On September 5, former DMK minister R Gandhi while addressing a public meeting in Kanchipuram, the silk city, openly described the Tamil Nadu’s electorate as 1.79 crore “muttaalgal” (fools) in chaste Tamil. There was nothing soft or silky in his open condemnation of what he thought of those who had pole-vaulted TVK and Vijay to the top position. Is it a case of act in revengeful hate/haste, repent and rue in leisure? Has Gandhi overstepped the democratic right to express his frank opinion or is he culpable of insulting the state’s voters who did their rightful and free democratic duty? The jury is still out on this….in fact the jury is yet to be formed, as parties and polemics need strategy to get on and gain with alliances or lose out as critics. What led to Gandhi’s caustic comment? The Directorate of Vigilance and Anti-Corruption (DVAC had conducted lightning raids on former DMK Minister K N Nehru’s office and residence, a move quickly and predictably protested as witch-hunts by the new government to cut Nehru, a veteran of political manoeuvring and muscle flexing. Is Nehru taking on the TVK in the assembly? Gandhi as the spokesperson derides …“Is it a state legislative assembly ? 110 days and what has the reel government done? This party climbed into the top seat because 35 % foolish people who cannot discriminate between reel cinema and realpolitik voted for them to bring a change.”  

After his spectacular performance in Pune, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi is making plans to storm Nagpur, the birthplace of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. The likely visit has raised mixed feelings since the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party and the RSS are considered two sides of the same coin. Rahul was in Nasik in north Maharashtra on Wednesday (Sep 2). There he interacted with some prominent Congress leaders from Maharashtra. At the meeting, the Nagpur plan was discussed. Although no date of Rahul’s visit has been fixed, it is indicated that it will be by the end of September. The engagement will be an interactive outreach with youth and students. It will be a replica of the recently held ‘Chhatron Ki Goonj’ event in Pune. The programme’s objective is to give a fillip to the Congress efforts to liaise with students and young voters and rejuvenating grassroots activities across Vidarbha region, once upon a time a Congress stronghold, which is now under control of the BJP. The visit will be a message to the Hindutva camp to prepare for a serious challenge in the days to come. Rahul was in Nasik to conclude a 10-day camp organised for the Congress cadres in Maharashtra. A highlight of the meeting was Rahul’s interaction with tribal students from Nasik, Pune, Chhatrapati Sambhaji Nagar and from Vidarbha region. The discussion is considered a trigger for a decision to hold a meet in Nagpur.

Pune is justly called the cradle of social reforms in India. It was in Pune that the first ever girls’ school started almost 180 years ago. The movement to encourage widow marriages was launched in Pune. The 10-day Ganesh Festival was incepted in Pune by Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak over 130 years ago to unite people against injustice. It is now celebrated all over the world. Hence, there is no wonder that a demand to ban the use of deafening loudspeakers and DJ music systems should originate from Pune.  Vidyanand Bapat and Sharad Kelkar are two common Pune residents who are spearheading the agitation to seek ban on very loud music at all hours during festivals and public celebrations, irrespective of the religion to which the celebrants belong. The campaign took an ugly turn on Thursday (Sept 3) when Bapat was assaulted by a youth for demanding the control over noise intensity during Ganapati celebrations. The attacker has been arrested and Bapat is provided police protection. Kelkar has moved the National Human Rights Commission to urge it to direct Maharashtra Pollution Control Board authorities to implement the noise level decibel regulations. Incidentally, it was many years ago that an activist, Yashwant Oke, had moved the Supreme Court to frame rules for noise limitations in public places. The campaign has received a boost since veteran leader Sharad Pawar has endorsed the stand taken by Bapat. Indications are that a procession planned for Sunday to demand enforcement of the noise regulations will receive massive support. Thus, Pune will once again show the nation how to curb a public menace through statutory means.

A new team has taken over the management of Shri Ram Janmabhoomi Teerth Kshetra Trust. The new Chief Executive Officer, Air Marshal (Retd) Jeetendra Mishra, who has taken over said he served the nation for 43 years in the Indian Air Force and will now spend his life in the service of Lord Shri Ram. The Trust treasurer, Govind Dev Giri, has taken over as general secretary, replacing Champat Rai. Delhi businessman and Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP) activist Mahesh Bhagchandka will be the new treasurer. The decision to appoint ‘Operation Sindoor’ fame Air Marshal (Retd) Mishra is seen as a move approved at the highest level of the government, possibly at the Prime Minister’s level. Modi is said to be keen to fully restore public trust in the management of the Ram Mandir, which was embroiled in political controversy when it was found that some counting staff members were stealing temple donation money. With a decorated Air Marshal appointed as CEO, no one will have the courage to indulge in politics over his selection. Even Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav refrained from commenting on the decision. The retired Air Marshal was selected through due process and in a transparent manner. With the baton in the hands of a retired Air Marshal (Retd), Modi hopes people will regain confidence in how the Trust works. The decision to install Govind Dev Giri as general secretary is also a good one. It will ensure continuity. The new treasurer, Mahesh Bhagchandka, is a successful businessman. The team has a big challenge ahead: restoring the common man’s trust after the image of Ram Mandir was dented.

As Uttar Pradesh is headed for polls in early 2027, chief minister Yogi Adityanath continues to face problems from his ministers, who are very upset with the bureaucracy, which remains loyal to Yogi. Senior BJP leaders say there have been several instances of differences between ministers and bureaucrats over the past three years. During Yogi’s second term in July 2022, deputy chief minister Brajesh Pathak wrote to the then Additional Chief Secretary, Medical and Health, Amit Mohan Prasad and expressed his displeasure over the transfer of doctors in the department. The transfers took place while Pathak was out of the state. Since then, several ministers have written letters expressing their dissatisfaction with government officers. Many of these letters have later surfaced on social media and gone viral. The latest is Panchayati Raj Minister and Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party (SBSP) chief Om Prakash Rajbhar, who has accused senior officers in his department of ‘non-cooperation’ and sought their removal. Rajbhar has written to Yogi, alleging negligence in his own department. He accused Principal Secretary Anil Kumar and Director Amit Kumar Singh of failing to implement government decisions properly. Last year in July, Industrial Development Minister Nand Gopal Nandi made serious allegations against officers, accusing them of ignoring government policies, being negligent, not following ministerial instructions and favouring certain individuals.

Almost every day, Tamil Nadu chief minister C Joseph Vijay announces bounties of mega projects in the TN Assembly, like the monarchs of yore did for their subjects. But with one difference …every scheme is under Rule 110, an order that bypasses legislative debate and discussions. The TN Assembly saw heated reactions; not that earlier regimes under DMK and AIADMK have not resorted to such “impressive announcements” under 110. What is becoming a buzz of protest after 70 years of Dravidam rule, TVK and Vijay had been elected to be a change, a new order. Four months have elapsed since TVK came to power, but so far not much has happened by way of people centric action. Predictably, LoP Udhayanidhi Stalin lashed out, “TN was on top gear in our regime…now turned reverse gear”. Vijay is sure that all the world class racing formula cars he plans to race shall vroom past with hi-octane turbo speed to keep TVK in power. Not just losing the position of power, retaining only his Lop status Udhayanidhi has to limit the ambit of his questions …skeletons have a way of tumbling out of the past. But Naam Thamizhar Katchi leader Seeman, the enfant terrible tore into the government’s schemes asked: Why have a budget if you are invoking Rule 110? What are not debated issues are announced as schemes. On August 17, TVK announced projects/spending worth Rs 73,900 crores in the budget for green energy, free bus rides and milk subsidies. TN khazana is already facing a staggering Rs 1.76 lakh crore debt. Stop using Rule 110 to push through non critical projects.

It seems the case of old wine new bottle. Before the West Bengal Assembly elections, the BJP had promised a reckoning with the Trinamool Congress’s alleged corruption, political violence and organisational network. But, months after the change of government, however, the party is confronting an uncomfortable question from within on “old Trinamool” becoming the new BJP. The unease has intensified since March 4, with the Trinamool effectively splitting into four political formations. Three Rajya Sabha MPs resigned and joined the BJP before returning to Parliament. Twenty Lok Sabha MPs after a meeting Union Minister Bhupender Yadav left Trinamool and joined the little-known NCPI and became part of the NDA. A third faction comprising 65 MLAs led by Ritabrata Banerjee and claiming to represent the “real” Trinamool saw Banerjee becoming LoP. The fourth remains aligned with the Kalighat camp. It is the first three formations that have created the most difficult political problem for BJP. Union Home Minister Amit Shah had repeatedly warned before the election that Trinamool “goons” would be dealt with firmly. Yet several leaders once targeted by the BJP are now political allies or members of the ruling party. State BJP president Shamik Bhattacharya has acknowledged the contradiction where he stated that people voted for a change in the person inside the political attire, not merely a change of attire. The induction of Sukhendu Sekhar Ray, Sushmita Dev and Prakash Chik Baraik and nominated to the Rajya Sabha has particularly unsettled sections of the BJP leaders.It may be recalled  Baraik was once attacked by former state BJP president Sukanta Majumdar as a “cow smuggler”. The same disquiet surrounds the Ritabrata faction. BJP leaders had accused several of its members of corruption, yet critics allege that the government has adopted a softer approach towards them.

The BJP’s rise to power in West Bengal has altered the political landscape with the principal fight now emerging as “saffron versus red”, the CPI(M) said at its extended state committee session. The party urged cadres to build organisation and movements around livelihood concerns, without entering any “dead end” created by the BJP-RSS. It said the BJP had sought to brand the Left “anti-national” since coming to power, and called for reaching people directly rather than getting trapped in that debate. The party is also seeking to restrain the use of the “Azadi” slogan. The party accused the BJP government of pursuing policies against the poor, dividing people on religious lines, shrinking space for free thought and attacking Bengali culture. District leaders attributed the BJP’s rise to public anger over Trinamool Congress corruption and authoritarianism, but said the BJP was now following an authoritarian path. They called for exposing its “mask”, claiming support was increasing in the State, particularly in minority areas. They also alleged the RSS was keeping the former chief minister politically relevant. State secretary Mohammed Salim said the party must identify successes, failures and gaps of the past decade and formulate strategy accordingly, overcoming obstacles. General secretary M A Baby stressed that the CPI(M) must revive in Bengal. He asserted the political situation in India is at a turning point, and that the countdown to the Modi government’s “downfall” had commenced. He also said that in West Bengal, the Left forces are in the process of regaining influence among the masses.

NTPC Ltd along with Nuclear Power Corporation of India Ltd plans to set up a 3,200 MW nuclear plant in Odisha. The public sector giant, it is learnt, is conducting feasibility studies in two districts Deogarh and Nabarangpur. This move to enter Odisha is a part of NTPC’s long term plan to develop 30 GW or 30,000 MW of nuclear energy capacity across India as the Modi government’s vision is to achieve 100 GW nuclear capacity by 2047. The Odisha government is now evaluating proposals, with Additional Chief Secretary Vishal Kumar Dev looking after energy portfolio stating that “the government decision on whether to go ahead will be taken in due course.” Government sources say public and environmental safety will come before any final approvals is given. Similarly, Tata Group and Adani Group, have also submitted separate proposals for nuclear projects in Odisha state.  Meanwhile former chief minister Naveen Patnaik of BJD has gone on record opposing the nuclear power plant initiatives saying the BJP-run state government is compromising the public safety for the sake of corporate interests.

The BJP’s landslide victory in the 2026 West Bengal Assembly election has opened a new political space for the Hindu nationalist ecosystem to expand its presence beyond electoral politics into Bengal’s cultural landscape. The Hindu Right is seeking to build an alternative cultural infrastructure, with Kolkata’s College Street, or Boi Para, emerging as an early site of contestation. Long regarded as a hub of books, ideas and political debate, and historically shaped by Left intellectual traditions, the area is now witnessing the emergence of new cultural organisations. Two such platforms are the Bangiya Grantha Shilpa Parishad (BGSP), launched on June 1, and the Association of Bengal for Literature & Culture (ABLC), founded on June 27. Both present themselves as non-partisan bodies representing the book and cultural sectors. However, their emphasis on nationalism and the revival of Bengal’s “glorious culture” has prompted debate over their ideological positioning. The contest has also reached the Kolkata International Book Fair, with both organisations informally projecting themselves as potential alternatives to the existing organiser amid allegations of politicisation and irregularities. Parallel efforts are underway across the wider cultural sector. The Shyamaprasad Artist Forum and Bangiya Shilpa Kala Parishad have sought to consolidate artists, while the Lekhak Shilpi Samanway Samiti has expanded its activities and helped facilitate the Paschimbanga Natya Parishad for theatre practitioners. In music, Performers of Bengal has emerged as a platform for professionals, promoting what it calls a “Clean Culture, Healthy Culture”. The Hindu Right is also challenging what its supporters describe as Bengal’s “seku-maku” — secular-Marxist — intellectual culture. RSS-linked literary and historical organisations have further widened their networks, while newer groups are advancing alternative interpretations of Bengal’s history, identity, and cultural inheritance in Bengal.