Friday the 13th contrary to popular belief brought extraordinary luck to ration card holding women of Tamil Nadu… even as TN chief minister M K Stalin walked into the function to give the employment orders for government jobs, he seemed extremely pleased with his strategic generosity. He greeted his electorate “Today it is not just good morning to you all…it is a Super Good Morning to my sisters in TN. Your government has increased the women’s honorarium from Rs 3000 to Rs 5000.” Did people and media see him almost wink when he made the next announcement? “After jumping many obstacle hoops and challenges, I want to be CM for all…not just those who vote for the DMK. This largesse Stalin said would be increased to Rs 10,000 pm if I am voted back to power.” Stalin waxed eloquent about how TN had climbed the development charts to become the #1 state in many indices. Even as the milk sops doles were being announced, the new challenger on the block TVK’s Vijay was presiding over yet another mammoth public meet at Salem. He thundered “Whatever money is given, take from every party, blow the whistle to deafen them. Run and vote for me”! So much for dramatic campaigns and vainglorious speeches and promises. Maridas, a well-known blogger put this whole dole outpouring in perspective. Speaking about the futility of the budget deficit of TN, he said, “I am happy that the poor sisters of TN are getting this generous amount”. But at what cost? Whichever government is elected, the state deficit reality will far outweigh the gains 1.3 crore women got…wait till taxes hit you in the new government’s budget.” The men can drown their sorrows in TASMAC spirits …it is the women who have to work harder to keep the family fires burning.

With the West Bengal Assembly elections just months away, political battle has acquired a sharper digital edge. The principal rivals — TMC and BJP — are not only trading barbs at rallies but are also locked in a parallel battle across social media platforms, where videos, satire and personal controversies are swiftly reframed as political statements. What distinguishes this election cycle is the central role of content creators. YouTubers, podcasters and self-styled influencers are increasingly shaping narratives, with their content amplified by party ecosystems, blurring the line between independent commentary and partisan mobilisation. Two recent, unrelated controversies involving Bengal-based creators illustrate how combustible the intersection of identity politics, personal disputes and electoral timing has become. The first involved actor and YouTuber Sayak Chakraborty, who alleged in a viral video that a Muslim waiter at Olypub deliberately served him beef instead of mutton, calling it an affront to his Hindu Brahmin identity. Though the video was later deleted, it spread widely and triggered protests by fringe Hindutva groups in Kolkata. The waiter was initially arrested, while a counter FIR was filed against Chakraborty for allegedly instigating communal disharmony. Following social media protests by sections of civil society, the waiter was granted bail. BJP leaders amplified the clip, turning a restaurant dispute into a communally charged controversy. Soon after, 25-year-old content creator Shamik Adhikary, known online as ‘Nonsane’, was arrested days after releasing a sharply worded Bengali political satire titled Button. His girlfriend accused him of sexual violence and wrongful confinement. The BJP characterised the arrest as political retribution by the TMC government, with senior leader Amit Malviya sharing the satire and alleging suppression of dissent. In both cases, viral content triggered outrage, partisan amplification followed, and original facts...

Cash doles ahead of assembly elections has become a common occurrence in recent times, despite red flags raised by economists and RBI.  In an attempt to woo women voters, the ruling DMK government announced that Rs 5,000 each has been credited to 1.31 crore beneficiaries under the Kalaignar Magalir Urimai Thittam. This includes advance disbursal of the monthly dole of Rs 1,000 for February, March and April, along with a “special summer assistance” component of Rs 2,000. Chief Minister M K Stalin defended the decision alleging there were attempts to stall the monthly disbursal during the election period. The move will cost the state government about Rs 6,500 crore. Stalin also promised that if DMK comes back to power the monthly amount would be increased to Rs 2,000. The DMK government’s move attracted sharp criticism from the Opposition parties. Interestingly, the AIADMK has promised a sum of Rs 2,000 per month would be paid to the woman-head of every family covered under the system of ration cards. DMK’s move follows a Rs 3,000 cash dole to more than 2.22 crore rice ration card-holders, which cost the state government Rs 6,936 crore. The recent Economic Survey has warned about unconditional cash transfer by States affecting the fiscal mix. Seems political compulsions overrule fiscal prudence during elections and it leaves no little room for capital spending.

Former Maharashtra chief minister Uddhav Thackeray is among the nine retiring members of the Maharashtra Legislative Council. Their term expires on 14 May this year. While resigning as chief minister way back in 2022, Uddhav had announced that he would quit the council as well. However, he did not give up the membership and was trolled for this change of heart. As the nine seats are elected from the lower house, the Opposition will have to plan its strategy cautiously as the ruling BJP-Sena (Shinde) alliance has a massive majority in the assembly. It has about 240 members on its side in the house of 286. Given this current arithmetic, the quota of 36 is likely to be fixed to get elected to the upper house. While the Opposition can send one candidate through the goal post easily, the moot question is who that individual will be. Uddhav had earlier indicated that he would like to return to the council. However, of late, there is complete silence in the Opposition camp on this sensitive issue.  The other prominent names in the list include Neelam Gorhe, currently deputy chairperson of the house. After aligning with the Shiv Sena led by deputy chief minister Eknath Shinde, she is hopeful of staging a comeback. Indications are that the matter will be resolved through understanding, so that the election happens unopposed. Still, last minute manoeuvring is likely. Hence, both sides have kept their fingers crossed.

A Shiv Sena (UBT) stronghold since the inception of the organisation way back in 1966, Parbhani will have a new mayor, Syed Iqbal Syed Khwaja, a staunch party worker. His election has kicked up a political storm since Syed is the first Muslim to be nominated for a high civic post by the Sena. Deputy chief minister Eknath Shinde, who broke away from the parent party in 2022, has lambasted Sena leader Uddhav Thackeray, reminding him of certain public statements of Balasaheb in this regard. On the other hand, Sena (UBT) MP Sanjay Raut has hit back, saying that a nationalist Muslim was preferable to a ‘Gaddaar’ (traitor), reminding Shinde about his decision to desert the undivided Sena. Sayed is a first-time corporator and is elected as mayor with the support of the Congress. He defeated his BJP rival Tirumala Khilare by securing 39 votes against her 26 in the 65-member Parbhani municipal corporation, a major town in Marathwada region of the state. Thus, Parbhani has become the sole civic corporation under Uddhav Sena. In the past, the united Sena had won assembly elections from Parbhani on communal campaigning. Taking a dig at Uddhav Sena, Shinde said its true face has been exposed while it had already sunk Balasaheb’s doctrine in 2022 while forming a government with Congress support. The Parbhani win is not surprising since the UBT has supported the BJP in installing its mayor in Chandrapur in Vidarbha region. Blurring party lines, local combinations have been taking place across Maharashtra where those forming such arrangements keep claiming that their decision is taken ‘in the interest of local development.’

After all — with suspense hanging over the India-Pakistan clash in the ICC Men’s Twenty20 World Cup in Colombo this Sunday — sense seems to have prevailed over the Pakistan Cricket Board and also the country’s government to withdraw from their earlier stated position to not to take the field against its arch rivals. Siding with Bangladesh — because it did not want to travel to India citing security reasons and thereafter replaced by Scotland in the tournament — Pakistan took a position it would not have taken two years ago, but the ICC made sure that the Indian team turning up at the R Premadasa Stadium, Colombo would play the scheduled match. It’s a matter of conjecture as to how Singaporean Imran Khwaja, deputy chairman of the ICC, managed to cause a turnaround in Pakistan’s decision at the meeting at Lahore. Khwaja was deputed by independent Chair Jay Shah to get Pakistan play the match at the neutral venue. Bangladesh – advised by Dhaka not to travel to India – has turned out to be the biggest loser on the World Cup participation issue. Its players have missed a World Cup tournament and thereby their share of the prize money for winning a match. The ICC dealt with the situation smartly as advised by its legal cell and Shah deserves credit for taking the initiative to depute Khwaja who not long ago got along well with former ICC Chair in Shashank Manohar and was probably a contender to helm the ICC. The outcome at the Lahore meeting has paved the way for a 17th clash between India and Pakistan in the Twenty20 format. India has won 13 and Pakistan, three times. It could be a full house at the Premadasa on Sunday.

Vaikom in Kerala is famous for its esoteric culture and temples. Now Vaikom Vijayalakshmi, the born blind singer has given her hometown a new and motivational identity. Her parents named her Vijayalakshmi as she was born on Vijayadashami in 1981, little realising that this girl child would never see the world. Her father, Muraleedharan  made an unusual one string Veena for her and she started her melodious journey. Violin maestro the late Kunnakudi Vaidyanathan, impressed by her skill, gave the title of Gayatri Veena. There was no stopping her from then onwards …crooning her way through both film songs and devotional songs. Starting with Malayalam films, she is now popular in Tamil films too, her Tamil diction and renderings near perfect. She has won several state awards. Her film songs are many and popular, launched in the film Celluloid, but her Murugan devotionals (remixes too) are celebrated, especially “Paal manakkuthu pazham manakkuthu Palani malaiyile” .One of the most significant festivals , Thai Poosam  celebrated with amazing devotion and dedication in Sri Lanka , Malaysia and South India reverberates with Vijayalakshmi’ s devotionals, the crowds sway, mesmerised by her. Her aspiration is to render songs under the direction of Ilayaraja and A R Rahman. But her personal life is not fulfilling…her family is frustrated by two attempts to get her married. She filed for divorce from a misogynist husband Santosh who wanted her to stop singing and coming out in public. Her blindness put him off. Vijayalakshmi is not daunted by lack of sight …her rustic voice tinged with haunting melody (a trained masters in music) has made her own name. John Milton’s poem “On His Blindness” is appropriate…They also serve who only stand and wait.”

There is apparently a divergence of views in the DMK about raising a banner of revolt against Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla as envisaged by LoP Rahul Gandhi. Many DMK MPs are keen to join the debate on the Union Budget, though some wanted to join Rahul Gandhi to sign no confidence against the Speaker. Apparently, there is a growing pressure on 23 DMK MPs in the Lok Sabha to raise TN issues in the House ahead of state polls. It is being said CM Stalin, who is also DMK Chief is not keen to nominate the seat sharing committee of his party to engage in negotiation with the Congress. Stalin is of the view that early seat-sharing discussions could divert attention from governance and key welfare initiatives of his Govt. Besides, he feels if the Congress wishes to walk out of the alliance, it is all very well. At least, the BJP in Delhi will be kind to the DMK. Tough stand of the DMK has made the Congress quite distraught. The Congress feels the DMK is behaving as if it wants the Congress to go out of the alliance. Meanwhile, it is being said financiers of TVK chief and superstar Vijay’s Jana Nayagan have become restless about the manner in which the film’s release has been held hostage by the CBFC. It is felt that the “political message” of the film has upset the BJP leadership. Sources say one of the financiers got in touch with top BJP leaders in Delhi and assured that Vijay will not “forge an alliance” with the Congress in TN. This only means that the Congress could end up as a pumpkin in TN politics. Ostracised, with no serious political player taking the party seriously!

Vishal Bhardwaj and Shahid Kapoor’s collaboration has been a beacon of artistic excellence in Bollywood, yet it consistently grapples with commercial underperformance. Their partnership began with the 2009 caper thriller Kaminey, a film that blended dark humour, gritty realism, and memorable music like the chart-topping Dhan Te Nan. It achieved moderate box office success, grossing around Rs 71 crore worldwide against Rs 35 crore budget, but its niche appeal limited broader mass acceptance. Bhardwaj’s signature style; complex narratives inspired by Shakespeare or real-life grit, often prioritizes intellectual depth over crowd-pleasing masala elements. This pattern persisted in Haider (2014), a haunting adaptation of Hamlet set against Kashmir’s turmoil. Critically acclaimed and award-winning, it earned Rs 70 crore in India on a Rs 24 crore budget. Rangoon (2017), their third outing, was a visual spectacle of wartime romance, yet it bombed spectacularly, collecting just Rs 38 crore against Rs 60 crore budget. Bhardwaj’s films are classy and intellectual, not “mainstream” blockbusters; they demand viewer engagement rather than passive entertainment, resulting in polarized reception. Shahid Kapoor’s choices often lean toward challenging roles, but recent ventures like Deva (2025), underscored this– earning a mere Rs 51.73 crore worldwide on a Rs 50 crore budget, deemed a flop due to weak openings and mixed reviews. Enter O’Romeo (2026), their fourth venture, an action thriller rooted in Mumbai’s underworld, releasing on February 13. Despite a stellar cast including Triptii Dimri and songs like Ishq Ka Fever and Aashiqon Ki Colony, the buzz remains subdued. The film lacks the “high-voltage drama” or explosive marketing hype of mass entertainers. Ultimately, this duo’s inability to deliver consistent hits stems from Bollywood’s long debate of art versus commerce. O’Romeo could break the cycle if word-of-mouth ignites, but without amplified excitement, it risks joining...

Mumbai may have got a new spanking Rs 19,650 crore airport at Navi Mumbai but it will in no way ease congestion at Chatrapati Shivaji Maharaj International Airport (CSMIA) or T2. Navi Mumbai International Airport (NMIA), operated by Adani (74%) and CIDCO (26%) under a PPP model, has decided to charge parking and landing charges which are double of CSMIA. Even user development fees (UDF) charged per passenger is higher at NMIA. This will see airlines sticking to CSMIA rather than shifting to the new airport. Moreover, with the Rs 22,862 crore metro connectivity between Mumbai and New Mumbai taking three to four years to complete, there is no incentive for passengers to head to the new airport. According to informed sources, since NMIA is a greenfield project with massive infrastructure costs to recoup, its operating fees are significantly higher than CSIA. The UDF, part of the overall air fare per passenger, is nearly 3.5 times higher than that of CSMIA. Domestic departure fee at CSMIA is Rs 175-207 while it is Rs 620 at NMIA. Likewise, international departures cost Rs 615-726 while it is Rs 1225 at NMIA. Experts say that the Airports Economic Regulatory Authority allows new airports to charge higher ad hoc tariffs during the first few years of operation. But the good news for users of CSMIA is the reduction in landing and parking charges by 35% introduced a couple of months back, thereby making it competitive with other international airports. India’s major airports used to charge 60% higher landing fees than Dubai/Singapore. Today Mumbai’s rates may not be lower but closer to Changi (Singapore) and Incheon (Seoul) rates. Since the Adanis took over CSMIA, the emphasis has been to shift the cost burden slowly from airlines to passengers like other international airports. Typically, 50-60% of airports’ revenue comes from non-aeronautical sources like shopping, dining, hotels, real estate rentals etc.