A breaking news on SUN TV flashed the unfolding development — AIADMK ‘s C V Shanmugam is alleged to have convinced 15 of his party colleagues to follow him to a resort in Puducherry for some R& R (Rest and Recreation). They say trouble seldom comes by itself. Is Shanmugam pressurising the party chief Edappadi K Palaniswami (EPS) that AIADMK must “support” Vijay, the newly elected wonder for the 11 seats he is falling short in getting a majority to claim governance in TN?  The quickly called AIADMK meet at the Lloyd’s Road HQ brought together strongmen K P Munusamy, S P Velumani , C Vijaya Bhaskar and the voluble Shanmugam in confrontation mood with EPS. A media meet soon after raised the question is the party ready to give support to Vijay? Munusamy quickly denied such speculations, singing praises of the party’s illustrious leaders MGR and J Jayalalithaa, now standing tall under Edappadi.  But the talk about the ginger group only got louder. So this allegation of resorting to keep away from the leadership and raise the flag of dissent appears to be true …after all every party, including the chameleon Congress is in the throes of manoeuvre and machinations to get into the TVK bandwagon at any cost. Old loyalties, party principles and public disdain are not about to stop these aspirers from throwing their hats into that magic ring of 118 MLA s of TVK, needed to claim majority in the Assembly. So much for “serving the people of TN”…principles of loyalty and party discipline rarely stop self-serving politicians.

It may have looked like magic when the Congress rushed its support to the TVK to form the government in Tamil Nadu but allies weren’t happy.  In fact, TVK president C Joseph Vijay met Governor Rajendra Arlekar at the Lok Bhavan in Chennai and staked a claim to form the next government only after receiving a letter of support from the Congress. Yet the letter of support of five Congress MLAs was not enough to convince the Governor that Vijay will be able to provide a stable government with support of113 MLAs– five short of the majority figure of 118. Vijay was hoping other secular parties — the CPI, CPI(M) and VCK – part of the DMK alliance who had two seats each would back him. That did not happen. TVK needed 11 seats to reach the majority. The Left parties and the Indian Union Muslim League ruled out their support. TVK had also sought VCK’s support, sources said, even as he destroyed its support base among Dalit Christians. Interestingly top CPI leadership rued the Congress decision to support to Vijay without “even bothering to consult us.” For the Congress somehow joining TVK government was correcting the mistake of not going with Vijay before the TN assembly polls. All that the Congress bothered was to see that AIADMK, allied with the NDA, didn’t join TVK government. Tremendous pressure was exerted on Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge via his son Priyank Kharge, to back alliance with DMK. This even after Rahul Gandhi and his close aide Praveen Chakravarty were both rooting for a tie-up with Vijay’s TVK. “If only Congress had a pre-poll tie-up with TVK, Vijay would have easily won 140-148 seats…,” says a TN Congress leader. Interestingly, another superstar Rajnikanth, who was also contemplating to enter politics, chose to call on M K Stalin. Will Vijay’s era in TN be the beginning of the coalition era of Tamil politics?

HDFC Bank MD & CEO Sashidhar Jagdishan has been vindicated for his steadfast refusal to bow to pressure. Despite facing serious allegations of financial impropriety, Jagdishan maintained his silence and his stance, even when advised to address the media. His faith in the judicial system was rewarded on May 5, 2026, when the Bombay High Court quashed the FIR filed against him. The controversy began in June 2025 when the Lilavati Kirtilal Mehta Medical Trust—the body managing Mumbai’s iconic Lilavati Hospital—filed a FIR against Jagdishan. The trust alleged that Jagdishan accepted a Rs 2.05 crore bribe to assist specific trustees in maintaining control and interfering in the trust’s internal management. HDFC Bank dismissed the claims as “malicious and baseless,” asserting that the FIR was a retaliatory tactic designed to stall the recovery of over Rs 14.74 crore in outstanding loans from the trust’s affiliates. A division bench of Justices M S Karnik and N R Borkar allowed Jagdishan’s plea, effectively setting aside a previous magistrate court order from May 29 that had called for a police investigation. The High Court observed that the FIR appeared to be a product of “personal vendetta” and a misuse of the legal process. Throughout the ordeal, Jagdishan reportedly declined suggestions to hold a Press Conference to “clear the air,” choosing instead to let the legal process take its course. While the trust requested the case be transferred to the CBI, the High Court dismissed the notion as premature, finding no prima facie evidence of a criminal offense.

In a historic shift for West Bengal, the BJP has ended the 15-year rule of the Trinamool Congress, securing 207 out of 294 seats. The TMC was reduced to just 80 seats. As the dust settles on this landslide victory, intense speculation has turned toward who will be the state’s next Chief Minister. Among the contenders, Suvendu Adhikari has emerged as the clear frontrunner. Adhikari pulled off a remarkable feat by winning both the Bhabanipur and Nandigram constituencies. Notably, he defeated Mamata Banerjee in Bhabanipur by a margin of over 15,000 votes—repeating his 2021 success against her in Nandigram. Currently the Leader of the Opposition, Adhikari’s vast organizational reach and “insider knowledge” from his former tenure in the TMC are seen as major assets. However, some analysts point to his relatively recent entry into the BJP and limited proximity to the RSS as potential hurdles. Other key contenders Include: Samik Bhattacharya: The State President is credited with steering the party’s organizational surge. A long-time member of the Sangh Parivar, he is viewed as an articulate leader with high internal acceptability, though he is often perceived to trail Adhikari in terms of mass mobilization. Dilip Ghosh: Retained his Kharagpur Sadar seat with a victory margin of over 9,000 votes. Roopa Ganguly: The former TV star secured a decisive win in Sonarpur Dakshin by more than 35,000 votes. Agnimitra Paul: Delivered a massive performance in Asansol Dakshin, winning by over 40,000 votes. The swearing-in ceremony is scheduled for May 9, coinciding with the birth anniversary of Rabindranath Tagore. Prime Minister Narendra Modi is expected to attend. Party insiders suggest that preliminary internal consultations show overwhelming support for Adhikari among both newly elected MLAs and grassroots workers.

Trinamool Congress (TMC) supremo Mamata Banerjee has asserted her continued commitment to national opposition politics despite a crushing defeat in the West Bengal Assembly elections, signalling her intent to remain an active player within the I.N.D.I.A. Bloc. A day after results saw the TMC reduced to just 80 seats—a sharp fall from its dominant 213 in 2021—Banerjee dismissed speculation about her political future. Describing herself as a “free bird,” she vowed to continue working alongside her alliance partners. Her remarks come amid mounting questions regarding her relevance within the Opposition grouping following this significant electoral setback. The outgoing Chief Minister also reiterated allegations of “vote looting,” accusing the Election Commission of acting under pressure from the BJP to engineer her party’s defeat. In this context, she confirmed receiving a call from Congress leader Rahul Gandhi, who reportedly reached out to discuss the concerns raised by the TMC. The defeat marks a stark reversal for Banerjee, who had projected the state polls as a stepping stone to challenging the BJP at the Centre. During her campaign, she frequently declared that the time had come to take the fight to Delhi and “break” the ruling party’s dominance. However, the 2026 results have dealt a blow not only to her state leadership but also to her immediate national ambitions. In a notable development, Rahul Gandhi reportedly cautioned Congress leaders against celebrating the TMC’s loss, emphasizing the need for Opposition unity despite past campaign clashes. Several key I.N.D.I.A. bloc leaders—including Sonia Gandhi, Arvind Kejriwal, Uddhav Thackeray, Akhilesh Yadav, and Hemant Soren—have reportedly reached out to express their solidarity.

Rise of the BJP in West Bengal in 2026 was fulfilment of a long-cherished wish of the national party. Consolidation of Hindu votes in favour of the BJP to oust Trinamool Congress (TMC) for 15 years of its misrule was something that was waiting to happen. Though it is not clear what is the immediate trigger to push Mamata Banerjee government out, everyone agreed that cut money was getting a bit too much to bear.  It was affecting even the common man. Little wonder that Mamata got defeated even in her own Bhabanipur constituency to arch rival Suvendu Adhikari of BJP. A senior Congress leader says, “Everyone had become so sick and tired of the corrupt TMC set-up that they wanted to get rid of its misrule. They wanted to give the BJP a chance.” It was also felt only PM Modi was capable of overcoming the minority veto power as he had managed to do so in UP, Bihar and Assam — three states that have sizable Muslim populations. “Since 2014, Modi had managed to unite Hindus and make Muslim vote not determine election outcome. He seemed to have a way of uniting Hindus for a common cause. That is what he had achieved in Bengal. It is in this context that BJP victory in Bengal is important,” pointed out a Sangh ideologue. He referred to provocation of a Bangladeshi lawmaker Akhtar Hossain warning of a potential refugee crisis if the BJP came to power in West Bengal. He had aired his concerns in the Bangladesh Parliament about repatriation of illegal Bangladeshis residing in India if BJP came to power in Bengal. But then why did women in Bengal choose to trust PM Modi, even if he had not fulfilled all the promises made to the Matuas in the CAA? Is it because BJP still seemed a decent bet? Possibly.

Sun Pharmaceutical’s ambitious $11.75 billion acquisition of U.S.-based Organon & Co has effectively reset the benchmarks for the Indian pharma sector. As the largest outbound acquisition in the industry’s history, the Dilip Shanghvi-founded company has solidified its global footprint across Europe, China, Canada, Brazil, and the U.S. through the newly formed Sun Pharma America Inc. Beyond doubling revenue and enhancing EBITDA margins, the deal is a strategic play to position Sun Pharma as a top-three global leader in women’s health and a top-ten player in biosimilars. This shift significantly diversifies Sun’s revenue stream, reducing its dependence on the domestic Indian market, with U.S. revenues projected to rise by $1.4 billion. Industry insiders note that the “easy win” era of small molecules and standard generics has ended. To remain competitive, the sector is pivoting toward heavy investment in complex generics, specialty medicines, and branded products. Analysts predict Sun’s move will trigger a wave of reactionary M&A activity as other Indian giants eye their own global acquisitions.

There’s a fear of post-poll violence in West Bengal!  That is why around 50,000 central forces will remain in the state till counting day on May 4. Yet home ministry mandarins acknowledge that their deployment will remain a constitutional challenge without the state government requisition as law and order are state subjects. The CAPF’s operational powers will be legally limited, creating federal tension. Under Article 324, the ECI requisitions central forces to ensure free and fair polling. But once the ballot boxes are unsealed and votes counted that authority begins to fade. The BJP is confident of winning Bengal but fears post-verdict violence, which Amit Shah wants to prevent. A party source said the Union Home Minister who is likely to arrive in Bengal after the election results are announced on May 4, would monitor the situation to avoid a replay of 2021. Shah has already announced that the central forces would remain in Bengal for two months after the election results to prevent post-poll violence. He has sent his deputy and Union minister of state, Nityananda Rai to Bengal even before the exit poll results were announced. BJP Bengal poll manager and Union minister Bhupender Yadav will reach Kolkata by May 2. Apart from administrative vigilance, Shah asked party workers and leaders to refrain from violence during victory celebrations. State BJP president Samik Bhattacharya said, “We want to ensure that what happened to our workers and supporters in 2021 does not happen to anyone this time. We are afraid that TMC workers will attack their own party workers once the BJP wins.,” Both the BJP and Trinamool have issued warnings to each other’s alleged goons over what might happen after the results are declared on May 4. Shah has warned that Trinamool goons will be “hung upside down and straightened out”.

The Congress party in Maharashtra has become a laughing stock since it is facing the ignominy of withdrawing from an electoral contest for the third consecutive time in a span of just a couple of months.  Senior Congress leaders are feeling embarrassed since the party has been forced to eat its own words without extracting any concrete promise from the Nationalist Congress party (NCP) or the Shiv Sena (UBT) about the forthcoming elections in 2028. The focus of the ridicule is state Congress president Harshwardhan Sapkal, who has fallen flat on his face after showing bravado every time. So much so that many of his party workers openly ask if he is making such important announcements on his own or without getting the high command’s clearance. Sapkal had to announce withdrawal of his party candidate from the Rajya Sabha fray earlier this year, to make way for unopposed election of NCP boss Sharad Pawar. Soon thereafter, he was compelled to declare that the Congress party will not contest against deputy CM Sunetra Pawar for the Baramati assembly byelection. He was made to change his stand immediately after warning the ruling Mahayuti that no walkover will be given to Sunetra. The latest insult Sapkal has suffered has happened in the biannual Vidhan Parishad election in which Sena leader Uddhav Thackeray unilaterally announced the candidature of his party Ambadas Danve. This caught Sapkal totally unprepared as even his own party leaders distanced themselves from his hasty behaviour. Thus, the Congress that ruled Maharashtra for decades till just a dozen years ago is considered a fringe party now, with Sapkal facing the blame for its decline.

One question that is haunting chattering classes in Delhi is whether Kerala polls will sound the death knell of the Left Parties in India? Will the Left Democratic Front be voted out of its last safe haven from India? After being voted out of Tripura, Bengal, will the Left lose its bastion in Kerala after a successful two-term run under CPI(M) stalwart Pinaryi Vijayan?  Or maybe survive to last a third term on a slender margin. Many Communist leaders are worried! In spite of many scandals, Left leaders are hoping that LDF is voted back. As far as the Lok Sabha is concerned, the Left Parties had their best showing in the 2004 election winning over 60 seats. Today, their strength lies less in widespread electoral success and more in isolated strongholds, alliances, and cadre-based networks. If there is one state where the Left still governs with authority, it is Kerala. The state has a long history of communist politics, dating back to 1957 when the world’s first democratically elected Communist government was formed under EMS Namboodiripad. Five exit polls’ results show the United Democratic Front (UDF), a coalition led by the Congress in Kerala, dethroning the LDF government led by Vijayan, who ruled the state for the last 10 years. In fact, Vijayan’s victory in 2021 was an aberration of sorts. Kerala has had the long-standing practice of alternating between voting for the LDF and the UDF. Kerala’s Left has sustained itself through welfare governance, strong public health and education systems, and disciplined party organisation. Even if it loses ground in the assembly election, the CPI(M) still has a chance of returning to power, given the state’s electoral history.