation. The family inheritance and the shares given to them had been settled. But Radha alleged that five of her cheque leaves were missing from the Valasaravakkam home, and she got a shock when her bank called to intimate that one cheque was forged, to be deposited in Ambika’s account. The bank had called Radha, stop order issued. It was when a second cheque to the tune of Rs 46 crore was again made out in Ambika’s name that serious concern escalated. Radha tearfully narrated the events and for good measure included brother Mallikarjuna too in this attempt to cheat. “if you can’t trust your own sister who is there to trust?”. Akka Ambika has had noteworthy runs in TV serials….Nayaki, Thirumathi  Hitler, Aruvi and Malli. Radha married a well to do hotelier. She tried to launch her daughter Kartika Nair in films but she could not fit into the film world where her mother and aunt reigned supreme.

A Bengaluru court has given Nani’s The Paradise an ex-parte interim injunction against specifically listed social-media posts ahead of its September 24 release. The producer, Sri Lakshmi Venkateshwara Cinemas LLP, told the court that after the August 6 teaser a coordinated wave of false and derogatory URLs crossed fair criticism and threatened irreversible commercial harm. The judge agreed on a prima facie basis, ordered platforms not to host those identified links, and said genuine reviews were untouched. Weeks earlier, KVN Productions obtained a similar shield for Yash’s Toxic: an August 22 order restraining “false, malicious, defamatory or derogatory” content before and after release, again without first hearing the speakers. The Toxic sequel to that order is the warning. After the film opened to mixed and poor notices, YouTubers Suraj Kumar and Prashanth Rangaswamy said they received legal notices from Aiplex, acting for the producers, citing their review URLs. The court had not declared those reviews defamatory. The notices arrived anyway. That is how a “limited” injunction becomes a weapon against honest reaction: the reviewer must decide whether a lukewarm verdict, a roast, or a complaint about craft is safe, or whether it will be treated as commercial sabotage. Most small channels cannot afford the answer. They mute themselves. This is not an isolated South experiment. Kannada producers had already used Bengaluru John Doe orders for three Kannada films The Devil, Mark and 45, some of them wide enough to cover reviews, reaction videos, trolling and even “challenging feedback,” with BookMyShow ratings disabled. Telugu campaigns have used the same enforcement firms against critical YouTube channels. Toxic and The Paradise look narrower only because earlier orders were so broad. The playbook is the same: file in Bengaluru, name X and unknown “John Does,” list URLs, obtain an urgent takedown, then let notices travel to whoever still talks.

Nearly three decades after Mamata Banerjee broke away from the Congress to build the Trinamool Congress, she is confronting a crisis that reaches the party she created: rebellion within, a battle over its name and symbol, and the BJP’s emergence as Bengal’s ruling force. Mamata once challenged the Congress and Left, built a street-politics movement and became Bengal’s dominant force defeating Communist leader Somnath Chatterjee in Jadavpur in 1984. Her differences over the Left Front deepened. In 1993, she led a Writers’ Building march demanding voter ID cards; police firing killed 13 Congress workers. In 1998, she left Congress and founded the Trinamool Congress. Street agitations, Singur and Nandigram transformed her politics, ending 34 years of Left rule. But Nandigram became the setting for her first major reversal: in 2021, Mamata lost the seat to former aide Suvendu Adhikari by around 2,000 votes, though the Trinamool retained power. The 2026 election altered Bengal, with the BJP winning 207 of 294 seats, ending the Trinamool’s 15-year rule. Adhikari retained Bhabanipur and vacated Nandigram. After Mamata’s candidate withdrew following a meeting with him, she backed Congress candidate Milan Pradhan for the October 6 bypoll. That decision captures another reversal. Congress, once a rival and described by Mamata as the BJP’s “B-team”, is now a “sister party” and “natural alliance”. However, the West Bengal Congress remains opposed to an alliance with the Trinamool. State Congress leaders remain wary after years of political confrontation and large-scale defections from Congress to Trinamool. Therefore, Congress support on specific issues is not necessarily translating into a broader electoral understanding in Bengal. The deeper crisis is institutional: the EC has frozen the Trinamool name and ‘Jora Ghash Phul’ symbol pending rival claims, turning the dispute into a fight over political identity.

West Bengal’s action against 352 madrasas is more than a regulatory exercise. Coming barely four months after the BJP government took office, it is the latest in a series of decisions reshaping the state’s approach to Muslim institutions, welfare and religious identity. The immediate trigger is administrative. A statewide survey covering Kolkata and all 22 districts found 2,132 madrasas with valid approval and 2,396 operating without approval. The government has ordered 252 closures and issued show-cause notices to 100 others. Officials cite inadequate infrastructure, deviations from prescribed curricula, management irregularities and lack of valid authorisation. But the political significance lies in the wider sequence. Since May, the government has scrapped religion-based welfare measures including assistance for imams and muezzins, changed the previous OBC framework by removing several Muslim communities from the earlier categorisation, and made Vande Mataram mandatory in madrasas. The Minority Affairs and Madrasah Education Department’s allocation fell 62%, from Rs 5,713.61 crore in the interim Budget to Rs 2,175.43 crore in the full 2026–27 Budget. The Aikyashree scholarship allocation fell to Rs 250 crore from Rs 741 crore in 2025–26. The government says these changes replace religion-specific benefits with broader, religion-neutral welfare and bring institutions under common regulatory standards. Of the 252 institutions facing closure, 44 are in Malda, 37 in Uttar Dinajpur, 32 in South 24 Parganas and 25 each in Nadia and Murshidabad. Several have substantial Muslim populations, while some are near the Bangladesh border. The distribution does not establish communal targeting. Nor do the findings establish radicalisation or terrorism. Yet BJP leaders have linked some unrecognised madrasas to possible radicalisation and alleged that border-area institutions could facilitate anti-national activity. The question is whether the new government is applying a uniform...