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TVK supremo Vijay’s consigliere Aadav Arjun is seen to be deranged by the political rank and file, especially after his loose cannon remarks. The one baiting Thalaivar Rajinikanth has raised the hackles of all …fans especially who are waiting to be roused to rise. What did Arjun say? In an extreme attempt to schmooze and schmaltz in his role of deifying Vijay, this indiscreet party member said, “Even Rajinikanth attempted to plunge headlong into politics, aping MGR, assuming he would be worshipped by TN. But what happened? The first family of DMK threatened him. And he withdrew. But our TVK leader Vijay is a rock…cannot be threatened by anyone”. You can imagine the storm raised by this indiscreet and vicious comment especially about Rajini who is worshipped by devoted fans all over the country. Tamil Nadu BJP chief Nainaar Nagendran tried to condemn Aadav’s pointless talk, with some meek, assuaging words and the challenge that Aadav should apologise to Rajinikanth. But it is the scathing repartee of journalist Mani that made a big impact. “This man is not just ignorant, but indecent…and he is not even a politician but a lottery ticket vendor. Earlier he tried to latch on to Thirumavalavan, then the DMK’s first family …now he has latched on to Vijay.” Rajini fans have protested but the DMK has brushed off the allegation like a fly. With a consigliere like Aadav who needs enemies?
West Bengal’s upcoming Assembly election will be held in two phases, dividing the state into contrasting political zones, with data from the 2021 Assembly polls and 2024 Lok Sabha segment mapping indicating the battle for power will unfold differently across the two regions. The first phase, scheduled for April 23, covers 152 constituencies across 16 districts, including North Bengal, the western belts, and coastal Purba Medinipur. A retrospective mapping of the 2021 results suggests a competitive landscape where the TMC held 92 seats against the BJP’s 59. While the BJP previously capitalised on anti-incumbency here, 2024 Parliamentary data shows a tighter race; the TMC secured a 52.6% vote share, the BJP 39.5%, and the Congress-Left alliance 7.9%. With an average victory margin of just 9.89%, this zone remains highly volatile. Social demographics add further complexity. Of the 39 constituencies with minority populations exceeding 40%, the TMC’s 2021 clean sweep faced fragmentation in 2024, with the TMC leading in 21 segments, the Congress-Left in 11, and the BJP in seven. Furthermore, voter list adjudication poses a mathematical threat: in 48% of these seats, voters under adjudication outnumber the 2024 victory margins. On April 29, the battle shifts to 142 seats in the South Bengal heartland, encompassing Kolkata and the 24 Parganas. This remains a formidable TMC stronghold; the party won 123 seats here in 2021 and maintained an 80.3% lead in 2024 segments with a wide 15.05% average margin. Interestingly, this region shows high voter deletion rates, averaging 12.7% in TMC-won seats. As the BJP’s strongest areas vote first, the TMC may benefit from a schedule that allows it to consolidate momentum toward its core base in the final.
Many political aspirants and Tamil Nadu party leaders are secretly coveting this extraordinary Brand status of Vijay, the leader of TVK. How lucky can a man get with such super branding, promos, press and news stature like the cine star Vijay? Of course he bungee jumped into the fray with a mind blowing fan following, star status and oodles of money and flash. Just two years into his splash down, Vijay gets to hog the press…41 people die in the Karur stampede at his first ever public meet, his overhyped and meticulously planned release Jana Nayagan, so called swan song hits the censor road block, allegations of an extramarital affair and the fury of his wife Sangeetha in her divorce plea, his two children openly cutting his name off as parent, toxic revelations about his parents distancing themselves from him, CBI summons and trips to Delhi so called pressure wooing from a national party. In fact, every facet of his public and private life is in the constant glare of publicity. Would any other politician go out on a limb and still smell of roses? Vijay does. The Kohinoor in Vijay’s crown is the happening development — V Senthil Balaji summoned to Delhi for CBI questioning. Balaji is the DMK MLA from Karur, his powerful stomping ground where the stampede killed 41 people. Vijay is alleged to have conveyed to the CBI, that though he was delayed coming to the mega meet, it was the henchmen of Balaji who sprayed a fainting agent on the crowd …the stampede, melee and deaths quickly happened.
Ahead of the March 16 Rajya Sabha poll, a complex tug-of-war situation is now brewing in Odisha between BJD-Congress and BJP. Parties are now guarding against possible poaching scenario ahead of Rajya Sabha polls. Already, Congress has shifted nine of its 14 MLAs to Bengaluru and BJD’s Naveen Patnaik has lined up daily meetings with his legislators to guard against possible horse trading. There are five competing candidates spread between BJD-Congress and BJP who are now competing for four Rajya Sabha seats. What seems clear is the growing prospect of cross voting, absenteeism or intentional rejection of votes scenario. This essentially means smooth sailing for Manmohon Samal (BJP), Sujeet Kumar (BJP), the outgoing MP who is now opting for another term and Dr Santrupt Misra (BJD). However, Congress-BJD supported candidate Dr Datteswar Hota seems to be in a tricky situation. He could be facing possible cross-voting and absenteeism scenario. This scenario could make Dilip Ray(Independent) ex-Union Minister win the Rajya sabha seat backed by BJP’s 79 MLA’s including three independents. Most agree that BJP will have 23 surplus first preference votes for Dilip Ray ensuring he sails in smoothly amidst fluid political situation.
In a strategic move to turf out West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee in the upcoming Assembly poll, the BJP is focussing on her stronghold – women voters. Didi’s Lakshmir Bhandar scheme has proved to be very popular. As a counter to that the BJP has launched Labharthi Sampark Abhiyan scheme which promises to top Didi’s scheme which is currently paying Rs 1,500– Rs 1,700 per month to Rs 3,000 if voted to power. Complementing this, Union Home Minister Amit Shah announced a separate Rs 5,700-crore special fund dedicated to women’s safety, education, skill development, and self-help groups. BJP manifesto committee members emphasize that this fund is an additional empowerment initiative distinct from the monthly cash transfers. To popularise its Labharthi Sampark Abhiyan, BJP has embarked on a massive door-to-door campaign targeting approximately 64 lakh families, or nearly 2 crore voters. Under this strategy, a dedicated committee and district-level teams have appointed a Labharthi Sampark Pramukh at 1,060 booths. Workers are instructed to show that while Lakshmir Bhandar provides roughly Rs 60,000 over five years, central schemes like the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana, Ujjwala LPG connections, and PM-Kisan provide benefits worth up to Rs 4 lakh per family over the same period. The BJP’s internal data highlights a significant reach, noting that 82 lakh families in Bengal have received central benefits, including 18 lakh minority and 64 lakh Hindu households. Within the Hindu demographic, 42 lakh families have accessed at least three schemes, while 35 lakh families have benefited from five. By focusing on direct individual benefits—such as housing, toilets, and piped water—and excluding general infrastructure like roads, the party aims to prove its efficacy. BJP leaders are betting that this “beneficiary-first” model will finally yield a breakthrough in West Bengal.
In Maharashtra, topnotch Mantralaya babus attached to high profile departments, put on notice by state legislature over absence during crucial discussions during the ongoing budget session of the state legislature have landed in trouble today. Errant IAS officials suddenly find the sword of Damocles hanging over their heads after failing to take heed of the legislative advisory. Speaker of the state legislative assembly Rahul Narvekar, irked by the continued lackadaisical attitude of these officers of the rank of additional chief secretary (ACS) has now sought an ATR (action taken report) first thing, Monday morning (Mar 16). The issue emerged during the discussions over the planned budget outlay of Rs 7,69,476 crore (including a Rs 40,552 crore revenue deficit) for Maharashtra presented by Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis on March 6. IAS officers managing the high-profile departments to include Urban Development, Social Justice & Special Assistance, Housing, Tourism and Cultural Affairs and Other Backward Public Welfare that attract huge budgetary allocations were found missing in action. Both houses of the state legislature had taken sharp note of the absence of the senior secretariat officials last week during the crucial discussions revolving around the allocations for these departments crucial to effective governance of the state. Last week’s advisory directed the senior Babudom to ensure they remained present (seated in the sidebar enclosures) of the state legislative assembly (Vidhan Sabha) and council (Vidhan Parishad). Today (Mar 13) witnessed both houses of the state legislature particularly the opposition benches (read UBT Shiv Sena MLC Sachibhau Ahir and Sharad Pawar NCP president Shashikant Shinde) citing the incorrigible behaviour of the officers and even concerned ministers being absent when their department wise issues were being discussed in the upper house (Parishad).
Union finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman was replying to the debate in Lok Sabha on the ‘Supplementary Demands for Grants – Second Batch for 2025-26’. Being a Friday, with Private Members’ Business scheduled for the later part of the day, she was hard pressed for time. At the same time that did not stop her from addressing issues raised by MPs of small parties like RSP leader N K Premachandran (Kerala) or Chandrashekhar Azad “Ravan” (chief of Aazad Samaj Party,UP). Sitharaman took up the matter of Premachandran censuring the government for providing emergency situations like the current West Asia crisis. “It is ironic that even when I am talking about how the government is preparing to face any unexpected events, including supply chain disruptions and LPG, they (Opposition) are not willing to hear the reply. They want to have their own agenda. Sit on the stairs and have chai and talk about LPG. This is our Opposition,” FM said. With Azad, Sitharaman fact-checked his complaints about lack of amenities for his voters and reeled off data to counter him. However, the best part was when she informed the House how Vidur, the wise man of Mahabharat – paternal uncle to the warring brothers Pandavas and Kauravas had settled down in Azad’s constituency. “Azad ji, I do not know why you are using Ravan in your name. Guess, Vidur would be more appropriate,” she suggested. Meanwhile, on the LPG situation the government made it clear that there have been no reports of dry-out situations at any of the 25,000 LPG distributorship in the country. Though there has been surge in the number of LPG bookings on account of panic buying. Daily bookings have increased from average 55.7 lakh to 76 lakh.
On Friday the 13th, the residents of Poes Garden heard the deafening sound of bursting crackers, once again. Sasikala, no novice to the game of power in Tamil Nadu politics, waited patiently to get a call from any party to join their alliance. Ever since her return from the confines of Parapana Agrahara (Bengaluru jail), there was much anticipation, talk, and an almost palpable fear of this known unknown who could strategize and motivate the crowd. When no acknowledgement came, when each entity had secured their alliance seats, Sasikala did what she is best at…she has now thrown a gauntlet and challenge backed by her prep of two years. Clad in a teal green saree, she gathered the crowd and the media just a few hundred yards next to JJ’s home…a mansion just as imposing, radiating power. The name of her party Anaithu India Puratchi Thalaivar Makkal Munnettre Kazhagam…definitely a mouthful, but one can trust the media abbreviators to come up with an alphabet soup of short form. The flag had a Trishul like emblem of Anna, Puratchi Thalaivar and JJ. It was when Sasikala flashed the party election symbol, a grove of coconut trees that she opened up, let her guard down. “I don’t stand here alone …like these coconut trees, I am with a grove and hope to add many more”. Even as she spoke about her trials and tribulations, about her mentors, the tears shed freely. A careful dab with her tissue, Sasikala stood tall like Casablanca…“the boy stood on the burning deck”.
For too long India’s founding pillars of women’s cricket — Shubhangi Kulkarni and Diana Edulji- – have been given the short shrift for the Lifetime achievement award. This absolutely smacks of injustice to the country’s top flight cricketers of the 1970s when the women’s team made its Test debut against the West Indies at Bangalore in 1976. Shubhangi, who took seven wickets in the Test including a 5ver in the first innings and took 60 wickets overall bowling leg spin, is 66 and Diana who took 63 Test wickets between 1976 and 1991 is 70. Both have been part of women’s cricket ecosystem as an administrator with the BCCI and ICC and one is appalled by unenlightened attitude of those deciding on the Lifetime achievement award. It appears all calls are taken at the whims and fancies of certain people and this has happened when cricketers like Sourav Ganguly, Roger Binny were at the helm of the BCCI and now when Mithun Manhas is at the helm. This is bizarre. Shubhangi and Diana ought to have been bestowed the Lifetime awards a few years ago. Both have worked towards solving payment related matters to current and past cricketers who of course will not run a campaign for the lifetime for these two once their grievances are sorted out. Mithali Raj — speculated to be getting the award in March 15 at the BCCI annual awards in New Delhi — was born in 1982, six years after Shubhangi and Diana made their international debut. The BCCI must, sooner than later, rectify its erroneous decisions and fete the two stalwarts of Indian women’s cricket with the Lifetime Achievement honour. These two will never think of staging a protest. The BCCI must respect the two.
Vijay and Sangeetha’s divorce plea has broken the net along with their marriage vows.. What started off 17 years back as a wow marriage is now in the ruins of claims and counterclaims of vows, infidelity and all kinds of mud mutually thrown. Much talked about divorce was that of Vijay and Sangeetha. But not all divorce seekers are running after alimony. Take chubby and cherubic Hansika Motwani who held sway over the swarthy Tamilian heroes with her “white” complexion. In her very first movie, she took off in a flight with none other than the future deputy CM of TN …the cash registers of course jingled with the pairing. But Kollywood was not overly smitten by her fair and lovely looks. Acting wise, she could just about giggle and sway. Soon, her mother cast around for a suitable boy. In 2022 of December, she married industrialist Sohail Kathuriya. Soon, Hansika realised that they were in no way compatible. What a surprise! Her divorce petition specially mentioned she needs no alimony, even as a Bandra family court granted them the divorce. So much for twinning in red. Talk of twinning outfits…Ravi Mohan opted to walk out of 17 years of marriage to Aarti and their two sons, leaving her heart broken. Ravi Mohan walked into the Goan abode of Kenisha Francis, a singer. And guess what both were twinning in a peach outfit at an event, to serve further grist to the rumour mill. So far Kenisha has not said yes or no to Ravi Mohan, a typical stance when the intruder in a marriage has her own fears. What if? Ravi Mohan, a whiner about his personal life is now talking existential truth …in his Insta he says, “Guys say what you want, since the general perception is that it is always the woman who is wronged. Men too are victims“.
Tamil superstar Vijay threw his hat in the Tamil Nadu political ring, convinced that he was Moses for whom the sea would split. His party – TVKs — every move, every utterance and strategy created tidal waves. But Vijay has painted himself into a corner, a much-maligned man used and manipulated by the rag tag of TN parties and the two major outfits –DMK and AIADMK. How is he planning to extricate from this Chakravyuh? Vijay is a great entertainer and bankable actor but he underestimated the manoeuvring and manipulations of those scrambling for a perch on the big bandwagons. Take Dr Anbumani Ramadoss who has broken away from the PMK family and fold; he persisted in using Vijay as bargaining chip, till the BJP wheedled him into the NDA. TTV Dinakaran went one step further with his pressure cooker tactics…the media was peppered with snippets of how Vijay was just waiting to open his heart and party. The BJP quickly caught him in their grip with the promise of 33 seats, Rajya Sabha post and a deputy CM post. The Congress too has been twisting DMK arms –using Vijay as bait –pushing for 28 seats. Premalatha, late Vijayakanth’s wife has built up her worth by playing an unmatched trapeze artist, notching up the suspense. Old man Ramadoss for his part says why should only the old parties aspire for TN? Why can’t a young man like Vijay rise? Again these “sympathisers” are not promoting Vijay…they just want to dent the DMK vote bank and then bargain. Maybe Vijay did not foresee so many Trojans he had to counter and contend with. A popular Tamil magazine has summed it up succinctly …Vijay has launched his super market…but no customers so far.
Maharashtra’s politics has long been a maze of caste equations, regional ambitions, cooperative networks and dominant local satraps. But in recent years — and more sharply after the latest civic and local body elections — a striking new trend is seen emerging. All political parties are discarding ideological commitments and old rivalries to cobble together expedient alliances at the grassroots. Across wards and municipalities, the political battle is no longer anchored in principles or programmes. Instead, it revolves around arithmetic, individual clout and the urgency for political survival. Once sworn adversaries, many are sharing rallies, ideological oppositions are sunk and erstwhile bitter enmities are quietly buried in the scramble for seizing power. Crass pragmatism has triumphed over sanctity of philosophy. In short, convenience has replaced conviction. In this arena of local politics, “no holds barred” has become the key word. It is a ruthless realism where power matters more than what one once stood for. While the BJP has established its numerical prime position in the state polity by winning over half of the seats in the 29 municipal corporations that went to the polls, the Shiv Sena led by Uddhav Thackeray and the NCP established by Sharad Pawar were the main losers. However, in the post-poll scenario that is throwing one surprise after another, both these parties are engaged in forming alliances with some of their former opponents. The clear picture will become visible in a few days once the mayoral elections are held. Till then, the once unthinkable permutations and combinations will be watched by the hapless electors.
With less than a year to go for the 2026 West Bengal Assembly elections, the anticipated alliance between the CPM and Congress remains in limbo. Despite the recent Kaliganj by-election, where Congress contested with CPM support and improved its performance, the absence of a structured coordination mechanism has left both parties drifting. Party insiders suggest that CPM general secretary Sitaram Yechury, who was the key in maintaining crucial communication with Congress’ national leadership. But after his sudden demise in 2024 not much progress has been made. CPM sources indicate initial movement to create space for Congress, which has now stalled, with no confirmed timeline or structured plan for resuming discussions. Earlier this year, tensions between the CPM and ally RSP over seat allocation led to Congress being handed the Kaliganj seat. At the national level, AICC general secretary Ghulam Ahmad Mir had urged the Bengal unit to prepare for at least 90 assembly seats, signalling both independent strength and the option of alliance-building. This is in respect to the outcome of the 2024 Lok Sabha election where CPM led in just one assembly segment, while Congress held leads in 11, mostly in North Dinajpur, Malda, and Murshidabad. On several occasions symbolic unity has been absent between Pradesh Congress and CPM where state president Subhankar Sarkar and CPM leader Mohammad Salim separately organise protest programmes against the ruling Trinamool Congress. Further, internal frictions persist, including discomfort between CPM leaders and former Congress state chief Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury, while AICC organisational chief KC Venugopal’s focus on Kerala is seen as affecting Bengal alliance efforts. With no talks between the two parties, the 2026 Assembly elections could once again see a direct fight between the Trinamool Congress and the BJP.
With at least 41 people getting killed in a stampede at a political rally in Karur organised by the Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) of actor Vijay, a lot has changed in Tamil Nadu politics. The tragedy has completely rewritten the way Vijay can do politics in the state. It seems he cannot afford to go solo and needs to hitch his bandwagon to an alliance. May be the AIADMK-BJP alliance. Or some third alliance. Or else he may find crushed by the DMK. At least, three days after the stampede Vijay conceded that the stampede was a conspiracy that should have never happened. It is being said the stampede has so shattered the confidence of his followers and his workers that in a video message to CM MK Stalin, Vijay sought to know if the ruling party was seeking revenge. Clearly the DMK was unsettled by the kind of response he was getting from people. With a huge fan following, Vijay was not willing to have an alliance with the AIADMK. During his initial talks with AIADMK chief Edappadi K Palaniswami (EPS) he had demanded that he be projected as CM. After the Karur incident, Vijay knows he needs friends desperately. To be fair, EPS promptly came out in his support. Former TN BJP chief K Annamalai pointed out that the presence of 400 cops at Vijay’s rally was inadequate. With Vijay seeking a CBI probe into the incident via petition in Madras High Court, it is important that he builds bridges with the Centre. It is learnt that Home Minister Amit Shah also reached out to Vijay. Meanwhile, TN Congress leaders are puzzled that Rahul Gandhi should even call up Vijay. That too when nine Cong MPs had met CM Stalin to discuss their constituency work only last week. Was the Congress deliberately misleading people about TN alliances?
It was clearly a day of hard work and some tough negotiations. Success came at the end of hours of backroom negotiations. Union Home Minister Amit Shah, who has networked and negotiated several alliances on behalf of the BJP, may have never spent more than a day to finalise the agreement, has been working on the fine details of the pact with AIADMK for nearly two days. Initially there was anxiety that Shah’s presser that was originally scheduled to be held by noon got delayed by a few hours. He held a wide range of consultations with Thuglak editor S Gurumurthy. He was determined to secure an alliance with AIADMK chief Edappadi K Palaniswami (EPS) before he left Chennai; his tenacity paid off. He wanted to make sure that the AIADMK and the BJP contest the 2026 Tamil Nadu Assembly elections as part of the NDA alliance. He also ensured that when he announced the AIADMK-BJP pact, both the Gounder leaders — EPS and Annamalai — were present with him. “This election will be led nationally by Narendra Modi and in Tamil Nadu by EPS and AIADMK,” Shah said. Shah also made it clear that EPS had not made any pre-conditions. He pointed out that the AIADMK has been part of the NDA since 1998, and that PM Modi and former Chief Minister J Jayalalithaa had worked together in the past. Even though he didn’t specify, Shah made it clear that EPS would be the Chief Ministerial candidate for the alliance. Avoiding any question on Annamalai’s future role, Shah made it clear that he did not want any speculation about it now. “As of now he is by my side.” Whatever may be the details of the alliance, at the end of the day a happy EPS was hosting dinner for Amit Shah.
With Home Minister Amit Shah in Chennai sort of overseeing transition in Tamil Nadu BJP from K Annamalai to Nainar Nagendran ahead of state assembly polls next year and ensuring sealing of the AIADMK-BJP alliance, there were ripples in the DMK over sexist and anti-Hindu utterances of a senior party functionary and forest minister K Ponmudy. A video clip of his derogatory remarks made on April 6 had gone viral. While senior leader and Udhayanidhi loyalist, Duraimurugan refused to sign a letter sacking Ponmudy from party post, it was left to TN chief minister MK Stalin to sign the order stripping Ponmudy of party post. DMK Rajya Sabha MP Tiruchi Shiva replaced Ponmudy. It is being said Stalin was advised to take action against Ponmudy by his religious minded wife Durga as his anti-Hindu remarks were found very offensive. Interestingly, the person who first flagged the protest against sexist remarks of Ponmudy in the family was Stalin’s sister and DMK MP Kanimozhi. In a X post, Kanimozhi hit out at Ponmudi and said his remarks were unacceptable. Meanwhile Duraimurugan issued an apology for calling “Divyangs” as handicapped and speaking irresponsibly. However, what these random changes in the DMK indicate is that discontent against Udhayanidhi and the other influential relative (Stalin’s son-In-law is bound to grow in the run-up to assembly elections.
AIADMK General Secretary and Leader of the Opposition Edappadi K Palaniswami (EPS) arrived in Delhi on March 25 morning in a surprise visit sparking off speculations that he has reached the national capital to formalise AIADMK-BJP alliance ahead of 2026 Tamil Nadu assembly elections. His sudden visit comes when he appears to be softening his stance with the BJP is a significant shift from his earlier opposition to it. The AIADMK had walked out of the NDA in October 2023, months ahead of 2024 Lok Sabha elections. Yet, the BJP in TN under K Annamalai’s stewardship had managed to double its vote share to 11%. Of course, neither the AIADMK nor the BJP could win any LS seat. With the entry of actor Vijay’s TVK party, it is possible that EPS once again feels the need to avoid a fragmented Opposition vote to take on the ruling DMK. Mired in liquor-marketing corruption of TASMAC that is being probed by the ED, the DMK is skating on thin ice and may meet the same fate as AAP in Delhi. It is in this backdrop that Palaniswami’s hurried visit to Delhi is of interest. Officially, he told the media that he was just “looking up” Rs 10 crore AIADMK office he had recently launched via video. However, the main agenda is to meet with Union Home Minister Amit Shah, and other key BJP leaders to draw up electoral strategies. Palaniswami’s surprise visit to Delhi had so stunned TN chief minister MK Stalin even publicly hoped in the state assembly that his AIADMK rival would articulate DMK’s views on New Education Policy or how the state loves the 2-language formula. Surely, Stalin knows an AIADMK-BJP alliance can simply unseat him in the upcoming polls.
Secure in the belief that he is the only one who can deliver upwards of a guaranteed 35 seats to the I.N.D.I.A front, Tamil Nadu chief minister MK Stalin is looking for a place at the high table when and if the coalition were to gain power at the Centre. While nursing no personal ambition to be in New Delhi even as Deputy Prime Minister as he would be totally out of his Tamil environment, Stalin may demand several high-power ministries if the bloc is able to snatch power at the expense of the BJP-led NDA. While a central ministry would be a way to reward the likes of his cousin Dayanidhi Maran who surrendered his personal ambitions to be part of the Stalin-Udhayanidhi party setup, Stalin may also like to promote his favourite minister Thangam Thennarasu who has been a loyal lieutenant while proving capable of managing the industry ministry in a manufacturing heavy state. Stalin’s aim has been to promote his son Udhaya with an eye on the 2026 Assembly polls rather than at any earlier time as, say, in a promotion to Deputy CM. Stalin knows that the DMK is the party that can furnish the biggest block of MPs as their alliance is capable of landing close to maximum in the 39 TN seats, of which they won 38 in 2019. Stalin feels the least threatened of any in the I.N.D.I.A bloc.
Amid I.N.D.I.A Bloc meetings that resulted in disgruntlement among the lower ranks of CPM, party’s general secretary Sitaram Yechury will be skipping the Foundation Day programme of the party in Bengal. The party’s politburo member and former general secretary Prakash Karat will be the main speaker at the event to be held on October 17 at party’s district office Pramod Dasgupta Bhavan in Kolkata. The development comes after the anti-BJP alliance at the all-India level began to unravel in June last year. Yechury’s photo with Trinamool Congress supremo Mamata Banerjee in all the I.N.D.I.A meetings sparked outrage among the Bengal CPM grassroot cadres. Incidentally, the state CPM also had to take special programmes to mitigate that anger. Coincidentally, Yechury has not come to the state for any program since the controversy erupted. However, he is in charge of the party in Bengal on behalf of the Politburo. He also skipped two state committee meetings that were held between June and October this year, a central rally by farmers’ and farm workers’ organizations held in Kolkata on 31 August. Now the question is, is Bengal CPM not ‘consciously’ bringing Yechury to the state? Or is Yechury waiting for the situation to calm down? It is learnt that he is likely to attend the state CPM’s extended committee programme in Howrah between November 3-5.
It appears BJP is ready to patch up with AIADMK if there are any problems regarding their alliance, which was said to have been broken by AIADMK unilaterally announcing that the BJP was no more in its alliance. But it appears there was more to it than meets the eye. It was Edapaddi Palaniswami (EPS) who was peeved not so much at the demand for 15 Lok Sabha seats out of 39 in Tamil Nadu (Pondicherry to remain with BJP as it is in power there in alliance with Rangasamy) as the insistence on the alliance expanding to bring in Sasikala’s nephew TTV Dhinakaran into the poll mix. AIADMK is adamant that whoever BJP wants to accommodate can be within their quota of seats. Even there, EPS would like to draw the line on any sneaky comeback bid by Sasikala through her ardent supporter O Panneerselvam. The AIADMK supremo, who is in firm control of the Dravidian major now, will not compromise on the issue of a re-entry for OPS. The former CM would, however, not be averse to a reconciliation bid as he is aware that without the Centre’s support he and his party leaders would be under pressure from the TN government, which is ready to set the DVAC and other state agencies after them in corruption cases. There is no easy way out of the impasse, but the allies are playing a game of oneupmanship now.
AIADMK spokesperson Jayakumar dropped a bombshell on Vinayaka Chathurthi day in Tamil Nadu saying that the BJP Is currently not in the AIADMK alliance. He will obviously not be speaking without authorisation from his party boss Edapaddi Palaniswami (EPS). The war over local BJP chief K Annamalai and his outspoken ways in which he has been criticising revered AIADMK figures like Jayalalithaa and Annadurai and threatening to lay bare the corruption in previous AIADMK regimes is now out in the open. Jayakumar, however, kept the alliance lines open saying that any understanding with the BJP would be forged only before the polls. In a cheeky comment, Jayakumar said that, on its own, the BJP would fare poorly in the polls in the state and that Annamalai would struggle to beat NOTA. Former ministers have of late been lashing out at Annamalai for dragging the names of departed party leaders when speaking about his war on corruption and his exposes. The local chieftain may not be speaking without authorisation from BJP’s top brass either. But EPS’ equation with BJP’s top duo plus party chief JP Nadda is on a different plane and chances of a patch up cannot be discounted. Right now, AIADMK has dared to declare war and the ball is in the BJP court.
Tamil Nadu’s minor parties are finding themselves without friends willing to take them into alliances and give them a fair number of seats. As the 2024 Lok Sabha polls are looming, there has been hectic political activity in the State dominated by the two Dravidian majors. But the caste party PMK and the last of the cinema hero centric party, DMDK, are finding negotiations are getting tough. While the VCK, another caste party, will not allow VCK into the DMK-alliance fold, DMDK reflects the virtual shadow of a man that its leader Vijayakanth has become. In an assertion of its perceived strength in a two-horse race, the AIADMK, under Palaniswami, is asserting itself, and is willing to offer only 10 (+ Puducherry where BJP ally Rangasami heads the government) seats to the BJP and is asking its national ally to accommodate smaller parties within that number. And it will not countenance the AMMK of TTV Dhinakaran nor his aunt Sasikala being in the alliance. Betting on its equations with the Delhi duo who control the party, AIADMK is unwilling to listen to Annamalai’s idea of a grand coalition including PMK, DMDK and AMMK. The DMK coalition is on a smoother wicket except that ally Congress is expecting half the 40 seats available in Tamil Nadu and Puducherry
There is not much excitement in the BJP circles about TDP Chief N Chandrababu Naidu’s brief meeting with Home Minister Amit Shah and BJP president JP Nadda early this month. The possibility of an electoral alliance between the two parties ahead of the Telangana assembly election later this year and general elections next year are being ruled out as it would not suit BJP. TDP was a part of the NDA in 2014 but quit the ruling alliance in March 2018 before the 2019 elections on the issue of special status to Andhra Pradesh. However, both parties came together after the recent municipal elections in Port Blair. BJP sources said TDP is not much liked in Telangana as it had opposed creation of a separate state of Telangana. “It is precisely for this reason that the Congress-TDP alliance has not clicked in the new state. Congress is a stronger party but gets pulled down by the TDP,” pointed out a BJP functionary. It is precisely for this reason that the BJP which is trying to make some inroads in Telangana would shun a tie-up with the TDP. As for Andhra, a party source admitted that the BJP was already in alliance with Pawan Kalyan’s party Jana Sena and may tie-up with TDP. Significantly, PM Modi remembered NT Rama Rao, TDP founder and Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh on his birth anniversary in his radio program Mann Ki Baat last month.
The DMK+ alliance won the bypoll to the Erode East with a whopping margin of 66,000 seats. Having played it safe by asking the senior Congress leader EVKS Elangovan to stand rather than let one of his sons do, the importance of winning had been anticipated by DMK. The verdict also settles the question of which is the Opposition party that can get the closest to the DMK and that is Edappadi K Palaniswami’s AIADMK. The result was a foregone conclusion but what it does is it adds to the stature of Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M.K. Stalin as a definitive national figure in any post-2024 Lok Sabha polls scenario. A man who can guarantee close to 40 seats for the combined opposition hoping to down the BJP on a national scale, the numbers assume great significance. And Stalin also presented the sanest view that it was more important to defeat the BJP than haggle over who can be Prime Minister in the unlikely but possible scenario of the combined opposition claiming the numbers. Given the sentiment of the occasion of Stalin’s 70th birthday, a gushing Farooq Abdullah tried to present Stalin as a PM candidate. Stalin brushed that aside while calling for unity in the Opposition ranks when just over a year remains for the crucial 2024 Lok Sabha polls.
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Editor’s Note: Short Post Is Here To Stay…
Time, they say, flies—and how true that is. Here we are celebrating our 5th Anniversary. Five years ago, when Covid-19 was wreaking havoc across the globe, I took a leap of faith and launched Short Post, India’s first website for Authentic Gossip. That was on January 31, 2021. I was convinced there was a clear gap in the market for gossip that was credible, sharp, and impactful—especially if told in just 250 words.
In this, I was fortunate. Scores of senior editors across diverse verticals bought into the idea and, in the process, gave wings to my dream. Quite honestly, Short Post could not have crossed these milestones without the unflinching support of its contributing editors. Like all start-ups, we have seen our share of ups and downs, but these editors have stood by us like a rock. I take this opportunity to doff my hat to them.
Thanks to their commitment, we have published close to 5,000 stories spanning politics, business, entertainment, and sports. I say this with pride: we made our mark as people who matter read us. “Small packs, big impact” truly captures the essence of Short Post.
We all know that Covid-19 has reset businesses worldwide, and the media sector is no exception. In the post-Covid era, investors have become more cautious and selective—and advertisers too. To compound matters, the entry of AI has disrupted the media landscape in equal measure. So far, we have managed to hold our ground, hopeful that some angel investors will take a shine to us.
What gives me confidence is this: AI cannot smell news—especially the gossipy kind. In other words, AI cannot churn out Short Post-type stories, no matter the prompt. That puts us in a safe zone. As someone rightly said, “AI is a co-pilot, not a pilot.”