Social media algorithms have rewritten the rules of visibility in Indian public life. They do not reward traditional hierarchy, institutional experience or even consistent ideology. They reward engagement, outrage, novelty, humour, emotion and shareability. The result is a new class of algorithm-born stars who appear everywhere, regardless of a user’s political leanings. Prashant Kishor exemplifies the phenomenon. Once a behind-the-scenes strategist, he is now omnipresent after his Bankipur by-election victory. Short, sharp clips of his speeches, critiques of the status quo and youth-focused messaging travel relentlessly across feeds. Platforms amplify what keeps users scrolling; Kishor’s content delivers high retention, so the algorithm pushes it into timelines of both supporters and sceptics. Neha Bora and the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) show how the same system can manufacture stars almost from nowhere. Founded by Abhijeet Dipke as satirical pushback against a judicial remark, CJP weaponized memes, AI-generated imagery and youth frustration over unemployment and exam scandals. Within days it amassed millions of followers. Neha Bora, an AISA activist linked to the movement’s hunger strikes and protests, became a recurring face after a viral dance video and protest footage. Algorithms detected the emotional charge and recirculated her content widely, making her unavoidable even for those who never sought her out. The same logic works in reverse. Established BJP-linked celebrities such as Ravi Kishan and Kangana Ranaut, once algorithm favourites, now face meme-driven decline when their content underperforms or invites ridicule. Platforms care little for loyalty; they care about what sustains attention. In the U.S., the 2016 Trump campaign thrived because X’s engagement-driven feed rewarded provocative posts, turning him into a constant presence. Similarly, TikTok’s For You page has elevated obscure creators into political voices, just as Instagram Reels did for CJP....

After facing intense heat from the student community, Opposition parties, and the media, Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan was left with little choice but to step down following the NEET paper leak controversy, despite retaining the support of PM Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah. His resignation was the core demand of the student-led Cockroach Janta Party to end their 36-day agitation at Jantar Mantar. Following his exit, rumour mills went into overdrive. Would he be assigned a new ministry, or roped in as an election strategist for the upcoming Punjab and Uttar Pradesh polls? Against this backdrop, his recent visits to his home state of Odisha—where he received a rousing welcome from local BJP leaders—are raising eyebrows. Was it a routine visit, or is he planning to base himself back in the state? Immediate speculation suggests an organizational shake-up in Odisha, where Pradhan could be handed a larger regional mandate focused on bolstering the BJP’s grassroots presence. With state elections less than three years away, political analysts believe Pradhan could well emerge as the BJP’s Chief Ministerial candidate for Odisha.

Bhumi Pednekar’s recent statements on the Cockroach Janta Party protests reveal a deliberate pattern of dual engagement rather than ideological flip-flops. In mid-July, she backed student protesters after the ‘Sansad Chalo’ march, condemning police force, highlighting education system failures like paper leaks, and calling for dialogue while noting she did not agree with everything said at the protests. Soon after, she posted a video criticising the abusive slogans against Prime Minister Narendra Modi, calling such language un-Indian and stressing respect for the highest office and cultural values. The video drew sharp backlash for perceived selective outrage. She followed up by defending a young female protester facing rape and death threats, linking it to broader women’s harassment and her own experiences of online bullying. Pednekar was never a hardcore “Modi Bhakt.” Early in her career she supported aligned government initiatives such as the plastic ban and Swachh Bharat messaging, and donated to PM-CARES. Simultaneously, she condemned police violence during the 2019 anti-CAA/Jamia protests and defended peaceful dissent. Her consistent public focus remains gender equality, climate action, and education. She has also indicated openness to politics, saying national service is “in her blood.” No imminent film release drives the timing. Her major upcoming project, the historical epic The Pride of Bharat: Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, is targeted for 2027. The statements appear aimed at sustaining a broad, responsible-celebrity brand: progressive on social issues, respectful of institutions, and positioned for constructive change rather than confrontation. This keeps her relevant across audiences without locking into one political camp

The arrest of former Tamil Nadu deputy CM Udhayanidhi Stalin by the Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) government under chief minister C. Joseph Vijay marks the latest chapter in TN’s long tradition of political vendetta. Booked for alleged sexually suggestive remarks linking Vijay and actor Trisha during a Cauvery protest, Udhayanidhi was detained from his Chennai residence, taken to Thanjavur for questioning, and released on station bail after Madras High Court intervention. The episode reveals how even a fresh political force quickly absorbs the state’s established grammar of power. This pattern is not new. The bitter rivalry between M Karunanidhi and J Jayalalithaa institutionalised revenge as governance. The 1989 Assembly clash, in which Jayalalithaa’s saree was pulled, poisoned relations for decades. After the DMK returned to power in 1996, Karunanidhi’s government filed multiple corruption cases against Jayalalithaa, leading to her arrest and the creation of special courts. In 2001, after AIADMK’s victory, Jayalalithaa repaid the debt with theatrical force: a midnight arrest of the 77-year-old Karunanidhi in a flyover scam case, complete with physical resistance, media cameras, and the detention of Union ministers who tried to intervene. Subsequent regimes followed the same script: raids, selective prosecutions and public humiliation of rivals whenever power changed hands. Vijay’s TVK, which ended nearly six decades of DMK-AIADMK dominance in the 2026 elections, was expected by many to break this cycle. Instead, it has deployed the identical toolkit. In TN, control of the police and prosecution remains the quickest way to assert dominance and settle old scores. Vijay’s early resort to this method shows that star power and outsider status offer no immunity. The train of revenge politics continues, simply with a new driver at the helm.

Though DMK president M K Stalin has lashed out at the TVK government after his son and Leader of the Opposition, Udhayanidhi Stalin, was detained by the police over his allegedly misogynistic remarks, which were seen as targeting a Tamil film actor Trisha, reports from Chennai say Stalin was quite upset with the DMK cadres for taking an anti-woman stance. He reportedly had a strong word for party cadres that had taken part in Udhayanidhi’s Thanjavur meeting. He felt an anti-woman perception about the DMK could put off women voters in the state. Stalin is one DMK leader who is always known to be moderate in his language. It is being said he did not expect the DMK cadres to get involved in his son personal brawl with CM Vijay. Before the Parliament Session, Stalin had even advised DMK MPs also not to directly confront PM Modi. Oddly, Lok Sabha MP Kanimozhi took a position in Udhayanidhi’s support. She dubbed his arrest by the TVK Govt as “blatant cowardice” done with the purpose of preventing him from attending the Legislative Assembly, whose Budget Session begins on August 5.  At the same time, Stalin said the TVK government, lacks the resolve to safeguard Tamil Nadu’s rights in the Cauvery water issue and showed no regard for Udhayanidhi’s position as LoP when it arrested him and took him to Thanjavur. He alleged that the government was attempting to intimidate Udhayanidhi by registering cases against him under multiple sections. He questioned the government’s actions, asking, “If the objective was merely to conduct an inquiry, why couldn’t it have been done in Chennai? Why was he taken to Thanjavur?

A day after cabinet expansion on August 3 when he inducted 19 ministers, Karnataka chief minister D K Shivakumar was heard talking tough as sulking MLAs who were left out of the gravy train threatened to quit the Congress party. He declared that he would have no hesitation in accepting their resignations. Interacting with the media, he said those who wish to continue in politics should remain with the party as “if there is a party, everything else follows.” What is the basis for DKS’s confidence in adopting a tough stand? Party sources insist that it is not just that Gandhis have decided to back DKS for now. It is also because the entire cabinet reshuffle exercise was fine tuned in Delhi with inputs of who should be included were filtered by two party functionaries or apparatchiks close to the Gandhis. It may seem odd but the buzz is that two people who helped DKS finalise the cabinet list are: Sunil Kanogulu and Sasikanth Senthil Kumar, a former Karnataka cadre IAS, who is now a Lok Sabha MP from Tamil Nadu. An election strategist, Kanogulu was appointed as advisor by CM Siddaramaiah. This courtesy was extended to him for bringing the Congress to power by strategising its campaign in 2022. Of course, it may be one thing to reward a poll strategist with a plum post but to let him call the shots in cabinet making! Many Congress leaders feel that perhaps the party bosses were perhaps going over the top. Or it is quite possible that Kanogulu may have only been a front; he was being used by a well-oiled machinery to make money for cabinet posts for a section within the party. Or else why would the Cabinet expansion have come exactly two months after DKS took oath as the CM?

The time has arrived for Indian cricket to cast its net far and wide to find fast bowlers and their ilk. The non-availability of the phenomenal achiever Jasprit Bumrah for the two-Test series in Sri Lanka — part of the ICC World Test Championship cycle — is, to put it euphemistically, a massive blow. India is placed fifth on the WTC points table, and the Shubman Gill-led team will be hard-pressed to get its act together in the absence of Bumrah as the spearhead. Talking about the larger picture, and given Bumrah’s plight in the last couple of years, India should embark upon an undertaking to unearth talents for multi-day examinations at the highest level. Bumrah’s limbs are constantly asking questions after eight remarkable years of sending down 1671.5 overs (10031 balls) in 52 Tests, with returns of 234 wickets at a mind-boggling economy rate of 2.77 an over! After his debut in 2018, the fast bowler with a unique action has missed 28 Tests for various reasons; 18 in the last five and a half years. With Mohammed Shami also out of contention, India’s fast bowling stock consists of Mohammed Siraj, Prasidh Krishna and young Gurnoor Brar, who is yet to be capped. The selectors have options for white-ball cricket, but clearly the basket doesn’t have many for the rigours of Test match cricket. Since January 1, 2021, the selectors have chosen 15 fast bowlers, giving opportunities to achievers in domestic tournaments, but only Krishna appears to have made the cut with 25 wickets in seven Tests. And so Krishna is a tyro in a way; he needs a lot more under his belt to play the lead role. With Bumrah laid low, sort of alarm bells are ringing for Indian cricket.

They were a far cry from their best. Yet, the likes of high jumper Anil Sarvesh Kushare, long jumper Murali Sreeshankar, and triple jumpers Praveen Chithravel and Selva Prabhu Thirumaran set the field events on fire during the Commonwealth Games in Glasgow.  Decathlete Tejaswin Shankar brought joy by winning a bronze. After the jumpers sustained the interest for a few days, India’s premier achiever in track and field for close to a decade, Neeraj Chopra, was the cynosure of all eyes in the Javelin throw The champion thrower of the spear was not a firm favourite to win the gold, with Sri Lanka’s Rumesh Pathirage closing the contest in the final with an 89.75 m in his second attempt, the only legal effort in six in the showdown. Chopra won the silver and Yash Vir Singh the bronze. Elsewhere in the track events, Gulveer Singh clinched the 5000m bronze and 10000m silver to prove that India has the wherewithal to shine in the long distance running events. He was the first Indian to win two medals in individual events at the Commonwealth Games. While the men picked up nine medals, only Seema Kaliramna (Bhiwani, Haryana) in the women’s progressed for a podium finish – in the discus throw. Only seven of the 29 entered (without the 4×400 men’s relay) ended up winning medals. The sprinters Gurindervir Singh and Animesh Kujur found the going tough within the 100m and 200m dash. India’s medal count, in track and field, at Glasgow was a modest 10 without the yellow metal. Very soon the athletes will compete in a difficult competition at the Asian Games in Japan. Gurindervir and Animesh will get a big opportunity to showcase their gifts.

Following his surprise win in Bihar’s Bankipur bypoll, Jan Suraaj Party founder and election strategist Prashant Kishor described his win as a “message to the BJP.”  PK, who had arrived on the election management scene in 2014 by handling the election of PM Narendra Modi, has now managed to enter the state legislative assembly in his home state exposing the underbelly of the BJP. Responding to his win, Kishor asserted that he could succeed only because “people of Bihar want a good CM” someone who can improve education, create employment opportunities for the youth, and ensure that the children of Bihar do not have to migrate elsewhere for work. He even suggested that the BJP leadership should change the Bihar CM before the 2029 Lok Sabha elections. PK’s Jan Suraaj Party which drew a blank in November 2025 assembly elections has suddenly seen an upswing in its fortunes? The NDA had won 202 of 243 seats. So what has happened in the intervening nine months that has altered the mood of people in Patna? According to PK the reason for the change in people’s mood is because BJP leadership opted for Samrat Choudhary, son of former RJD leader Shakuni Choudhry and habitual party hopper, as CM. Modi-Shah zeroed in on Samrat because of his backward Koeri caste. This has resulted in a huge resentment among upper castes who have traditionally backed the BJP. PK had cited Samrat’s alleged criminal antecedents as an election issue.  Bankipur has a sizable student population and could have also been swayed by Jantar Mantar protests. Many may have been influenced by PK’s promises to create better educational facilities. Patna, being a Kayastha dominant seat will any day value creation of an equipped education hub. BJP sources, however, insist that Bankipur was lost mainly because the RJD actively transferred its votes to the JSP.

As the Independence Day weekend of 14 August 2026 approaches, two films stand locked in a high-stakes clash: Emraan Hashmi’s Awarapan 2 and Sunny Deol’s Batwara 1947. One rides on 19-year-old cult nostalgia; the other on patriotic scale, Aamir Khan’s production muscle and AR Rahman’s score. Yet trade circles and social chatter note a striking imbalance. While Batwara 1947’s trailer, dropped on 28 July, generated immediate heat and “Gadar vibes,” Awarapan 2 has struggled to sustain comparable mass visibility despite a planned promotional runway. Hashmi’s lead track record largely explains the caution. Since Raaz 3 in 2012, his films have largely underperformed. Selfiee in 2023, Ground Zero and Haq in 2025 were disappointments. Supporting turns in Tiger 3 and the Telugu hit They Call Him OG earned praise and box-office association, but they did not restore the “opening power” once associated with the serial-kisser phase. Audiences have grown selective; nostalgia alone no longer guarantees footfalls when recent leads have disappointed.  Against this backdrop, Awarapan 2’s campaign has been steady but restrained. The teaser arrived on 29 June and drew warm fan response for its brooding tone and reworked Toh Phir Aao. Songs followed: Ve Junoon on 7 July and Yeh Awarapan by Arijit Singh on 21 July. A motion poster on 29 July teased the return of Tera Mera Rishta. Vishesh Films had signalled a month-long push centred on music and character. Yet the music has not delivered the expected chart dominance the original album still enjoys. Has Emraan lost hope? Awarapan 2 still holds the advantage of an emotional core and a loyal following that turned the 2007 original into a cult phenomenon long after its theatrical failure. Whether that converts into theatre numbers is a moot point. For now, the marketing gap is real and it mirrors the star-power gap Emraan has been trying to close for over a decade.