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Change is the only constant in the world. It also signals a move forward. In this instance, however, this change has ushered in a complete break from the past. No doubt, the ownership of Kothari Industrial Corporation (KICL), a company founded very many summers ago by the late DC Kothari, has moved on to Rafiq Ahmed a while ago. But there was a sense of continuity with Pradip D Kothari, son of DC, remaining as the Chairman of KICL. A few days ago, however, he stepped down to pave the way for Rafiq Ahmed to become the Executive Chairman of the company. With this, the break is complete. From now onwards, KICL will run on its own sans the DC Kothari family members. Indeed, KICL has padded up for a new innings. Having given a new lease of life to KICL, Rafiq Ahmed is focussing on the way forward. He continues to carry on the legacy of the late DC Kothari. At the same time, he is charting out his own plan to bring the glory of former times back to the Kothari, a celebrated brand once upon a time. The DC Kothari Group, in fact, had grown with the blessings of illustrious names such as R Venkatraman (former President of India), K Kamaraj (chief minister of Tamil Nadu) and the like. Not surprisingly, Rafiq Ahmed has chosen to continue the legacy of the vision envisioned by DC Kothari. Well, the newly-anointed Executive Chairman is on a mission mode. He has put on a blinker to push brand Kothari to its original glory.
The longstanding cultural tradition between India and Bangladesh surrounding International Mother Language Day faced an unexpected disruption this year due to political tensions. Just a year ago, the Vice-Chancellors of Dhaka University and St Xavier’s University, Kolkata were seen together at the historic Shaheed Minar in Dhaka, joined by students from both institutions. However, this year, the event had to be cancelled amid a charged political atmosphere in Bangladesh. The tradition dates back to 2011, during the 150th birth anniversary celebrations of Rabindranath Tagore. That same year, St. Xavier’s University introduced its Bengali Honors course. Since then, a torch, symbolizing linguistic unity, would be lit at Dhaka University’s Shaheed Minar days before February 21st and then carried across various universities in West Bengal, including St. Xavier’s campuses in Raghabpur, Siliguri, and New Town. The final ceremony used to take place at St Xavier’s University in Park Street on February 21st. However, this year, the torch was absent from Kolkata’s observance of the day. Ferdousul Hasan, honorary secretary of St Xavier’s alumni association confirmed the decision not to bring the torch from Dhaka this year due to political tensions. Hasan said the torch lit in Dhaka was taken to various institutions like Loyola College in Chennai, St. Joseph’s in Bengaluru among others. This interruption has underscored the impact of changing political landscapes on the cultural unity between the two Bengals. Even the Deputy High Commission of Bangladesh in Kolkata opted for a low-key, closed-door observance of February 21st this year, reportedly to avoid controversy. Meanwhile, West Bengal government-led celebrations took place at Deshapriya Park.
The labour impasse at the Samsung’s Sriperumbudur facility in Tamil Nadu is attracting increasing attention as both sides aren’t ready to yield from their stated positions. The trigger for the latest industrial dispute was the suspension of three workers of the union which was registered under a court order but has not been recognised by the Samsung management. As the fracas continues, the union leader has alleged that the management has suspended more workers. The suspension of the three union workers, the management claims, was forced as a section of the workers led by these three assembled unannounced and gate crashed to have an audience with officials of the company. The union leader — an outsider belonging to CPI(M)-affiliated CITU, wanted the suspension removed and demanded the management to forthwith stop using contracts labour. This sounds funny. If Samsung can’t use contract labour, how can the union have an outsider as its leader! An oxymoron position by the union leader, it appears! As the stalemate prolongs at Samsung facility, questions have risen over its fallout on the effort of the DMK government in attracting global investment. In the emerging era of artificial intelligence one is unable to fathom the larger implications of such strident position articulated by an outsider-leader.
The moment Shiv Sena (UBT) dismissed its spokesman Kishore Tiwari from the responsibility, he launched a tirade against the manner in which the party is being run. While going soft on leader Uddhav Thackeray, he has held some top leaders responsible for the Sena’s debacle. The Sena is receiving one jolt after another almost daily due to desertions by its loyal workers and Tiwari’s unbridled outburst is bound to make its challenge graver for the coming local body elections. While Uddhav has tried to inject vigour into the rank and file by declaring his resolve to administer one mega blow to the ruling saffron alliance, Tiwari’s disclosures will force the party to defend its decisions, especially of distributing tickets for the 2024 assembly election. Tiwari has alleged that many of the tickets were ‘sold’ and certain party leaders had amassed a fortune. His main target is party MP Sanjay Raut, whose continuous controversial statements Tiwari has found very objectionable and damaging. Tiwari has criticized other leaders like Subhash Desai, Vinayak Raut and Milind Narvekar, who are closest to Uddhav. He told a news channel that he has revealed just one percent and will expose more and more misdeeds of the party and its leaders. Tiwari has been the Sena protagonist on various Marathi and national news channels. He has vowed to continue to work for the Sena ‘until I am expelled from the party.’
Controversial Maharashtra minister Dhananjay Munde has been down with Bell’s Palsy, which has incapacitated him. But the clamour for his resignation is not likely to subside. Munde has been the bone of contention within the ruling NDA regime due to the several serious allegations levelled against him. Some of his closest aides are behind bars and even his own future is bleak. A staunch supporter of deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar, the nephew of late Gopinath Munde, he has emerged as a formidable OBC leader in the state. Therefore, demands for his removal from the cabinet have been ignored by Pawar. However, the series of exposures with Munde’s alleged connection have landed the Fadnavis government into a tight situation. Munde’s ironclad hold over his home district, Beed, is said to have culminated into various scams and acts of violence. Chief minister Devendra Fadnavis has declared that Pawar will take a decision about Munde, whose illness has complicated the situation. Bell’s palsy is a condition that causes sudden weakness in the muscles on one side of the face. The weakness makes half of the face appear to droop. It can occur at any age though the exact cause for its occurrence is not known. Munde’s absence from the cabinet meetings and from public events had started rumours that he had resigned or had been asked to quit. He himself has so far stoutly denied any such decision. His affliction has temporarily stopped his critics but many of them have declared to continue the campaign against Munde by wishing him a speedy recovery.
The intitial turn out for India’s opening ICC Champions Trophy match at the Dubai International Stadium (DIS) was a far cry from the spectators who showed up for India’s home series matches against England recently. It was full house in Nagpur and Cuttack, and around 60000 at the Narendra Modi Stadium in Ahmedabad for the third ODI. The men in blue are a big draw anywhere in the world but on Thursday — which is not a holiday here — there were not many takers, most of them having saved Dirhams for the India-Pakistan group match on Sunday, which is a weekend holiday. The DIS can hold between 25000 and 30000 people and by the time Mohammed Shami and Harshit Rana struck blows in the first 10 balls of the match — after Bangladesh chose to bat winning the toss — one could see empty seats at the Stadium. The venue which has a canopy like roof and gives a ring of fire like visual as dusk settles in, has become a popular venue in the UAE — the other two being the Sharjah Cricket Stadium and the Shaikh Zayed Cricket Stadium in Abu Dhabi. Tickets are priced as low as 250 AED and it goes up to a high of 12500 AED for the Grand Lounge at the DIS. The ticketing arrangements have been done by the host Pakistan Cricket Board and Emirates Cricket Board and much of the gate receipts should be going to Pakistan’s kitty. Wickets were falling in a heap in the first hour of the match as India gained the upperhand and the only disappointing aspect was skipper Rohit Sharma spilling a catch at slip to deny left arm spinner Axar Patel, a hat-trick.
In a week’s time, that’s next Sunday on February 23, the world of cricket would swing to the passions reflected across India and Pakistan in the ICC Champions Trophy. The clash between the arch rivals in cricket will be a sell out with every seat at the Dubai International Stadium, where the expatriates will shell out thousands of Dirhams and create an electrifying atmosphere. Seventeen months ago, a near full house at the Narendra Modi Stadium rooted for the Rohit Sharma-led Indian team against Pakistan in the ICC World Cup. India which won that match was the host of the World Cup and Pakistan travelled to Ahmedabad for the marquee event. The Pakistan Cricket board (PCB) being the host of the ICC Champions Trophy, believed India would travel across the border to give the local fans — either in Lahore or Karachi — a real experience of a high-octane tension filled match, but the BCCI, not allowed by the government of India, refused to send its team to Pakistan — citing security concerns — and India’s group matches were scheduled in Dubai. An India-Pakistan contest in any sport is an extraordinary event by itself, but one between the cricketers of the two countries is truly uplifting to the millions of fans of the country that wins the contest. Eight years ago Pakistan downed India by 180 runs in the Champions Trophy final at ‘The Oval’ in London. Pakistan holds a 3-2 edge in the Champions Trophy and 73-57 edge overall in ODIs, but it’s 2-0 for India in Dubai with Rohit Sharma totalling 317 runs in five matches with a high of an unbeaten 111 against Pakistan in the 2018 Asia Cup.
Maharashtra’s Gadchiroli district seems to be on the radar of corporate India. Two big projects, an iron ore, and a steel plant, involving huge investment is expected to transform this naxal-infested belt forever. Sajjan Jindal promoted JSW Group is setting up a 25 million tonne steel plant – world’s largest — by investing Rs 1 trillion over next seven to eight years. Helping the steel plant with regular supply of iron ore is B Prabhakaran-promoted Thriveni Sainik Mining. This company is a prominent player in the coal mining sector with a capacity to deliver 15 MTPA of coal. Coming to iron ore, Thriveni has entered into an agreement with Mukesh Gupta-promoted Lloyds Metals and Energy as Lloyds was granted a 50-year iron ore mining lease in 2007 for 348 hectares at Surajgarh Village. This area is known to have a major iron ore reserve. It may be recalled that Gupta was a high-profile businessman in the nineties running a clutch of companies from steel to real estate to pharma. Thriveni which got into play in 2021 after being appointed MDO or Mine Developer and Operator has already produced over 3 MTPA and plans to produce 25 MTPA iron ore. Sometimes back, Thriveni Group was in the news not because its promoter Prabhakaran was arrested over his role in a mining scam but, because the Union minister of Railways Ashwini Vaishnaw before entering politics was a director in Prabhakaran-promoted iron ore company Thriveni Pellets Pvt Ltd set up in 2019.
Nine years after the Left Democratic Front (LDF) headed by Pinarayi Vijayan blocked the then ruling UDF’s plan to allow private universities into Kerala, the LDF has had a change of heart. “The government’s latest decision is in sync with changing times,” says Higher Education Minister, R Bindu. Any agency which has experience and credibility can apply to set up a University provided it deposits Rs 25 crore as corpus money and also has the requisite land as per regulatory agency. In case the proposed Private University is a multi-campus varsity, then at least 10 acres of land is required. The government’s move is to ensure that Malayali students remain in Kerala. As per a joint study by Gulati Institute of Finance and Taxation (GIFT) and Centre for Development Studies (CDS), nearly 50.8% of Malayali students migrate to neighbouring Karnataka alone for higher studies. Though the government has indicated that the new policy has attracted many institutions/universities, it is too early to predict how things will play out due to certain stiff parameters included in the proposal. They include 40% seat reservation for permanent residents of Kerala and that SC/ST students have to be provided scholarships and fee concessions. The LDF government has also indicated that its nominees — Higher Education Secretary and another Department Secretary should be nominated in the Private University’s governing council. And if this is not enough intervention, the state government will have a nominee as member of the University’s executive council and three nominees in the academic council. It will also comply with directions of regulatory agencies regarding appointment of Vice Chancellors and faculty members. Initial indications are that the Azim Premji University and another Gulf-based institution with the blessings of the promoter of Lulu hyper-market chain, M A Yusuff Ali, have indicated their interest.
The Union Home Ministry’s decision to grant actor-politician Vijay, the chief of the Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK), ‘Y’ category security in Tamil Nadu has stirred the political pot. Sources said while the security was accorded after an internal security audit by the Intelligence Bureau, it has prompted a sharp reaction from the AIADMK, which suspected that the BJP would use the security cover to get the newbie politician to its side at a time when it is planning a grand alliance with TVK and the Congress for next year’s assembly elections. It may seem the Centre’s security decision is being over analysed. But sources say the Congress is already under pressure from AIADMK to change its TN president ahead of the assembly polls as he is being viewed as too close to the DMK, post Erode assembly by-elections. Meanwhile, it is felt Vijay may accept the security cover as it will be helpful in managing the crowd during his public engagement as a politician. AIADMK functionaries however are unconvinced that the Centre’s decision was merely a security decision. Strongly backing the Centre’s decision to give Vijay ‘Y’ security cover, TN BJP chief K Annamalai pointed out that the Central government had given CRPF security to Opposition leader Edappadi K Palaniswami, regardless of whether the AIADMK was in alliance with the BJP or not. He pointed out that similarly the central government had given ‘Y’ security to Vijay. “The reason that Vijay is not able to meet the public is because of the huge crowds.” He also wanted to know why the DMK government in the state had not come forward to give Vijay this sort of security.
Controversial Maharashtra minister Dhananjay Munde has been down with Bell’s Palsy, which has incapacitated him. But the clamour for his resignation is not likely to subside. Munde has been the bone of contention within the ruling NDA regime due to the several serious allegations levelled against him. Some of his closest aides are behind bars and even his own future is bleak. A staunch supporter of deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar, the nephew of late Gopinath Munde, he has emerged as a formidable OBC leader in the state. Therefore, demands for his removal from the cabinet have been ignored by Pawar. However, the series of exposures with Munde’s alleged connection have landed the Fadnavis government into a tight situation. Munde’s ironclad hold over his home district, Beed, is said to have culminated into various scams and acts of violence. Chief minister Devendra Fadnavis has declared that Pawar will take a decision about Munde, whose illness has complicated the situation. Bell’s palsy is a condition that causes sudden weakness in the muscles on one side of the face. The weakness makes half of the face appear to droop. It can occur at any age though the exact cause for its occurrence is not known. Munde’s absence from the cabinet meetings and from public events had started rumours that he had resigned or had been asked to quit. He himself has so far stoutly denied any such decision. His affliction has temporarily stopped his critics but many of them have declared to continue the campaign against Munde by wishing him a speedy recovery.
BJP’s Delhi win has bolstered its Lok Sabha plan to up the numbers from the earlier 272 target to 289 plus in coming days. Decks are being cleared to usher in three long pending legislations before Parliament to include Uniform Civil Code, Waqf Board reforms and finally the One Nation One Poll (ONOP) political reform. Several MPs from the Uddhav Balasaheb Thackeray (UBT) Sena and Sharad Pawar led political formations are keen to enroll with BJP in Maharashtra but, Shiv Sena DCM Eknath Shinde and NCP DCM Ajit Pawar want to embrace them into respective party folds delaying the process. Giant killer of Delhi assembly elections Parvesh Verma (former Delhi CM Sahib Singh Verma’s son), a Jat leader, also credited with ensuring 12 assembly seat victories in Delhi, is frontrunner for CM’s post. “Both Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union Home Minister Amit Shah were the first to call, congratulate Verma immediately after his victory. Also, following the Haryana assembly win by BJP, influential Jat leadership was upset for being overlooked for CM’s post. Delhi may install Jat CM to compensate Haryana and build for Punjab and Bihar state assemblies,” a senior BJP leader says. Before the results the candidature of Dushyant Kumar Gautam, a senior BJP national general secretary was being considered as the Dalit CM face for Delhi but, Gautam lost a close fight for Karol Bagh seat to Vishesh Ravi of AAP by just under 8000 votes. Ravi clinched the seat twice before with winning margins exceeding 25000 each time.
Shiv Sena (UBT) MP Sanjay Raut’s spree of making audacious allegations one after another is reaching new heights now, with his latest shocking claim. According to Raut, Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis is not shifting to the CM’s official residence ‘Varsha’ since during previous CM Eknath Shinde’s tenure, a he-buffalo’s horns had been interred in the premises of the bungalow. The horns were that of an animal sacrificed at Guwahati’s famous Kamakhya temple, Raut had said, adding that the ritual was performed to ensure that no Shinde successor should continue in CM office for long. Fadnavis has ridiculed the slur. He has clarified that he would continue at ‘Sagar’ bungalow as his only daughter’s 10th standard examination is due soon and that she has requested him to stay there till it is over. The family will shift afterwards, he has clarified. Deputy CM Ajit Pawar has lambasted Raut for the insinuation, telling him that it was none of the MP’s business to ask such a question. Raut had also asserted that Fadnavis was not shifting to Varsha for fear of such a black magic. Raut’s reference to Kamakhya temple relates to the Shiv Sena’s split and a majority of Sena MLAs aligning with Shinde at Guwahati, where they went for a pooja at the temple. Raut is in the news for making a claim in the Rajya Sabha about the number of casualties at the ongoing Maha Kumbh at Prayagraj.
Maharashtra deputy chief minister Eknath Shinde’s repeated clarifications that he is not unhappy in the cabinet headed by chief minister Devendra Fadnavis have failed to stop the surge of speculations about his next move. The reason for such discussions is Shinde’s frequent absence from important state meetings. As a result, Shinde continues to generate suspense for the ruling coalition. The discussions revived after Shinde skipped a “war room” meeting held by Fadnavis to discuss some important schemes and projects. These included the departments like health, housing and water supply and sanitation under Sena ministers. Though Shinde failed to turn up, another deputy CM Ajit Pawar was present for the marathon meeting. Shinde had also cancelled some other official engagements and a cabinet meeting last week. Fadnavis has time and again tried to explain that there was no complication for his dispensation and that Shinde was working wholeheartedly with him. Shinde also has reiterated that he is not unhappy. “When I was the chief minister, Fadnavis worked under me. Now that he is the CM, I am working under him. For both of us, the interests of Maharashtra are paramount,” Shinde told the media. Despite this, certain signals from the BJP side are interpreted to be making Shinde uncomfortable. His supporters recall how he consented to join the Fadnavis cabinet at the eleventh hour, keeping the Mahayuti on tenterhooks. BJP strategists feel that Shinde will yield at a proper time.
Armed with a landslide majority in Maharashtra, the BJP, it is learnt, is now strongly pushing its coalition partners up against the wall. Not only has it launched a strong attack against Ajit Pawar’ party deputy leader Dhananjay Munde but it is keeping Eknath Shinde on the edge too. While the knives have been sharpened against controversial minister Dhananjay Munde demanding his resignation for the alleged involvement of his aide in the murder of Beed sarpanch Santosh Deshmukh. Munde and his party have been resisting and fighting it against all odds. While Ajit Pawar may have strongly backed Munde for now, he realises that the BJP may not stop at him and could launch fresh salvo against his other deputies. Hence, Pawar has directed his men to maintain a clean slate and even demanded that freshers be vetted before giving entry in his party. His contemporary, Eknath Shinde too is not having it easy with BJP ministers like Ganesh Naik eyeing his Thane stronghold and launching a worker engagement campaign clearly with an eye on the forthcoming local body polls. While Shinde chose to brush aside concerns, his workers have threatened to do a quid pro quo by launching similar exercises in BJP’s constituencies. Shinde did not attend the cabinet meeting last week, while Munde is believed to have left mid-way. The BJP strategy seems to be to keep the coalition partners constantly on the edge.
Maharashtra Navnirman Sena chief Raj Thackeray has invited ire of the ruling saffron alliance in the state due to his controversial claim that the votes his party had received in the recent assembly election had ‘vanished’ somewhere. Addressing his first public rally after the election, Raj also attacked the NCP led by deputy CM Ajit Pawar as well as the BJP in general. This is one more example of his ambivalence since Raj has time and again either praised PM Narendra Modi or criticized him, never taking a firm stand. Mumbai BJP president Ashish Shelar has castigated his old friend Raj for the offensive remark, telling him that the BJP has never indulged into politics of adjustments. On the other hand, Shiv Sena (UBT) MP Arvind Sawant has congratulated Raj ‘for speaking out the truth.’ But the most pointed barb against Raj has been fired by NCP(Ajit) leader Anand Paranjpe. “MNS contested 138 assembly seats and secured only 1.55% votes without a single win,” he has taunted Raj. The NCP is chagrined since Raj has raised doubts about its winning 41 seats. This free for all will impact the local body elections, likely to be held later this year. Raj has been advised to study the situation seriously and introspect about the defeat of his own son in the Dadar-Mahim constituency in which his family resides.
Access to Mantralaya, Maharashtra’s state secretariat, is scheduled to get tighter in Devendra Fadnavis regime 2.0. Glass flap barrier gates are being installed at various entrances to control access of visitors along with introduction of RFID and facial recognition access in high-security zones at Mantralaya. State BJP chief Chandrashekhar Bawankhule has already written to his party cadres to coordinate with ministers through liaison officials, who will be sitting at the BJP office. The BJP ministers too have also been asked to hold weekly or fortnightly janata durbars at the party office. Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena and Ajit Pawar’s Nationalist Congress Party too are expected to follow suit and facilitate a similar policy for their party workers from their party offices. The idea is to reduce footfalls at Mantralaya as also to rein in middle-men, who tend to approach ministers for favours like transfers of officials or to bag contracts. Ajit Pawar has already asked his cadres to not seek transfers of officials or contracts, particularly if they are going to sub-contract the work to others. Maharashtra’s earlier chief minister Eknath Shinde prided on being known as a common man’s CM and believed in open access attracting huge delegations of party workers flocking to him at Mantralaya regularly. The legislative assembly sessions under Shinde were known to be particularly crowded with ministers complaining of not even being able to walk properly in the crowded corridors of Vidhan Bhavan. Since Fadnavis’ taking over, he has first shifted the CM’s public relations officials on the lower fifth floor, already truncating access of journalists to the CM’s office. Looks like Fadnavis has taken a leaf out of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s playbook.
A crucial meeting between RSS functionaries and BJP members of the Maharashtra cabinet in Mumbai will go a long way in charting the future path to be adopted by the state government led by chief minister Devendra Fadnavis. The two-day conference was attended by Fadnavis and state BJP president Chandrakant Bawankule, who is also the revenue minister. The ministers were told in no uncertain terms that their priority will be to serve the public and to maintain a clean image. Moreover, special arrangements should be in place to cater to the work connected with various individuals and organizations under the Sangh Parivar umbrella. The NDA’s unprecedented success in the state assembly election held recently is mainly attributed to the ground work done by RSS activists all over Maharashtra, especially to mobilise pro-Hindutva vote. Although the RSS has not taken any credit for this spectacular feat publicly, those working for the BJP candidly acknowledge the saffron organisation’s debt. A tentative agenda for the way ahead has been prepared for the ministers and discussed with them by top RSS representatives. Subsequently, it will be finalized as its importance will impact the local body elections, likely to be held in the near future. Like the assembly election, the BJP will dominate the candidate lists for the local bodies, too, it is expected. Accordingly, the two partners, the Shiv Sena led by deputy CM Eknath Shinde and the NCP under deputy Ajit Pawar, will have to be accommodated in the Mahayuti formula for the ensuring electoral bout, it is suggested.
Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) chief Ajit Pawar has come under fire from firebrand leader Chhagan Bhujbal, who has lashed at the party’s ‘monopolistic’ style of functioning. Bhujbal’s outburst at the NCP’s Shirdi conclave and his distancing from Pawar by not even greeting him has sent warning signals within the party as the OBC proponent is among the senior most colleagues of Ajit. When veteran Sharad Pawar was attacked prior to the split in the NCP, it was Bhujbal who took up cudgels on behalf of Ajit and alleged that the latter was always sidelined. During the recent assembly election, Bhujbal’s importance was underscored following his spirited pro-OBC statements since it became evident that the OBCs had wholeheartedly voted for the NDA of which NCP(A) is a constituent. However, the picture suddenly changed when Bhujbal was not inducted in the government led by Devendra Fadnavis. The discord grew when Bhujbal maintained that Fadnavis wanted him in the cabinet but the NCP decided otherwise. So far, Ajit Pawar has not reacted at all to Bhujbal’s grievance even once. Hence, Bhujbal’s complaint that there was no collective decision making in the NCP is interpreted as a cautionary sign. NCP top leader Praful Patel has tried to quell it by announcing that internal talks will be held to exactly understand the issue. But this relief has not satisfied Bhujbal, who has declared that he will decide his course of action soon.
The rift in the powerful Pawar family appears to be widening despite persistent speculation that patriarch Sharad Pawar and his estranged nephew Ajit Pawar are likely to patch up eventually. Pawar’s recent kudos showered on the RSS cadres and his restrained reaction to various political developments have proved intriguing for his followers and detractors alike. On the other hand, Ajit’s frequent absence from important events in the state and especially at a function graced by RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat have added grist to the rumour mill. Against this backdrop, the body language of Pawar and his daughter Supriya Sule at a Pune dais with Ajit present alongside is considered quite vocal. Not a single word was exchanged between them during an agro exhibition at Baramati. The main event and the lunch thereafter were touted as possible venues for a handshake, which did not take place. The organisers had placed the chairs of Pawar and Ajit apart, perhaps to avert any discomfiture for either. Ajit and his wife Sunetra, Rajya Sabha member, were felicitated by Supriya but there was no verbal exchange. She rued the refusal by Ajit to talk to her. Supriya said that she continued to be in touch with Sunetra, as well as with their two sons. Supriya’s earlier grievance that Devendra Fadnavis would take her calls but not Ajit Pawar is recalled in this connection.
Operation 272 MPs was launched with the flight of Opposition MPs scheduled for a BJP landing with ETA in April 2025. Sources say the earlier target 260 BJP MPs (reported by Short Post) from current strength of 241 in the Lok Sabha was rescheduled to higher benchmark following hectic parleys with aspiring Opposition MPs, particularly in Maharashtra, keenly looking for greener pastures. This has seriously dented merger plans of Maratha strongman Sharad Pawar with nephew, Ajit Pawar’s NCP. Uncle Pawar deployed womenfolk in the family to convince Ajit Pawar for a merger while making an overture to PM Modi using his reconciliatory gambit. BJP is rather keen over 2/3 of nine UBT Sena MPs, eight from SP camp jumping ship to join its party without attracting anti-defection laws besides regional party MPs from other states to reach the majority magic figure on its own. Ajit Pawar, who succumbed to emotional blackmail by the womenfolk in December 2019 and broke alliance with BJP bringing down the 76-hour long government back then, is unlikely to do a repeat. Ajit Pawar has also nixed senior party MLA Chhagan Bhujbal’s ministerial aspirations over his extra-party OBC activities. Bhujbal’s gambit to use the good offices of CM Devendra Fadnavis also came to naught with the Maha Chanakya CM politely asking him to sort out his problems with Ajit Pawar himself. The so-called NaNi (Chandrababu Naidu and Nitish Kumar) factor was always a non-starter sans JD(S) Union Ministers quitting their posts in an election year leaving RJD Chief Lalu Prasad Yadav red-faced and worried about own political future in Bihar just like Sharad Pawar in Maharashtra.
Embattled minister Dhananjay Munde has generated a political logjam in Maharashtra as even while facing fresh verbal attacks day in and day out, he is refusing to resign. Munde, a confidant of deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar, belongs to Vanjari community, a prominent OBC section. The NCP led by Pawar is already in the dock owing to the deputy CM’s silence over the entire sordid Beed chain of events as well as his refusal to sack Munde from the Mahayuti government. In fact, symptoms of friction between the BJP and the NCP (Ajit) over the Beed lawlessness events have started coming out in the open. The reason is some reckless statements made by BJP’s MLA Suresh Dhas, elected from Ashti in Beed district. A seasoned political figure, Dhas is a Maratha, who has been talking openly against Munde and his cousin Pankaja, both cabinet ministers in the state. In one of his speeches, Dhas attacked Pawar and the home department, held by CM Devendra Fadnavis for not removing Munde. While there is silence in the BJP camp over the utterances, Ajit’s party spokesman Sooraj Chavan has warned Dhas that such outbursts can create complications for the alliance.. “Attempts to defame Ajit Dada will be met with retaliation,” he has warned, while urging Fadnavis to rein in the MLA. The atmosphere is becoming murky since both deputy CMs, Eknath Shinde and Ajit Pawar, are avoiding making any statement over the ongoing Beed developments.
Leaders and thinkers from Maharashtra describe the state as the cradle of progressivism and rationalism. But the current discomfiture attached to a palatial bungalow in south Mumbai and a cabin in Mantralaya are proving amusing for the pall of superstition they have spread. At the centre of the controversy is the historic ‘Ramtek’ bungalow in Mumbai’s posh Malabar Hill area. Ramtek has been tagged as ‘unlucky’ for its occupants. And history is quoted to bolster this claim. The first such victim was then deputy chief minister Gopinath Munde, who lived in Ramtek between 1995 and 1999, never to return. Soon after becoming a Union minister in 2014, he died in a car accident in Delhi. If a bungalow is perceived to be unlucky, a mere cabin, too, is seen with apprehension. Though just a cabin in Mantralaya, Room 602 is viewed as jinxed. Presently used by a bunch of bureaucrats, ministers are reluctant to move into it. In this list, Chhagan Bhujbal is at the top since Room 602 was allocated to him in 1999. He was at the time the deputy CM and home minister. Residing in Ramtek, he became the focus of the multi-crore fake stamp paper Telgi Scam. After him, Ajit Pawar started using the cabin but he also had to step down after accusations regarding the irrigation scam started against him. He later returned as deputy CM but kept away from Room 602. The others to be hit are then BJP leader Eknath Khadse, who had to resign after being implicated in a land scam. The next occupant, BJP’s Pandurang Fundkar, died suddenly in 2018. The most recent occupant was then BJP minister Anil Bonde, who lost the assembly election in 2019. Who will occupy Ramtek and Room 602 is watched with considerable interest.
Even as the dust is settling over the internecine acrimony about the allocation of portfolios in the ruling Mahayuti alliance, a new wave of one-upmanship has erupted about the appointment of guardian ministers. As there are more than two or three claimants to grab the powerful position, the competition is intense. Moreover, as there are 36 districts in Maharashtra while the number of ministers is 41, it is obvious that some of them will be ejected out of the race. Another major issue of contention is the guardianship of Pune and Thane districts, which are politically very important for every party. In Pune, deputy CM Ajit Pawar was the guardian minister under the government of Eknath Shinde till recently. Now, the BJP and the Shiv Sena (Shinde) feel it is their turn to occupy the position. Similarly, in Thane, deputy CM Shinde wishes to become the district guardian minister. However, the BJP is keen to obtain the turn this time. Senior BJP minister Ganesh Naik and Shinde have been at loggerheads for long and the tussle between the two seems unavoidable. In neighbouring Raigad district, NCP(Ajit) boss Sunil Tatkare’s daughter Aditi is trying to retain the responsibility though Shinde’s supporter Bharat Gogawale is determined to wrest it from her. Sambhaji Nagar, another sensitive district, is claimed by Shinde’s soldier Sanjay Shirsat while BJP’s powerful minister Atul Save, too, is considered a strong claimant. Chief minister Devendra Fadnavis is now busy untangling the rider.
Controversial minister Dhananjay Munde is now facing public ire over the murder of Massajog village sarpanch, Santosh Deshmukh, last week in Beed district. Allegations abound regarding Munde’s close associate Walmik Karad being the mastermind of the gruesome broad daylight killing in Beed district, the fiefdom of the Munde clan for several years. Chief minister Devendra Fadnavis has announced a judicial inquiry into the shocking incident and has replaced the district police chief. However, as this could not pacify the local people, deputy CM Ajit Pawar visited the village immediately after the legislature’s winter session was over as Munde is one of his staunch supporters in the NCP. Pawar was greeted with demands to remove Munde from the council of ministers. The situation has a caste angle as the deceased Deshmukh was a Maratha while Munde and Karad belong to the Vanjari community, a prominent OBC section. Pawar now has been asked by a Maratha delegation to forthwith remove Munde from the cabinet. A memorandum submitted to Pawar has levelled serious allegations against Munde. When Pawar reached Beed to interact with the Deshmukh family, he promised the bereaved that no guilty would be spared. However, the villagers were angry since Ajit Pawar did not meet them. Munde’s absence from the legislature for the last three days and the refusal of his cousin Pankaja to comment on the incident, too, have added to the gravity of the situation. Munde is expected to come out with his version so#WalmikKarad
The Thursday (Dec 19) visit of BJP and Shiv Sena (Shinde) MLAs to the RSS headquarters in Nagpur has become a hot political topic though there are other reasons, too, for intense politicking. Firstly, the MLAs belonging to the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) led by deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar did not join the event. Secondly, those disgruntled due to their non-inclusion in the council of ministers have started expressing their anger openly. Like earlier two occasions, Ajit Pawar and most of his followers distanced themselves from the visit organized by chief minister Devendra Fadnavis. The presence of former CM Eknath Shinde and his MLAs proved to be another highlight. However, the discontent brewing within Mahayuti on other counts is now becoming more vocal. Political heavyweight Chhagan Bhujbal was the first to articulate it. His open criticism of Ajit Pawar surprised many since he had stayed by the side of Pawar all through. Now, there are reports that some of Bhujbal’s supporters want him to join the BJP to end his political wilderness. So far, Bhujbal has maintained that he is with the NCP (Ajit). The other notable leader to become the subject of political speculation is the legislative council’s deputy chairperson Neelam Gorhe. Her detractors, mainly the recent Sena (UBT) entrant Sushama Andhare, have started hinting at Gorhe’s plans to go with the BJP. Gorhe, too, has not reacted to the talk. Ajit’s sudden disappearance for two days from the winter session only added grist to the grapevine. His explanation that he was down with a throat infection is hardly swallowed. More murmurs are expected to be heard once Fadnavis announces the allocation of the portfolios.
The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) , under siege from Sharad Pawar and UBT MPs, MLAs and Opposition political formations across India, is set to increase its numbers in Lok Sabha from 240 to 260 odd soon ending its need for outside support in Parliament for much longer. BJP’s senior functionary told shortpost.in, “Not only Maharashtra (UBT and Sharad Pawar’s party), but also from Congress in Haryana, Madhya Pradesh and even south India MPs are doing office rounds of BJP’s senior leadership. Like Maharashtra, they desire to become deserving partners within NDA’s fold.” Meanwhile, Maharashtra politics witnesses a turnaround of BJP’s political gambit that groomed Shiv Sena (DCM) Eknath Shinde as CM for nearly 2.5 years, empowered him to consolidate leadership of Shiv Sena party, unleash slew of development projects in state. Hereon, BJP’s emphasis will be upon Ajit Pawar as politics will revolve around whether the Congress is able to counter him in Western Maharashtra, Marathwada regions of the state. Pawar will be groomed, empowered since he holds no political animosity towards BJP and is keenly interested in big ticket infrastructure projects while possessing requisite political calibre, ability to perform well while keeping Congress in check. While uncle Pawar effectively controlled Congress’ politics based out of Maharashtra, nephew Ajit has no such pre-occupations. Praful Patel will sync in as Union Minister with industry related portfolio, not Sunetra Pawar, while Union government portfolios are up for grabs by newbie incumbent MPs into BJP that seeks to up its own tally. With the senior Pawar set to be 90 before next Maha elections are due, vacant Union portfolios are proving difficult to ignore for his own flock and several more.
The swearing-in ceremony of the council of ministers of chief minister Devendra Fadnavis held in Nagpur on Sunday (Dec 15) will be remembered for various interesting features. While such a ceremony has taken place in the second capital of Maharashtra after a gap of 33 years, the focal point of that time, Chhagan Bhujbal in 1991, was conspicuous by his absence since his name was not in the list of the ministers of the second Mahayuti government. Similarly, prominent names like Sudhir Mungantiwar of the BJP and Dilip Walse Patil of the NCP (Ajit) were found missing though Walse, the former assembly speaker, was seen in the front row of the invitees. As announced by deputy CM Ajit Pawar, the term of all the ministers will be of two and a half years. Each has signed an undertaking accepting the condition. This, too, has happened for the first time. The rationale behind the stipulation is that since there are many hopefuls to become minister, some of the present will be asked to work for the organisation so that certain new faces can be accommodate at that future date. Barring a minister or two, all of them took oath in the name of God. Senior minister Mangal Prabhat Lodha was the lone inductee to take oath in Sanskrit. The Fadnavis team has four women, a sort of record since the outgoing government had only Aditi Tatkare, as a minister of state. Hence, the much talked-about ‘Laadki Bahin’ Scheme had been identified with her, making her victory in the assembly election easier.
Veteran leader Sharad Pawar has once again monopolised the centre stage following reports that a top leader of his party has held talks with a prominent BJP Union minister in Delhi. The political grapevine is buzzing with different versions since the meeting is believed to have occurred at industrialist Gautam Adani’s Delhi residence. In fact, Pawar started hitting the headlines on Thursday (Dec 12) morning as the news that his nephew Ajit Pawar and a couple of other NCP (Ajit) leaders had reached the patriarch’s residence. Ajit later said that being a family member, he had greeted his uncle on his birthday and nothing unusual should be read in the visit. Ajit was accompanied by Praful Patel and Sunil Tatkare, both very close to Sharad Pawar till the recent split in the NCP. The name of Adani added grist to the gossip since the industrialist had visited Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis just a couple of days ago in Mumbai. The Adani group continues to BE target of Congress leader Rahul Gandhi and Shiv Sena party chief Uddhav Thackeray. In the past too, Adani has been meeting Pawar off and on. The presence of Fadnavis in Delhi on Thursday proved to be another trigger to speculate that the political scene of Maharashtra was likely to undergo another overhaul. Pawar’s hot and cold relationship with Prime Minister Narendra Modi has always remained an intrigue. Hence, his followers are unable to predict which way he can turn.
After having successfully decimated the opposition and weakened its allies, the BJP now seems strongly focussed on its target to achieve Shat Pratishat Bhajapa or cent per cent BJP rule in Maharashtra by 2029. Not content at this, there is buzz of Operation Lotus at work to poach Opposition MP’s to strengthen BJP’s government at the Centre. After successfully splitting and routing the opposition enough to be ineligible to get their own leader in the state assembly, the BJP’s own allies are now feeling the pressure to chart their own course in state. For starters, Union Home Minister Amit Shah has already taken things into his own hands, including that of determining ministerial allocations of his alliance partners. Ajit Pawar and Eknath Shinde have been asked to share the names of their nominees with Shah to get his clearances for the same. Shah has rejected ministerial berths of two of Shinde’s nominees. The delay in distribution of ministries and portfolios in Maharashtra has been attributed to Shah personally overseeing all such decisions of the new government. Though Shinde has been putting up a tough fight to get good portfolios for himself and his party members, his body language continues to be that of a dejected soldier. The image of a sulking Shinde right next to a beaming Shah and Devendra Fadnavis is a symbolic picture of him not getting his way around and under duress in the BJP term. The second alliance partner, Ajit Pawar though seems happy enough for now, content at having trounced his uncle in his own backyard, to bag his party and legacy. It’s anybody’s guess if these alliance partners will be retained or tamed or simply engulfed in toto en route to the next state elections in 2029.
In a significant move, Sunetra Pawar, a first term MP of Rajya Sabha and wife of Maharashtra Deputy CM and NCP supremo Ajit Pawar has been allotted 11 Janpath as her official residence. With this allotment of Lutyens bungalow for the Sunetra Pawar, it can be said the extended Pawar family will be all sort of staying in the same neighbourhood. Family patriarch and former defence minister Sharad Pawar has been living in 6 Janpath since June 2004. His daughter Baramati MP Supriya Sule, as per Lok Sabha records, is also shown as sharing residence with her father. Janpath has always been a famous address because bungalow No 10 has been occupied by the Gandhis since the time of Rajiv Gandhi when he was out of power. It was allotted to Congress leader Sonia Gandhi in 1991. Besides 10 Janpath, its immediate neighbour 12 Janpath has always been occupied by an important leader. First it was Ram Vilas Paswan who occupied the bungalow from1990 until his death in 2020. The bungalow has now been allotted to former President Ramnath Kovind. Besides her own Pawar family in the neighbourhood and famous people, Sunetra will also find home of another endearing Maharashtrian close by in 2 Motilal Nehru Marg – Nitin Gadkari, Union Road Transport & Highways Minister. BJP sources said the allotment of a bungalow to the NCP MP should also be seen as the kind of importance the party is giving to its Maharashtra ally. The NCP has been keen to expand its footprints across north India and it is being facilitated to do so.
Veteran leader Sharad Pawar has raised a question mark over the assembly election outcome in Maharashtra but has desisted from making any direct allegations against the EVMs or the Election Commission. Pawar’s observation has come against the backdrop of his visit to Markadwadi in Solapur district. Some of the villagers had organised a paper ballot polling in the village to protest against the EC’s declared voting figures. However, the move was abandoned after the government banned any such attempt. Pawar visited the village to articulate the people’s right to express discontent against the government since cases have been filed against around 200 villagers in connection with the protest. About the assembly results, Pawar said his party candidates had received 72 lakh votes but could win only 10 seats. On the other hand, the NCP faction led by Ajit Pawar had recorded 58 lakh votes but it won 41 seats. A party getting 80 lakh votes has just 15 winners while the other party gaining 79 lakh votes has 57 successful candidates, Pawar pointed out. However, he said although the outcome was surprising, it would not be proper to comment about the EVMs until there was a solid basis. Pawar also expressed his misgivings by stating that opposition parties were winning smaller states while bigger states were won by the BJP. Still, the Maha Vikas Aghadi has decided to face the coming local body election together, Pawar reiterated. His refusal to join the anti-EVM chorus triggered by the Congress party is being interpreted differently by the other two MVA partners, the Shiv Sena led by Uddhav Thackeray and the Congress.
The auspicious day December 5, 2024, was scheduled by BJP for the swearing in function of Maharashtra’s next chief minister Devendra Fadnavis, without awaiting erstwhile Shiv Sena CM Eknath Shinde’s decision to enjoin with the government. Meanwhile, consternation is brewing in New Delhi over Shinde’s recalcitrance to formally announce his party’s stand like Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) Chief Ajit Pawar has done. Friday (Nov 29) night’s meeting with Union Home Minister Amit Shah was marked by Shinde making a solo appearance even as Pawar was flanked by Praful Patel, Sunil Tatkare and three four other party colleagues. Shinde’s apparent reluctance to enjoin formally has not gone down well with the BJP leadership despite his family doctor announcing that Shinde was under the weather set to improve over two days of medical treatment. The first discord before the new government is formed relates to Shinde’s insistence upon being accorded the same status as erstwhile DCM Fadnavis who enjoyed full control over the Home department. This fell foul of the BJP template of always holding crucial portfolios to include Home, Rural Development, Revenue and even Finance as a thumb rule. This equation was altered only to accommodate Ajit Pawar who was handed over the Finance department. Highly placed sources indicate that Shinde may be contemplating offering outside support to the BJP led government.
There seems to be no end to turbulent times in Maharashtra’s politics despite the people voting in the Mahayuti alliance with a thumping majority. Despite the landslide victory, thanks to cracks developed, the next few years promise some unpredictable times thanks to the BJP misjudging the nature of Eknath Shinde. Three years back when the BJP catapulted Shinde to the top job in state, he was expected to work in the background like he had always done in the united Shiv Sena. His ascendance as CM saw him assume a larger than life image thanks to his penchant to meeting people day and night right till the crack of dawn. His generosity in doling out public funds to the public, has reaped in historical and record breaking results. The BJP is discovering the hard way that Shinde is no pushover and they are having a tough time handling him. From demanding the CM’s seat promised to him to refusing to play deputy to his erstwhile deputy Devendra Fadnavis to insisting on having the powerful home portfolio, Shinde is a tough nut to crack despite Ajit Pawar’s tame surrender giving the BJP a strong upper hand on the negotiating table. A sulking Shinde would validate the BJP’s use and throw policy. Not something they want at a time when it needs him to decimate Uddhav Thackeray’s Sena in their Mumbai bastion. Shinde’s reluctance to play second fiddle to Fadnavis or any fresh CM’s face doesn’t promise a smooth term here on, in the state.
NCP leader and Deputy CM Ajit Pawar, who arrived in Delhi, a day ahead of outgoing CM and Shiv Sena leader Eknath Shinde and BJP leader Devendra Fadnavis, to meet with PM Modi and HM Amit Shah to discuss issues of Maharashtra government formation was a picture of cool player. The national media, which always treated his uncle Sharad Pawar with deference for his capacity to take on leaders in Delhi, now viewed Ajitdada in awe. How did he establish his supremacy in the Baramati assembly seat, vanquish his cousin Yugendra Pawar backed by his veteran uncle? Ajitdada patiently tackled every query, every doubt in a free-wheeling chat. With Praful Patel , who played host, adding very interesting inputs. However, the secret of NCP’s phenomenal showing in Baramati and in rest of Western Maharashtra seems to lie in the kind of effort put in by Ajitdada’s own family — his gracious wife Sunetra, now a Rajya Sabha MP, and son Parth. Sunetra, who has always managed her husband’s elections, says she had gone “house to house” seeking votes. And it is her quiet voter outreach that seems to have finally paid off. Parth is every chip of the old block; in the sense he is more like family patriarch Sharad Pawar. He is more ambitious for the NCP and vows to travel across India as he wants the party to expand beyond Maharashtra. He is in no hurry to become a MP or MLA. He asserts at least 2 to 3 Cong MLAs are already in touch with him to join the NCP. Naresh Arora of Design Box, who advised the NCP in Maha polls, is likely to have a say in the party’s expansion too.
The “Mahayuti” NDA government being installed in Maharashtra will register PM Narendra Modi’s emphasis upon fresh faces with mission Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation in January also prioritized. Devendra Fadnavis handled seat sharing talks independently of BJP high command for general elections to 48 Maharashtra parliamentary seats and then 288 assembly constituencies, facing no competition for CM post though no Monday morning swearing in is scheduled either while partymen were advised to maintain radio silence on the subject. Erstwhile Maharashtra CM Eknath Shinde’s men gloss over popular Ladki Bahin Scheme reiterating his repeat candidature even as NCP chief Ajit Pawar rues his vociferous opposition to batenge toh katenge theme launched by BJP to counter ‘Vote Jihad’. Even after a record Maharashtra victory BJP cites 34 MVA MLAs elected through ‘Vote Jihad’ to include Mankhurd, Byculla, Mumbadevi, Dharavi, Versova, Bandra (east), Kurla, Anushakti Nagar, Malad (west), Chandivalli, Sion Koliwada, Kalina, Mahim, Malwani, Malegaon assembly segments. Matoshree now worries over the UBT motley crew of MPs taking flight. PM Modi on Saturday ticked his ‘To Do’ box created in 2019 for decimating the Uddhav Thackeray and Sharad Pawar led political formations from Maharashtra after Matoshree’s alliance jilt and Pawar’s retirement jibe. The Thackeray legacy lies politically squandered over secular ties and now, even cousin Raj’s MNS political future stands jeopardized though MLA aspirant son Amit will likely find MLC accommodation. BJP’s Pankaja Munde, Ashok Chavan may rue their opposition to party tagline. Eventually Modi’s nuanced poll theme Ek Rahenge To Safe Rahenge inspired by old English adage, “United we stand, divided we fall” won Maharashtra’s political bout. So, what was the brouhaha all about?
The absence of Maharashtra’s deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar and other senior NCP leaders from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s election rally at Chhatrapati Shivaji Park in Dadar, Mumbai on November 14 strengthened speculation that NCP could possibly be an unreliable link in Mahayuti. This notwithstanding the fact that the deputy CM had attended a Modi rally in Pune barely two days earlier. Ajit Pawar’s party is a crucial partner in the ruling alliance, alongside Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena and the BJP. But then NCP candidates Sana Malik, Nawab Malik, and Zeeshan Siddique were also notably absent from the event, which featured leaders from the Shinde Sena and the Republican Party of India (RPI) led by Ramdas Athawale. While the rally was meant to highlight the coalition’s solidarity, reports suggest that NCP leaders are upset over the BJP’s batenge toh katenge campaign. BJP sources said despite Ajit Pawar’s unease with the BJP’s aggressive Hindutva agenda, it is likely that he will stay on the side “which benefits him”. That is he could walk to any side which will make him the CM or as Nawab Malik told Times Now “Ajit Pawar will be king maker”. BJP sources said UP CM Yogi who coined the slogan has been much in demand among party candidates. “We have been forced to cancel meetings of top leaders to accommodate Yogiji”, said a party manager. As for contrary assertions by Ashok Chavan and Pankaja Munde on batenge toh katenge, these are being viewed more as a desire to project themselves than pose any serious ideological counter to the main party discourse.
Maharashtra’s deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar has raised apprehensions about his future moves, once again. Over the past few days, Ajit has betrayed his ambivalence about the way campaigning is proceeding in Maharashtra. While this is being commented upon, his absence at the final rally of Prime Minister Narendra Modi at Shivaji Park in Mumbai on November 14 has been noted with concern within the ruling Mahayuti. Neither Ajit nor any of his NCP’s candidates turned up for the PM’s rally organised by chief minister Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena and the BJP. As Ajit failed to appear on the dais, the media attention has focussed on his possible calculations after the assembly poll results are out on 23 November. Already, he has rubbed Shinde and deputy CM Devendra Fadnavis the wrong way by objecting to UP CM Yogi Adityanath’s slogan batenge toh katenge. Ajit had observed that such slogans will not work in Maharashtra, whose culture was different from that of UP. Ajit’s insistence on fielding former minister Nawab Malik from Mankhurd-Shivaji Nagar constituency in Mumbai despite the BJP’s open objections had created some strain within the Mahayuti. Now, Malik has told the saffron formation that Ajit’s NCP will not be a part of the next government if Yuti’s campaign strategy is not changed. Ajit’s another confidant, Dilip Walse Patil had said a few days ago that some fresh combination can occur after the election. Ajit has not refuted neither statement. Hence, he is under close observation by the other two partners of Mahayuti.
The ruling Mahayuti (BJP-Shiv Sena-NCP) and the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (Cong-Shiv Sena(UBT)-NCP(SP) have decided to keep both former chief ministers in Maharashtra on hold as a cautionary strategy, indicating that they will open their cards at an opportune time. Both hopefuls, Devendra Fadnavis and Uddhav Thackeray, also have adopted a similar stance though Uddhav had earlier tried to prevail upon the Congress and senior leader Sharad Pawar to project him as the next CM. However, both MVA partners had refused to concede. Now, Pawar has announced that his party will support the leader chosen by the largest of the three parties after the assembly election. According to available statistics, the Congress party is contesting the largest number of seats, 102, leaving 96 for the Shiv Sena under Uddhav and 87 for the NCP led by Pawar. In the Lok Sabha, the Congress strike rate was the most impressive. Hence, the Congress has always maintained its claim as the eldest brother in the MVA formation. Similarly, Fadnavis has been lauded by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union home minister Amit Shah over the past two days. Despite this, Shah has declared that a decision about the next Maharashtra CM will be taken after the outcome is declared. The BJP is contesting 152 seats in the 288 member assembly and over a dozen of its leaders are contesting on behalf of the Sena (Shinde) or NCP (Ajit Pawar). Therefore, its prospects are considered better this time, after the Lok Sabha drubbing.
Broad hints of post-election realignments have raised fears that the new Maharashtra government formation will be a long drawn complicated one. Rapprochement vibes are already being noticed from both sides of the Pawar family. While Ajit Pawar swung into action to berate an indignant remark against his uncle Sharad Pawar, his confidants like Dilip Walse Patil and Nawab Malik have been dropping hints that their legislators could swing any ways post-results. The Sharad Pawar faction too seems to have thawed relations and preparing ground for readjustments attributing their partymen exits and party split to ED threats. While Supriya Sule has already stated that there is no familial rift with Ajit Pawar, Nawab Malik has been saying that Ajit Pawar’s support will be critical for any combination that seeks to form the next government. Amit Shah throwing in his weight behind Devendra Fadnavis, at this juncture marks the BJP’s need to consolidate its own vote share in the run up to a fractured verdict. Political scientists like Prof Suhas Palshikar have predicted that a large number of independent legislators could win this time around, adding to post-election instability. Since most of these MLA’s winning on the basis of local caste equations will have weak party affiliations, it makes them susceptible to swing in any direction. Drawing parallels to Maharashtra’s ‘moment of fragmentation’ in 1995 when over 30 plus rebels won elections, Palshikar feels the poll results are unlikely to settle the dust from a scenario emerging from splits, factions, new parties and fronts thus ensuring victory for those who can command less than a lakh votes.
Firebrand politician Chhagan Bhujbal has rejected the statements attributed to him by journalist Rajdeep Sardesai in his latest book, 2024: The Election That Surprised India by threatening to initiate legal action. According to the book extracts published by Marathi daily Loksatta, Bhujbal had conceded that he, along with many other MLAs, had gone with the BJP in 2022 to extricate himself from the clutches of the Enforcement Directorate (ED). According to the published version in the daily, Bhujbal said, “All were happy for aligning with the BJP since the ED’s harassment had ended.” Maharashtra deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar and some prominent leaders of his Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) were on the ED radar at the time. There have been persistent allegations that the cases against them are not pursued ever since they decided to join the Mahayuti government in the state. Bhjujbal pointed out that most of 54 MLAs belonging to Sharad Pawar’s NCP had followed Ajit out of the party though ED cases were against only a few. Secondly, he was acquitted from the Maharashtra Sadan matter when Uddhav Thackeray was the chief minister. Finally, he decided to go with Ajit in the interest of development. “My assembly constituency has been sanctioned Rs 2000 crore worth development works,” he claimed. The Loksatta version had said that Bhujbal opted for this course since he was scared of going back into ED custody at the age of 75. “I made no such statement,” Bhujbal has insisted.
The age-old trick of misrepresenting by displaying a similar name is rampant this time as well in the Maharashtra assembly electioneering. This charade had played havoc for some prominent leaders in the past. For instance, NCP (Ajit) leader Sunil Tatkare lost the 2014 Lok Sabha election from Raigad by a mere 2100 votes since another namesake, also Sunil Tatkare, polled over 9000 votes. Influential Congress leader and former chief minister AR Antulay, too, lost from Raigad in the past since another AR Antulay received more than 21000 votes. This time, such instances are quite a few in the district. In Panvel assembly constituency, there are three candidates with the same name, Balaram Patil and also three Prashant Thakur contestants. While the real Patil is in the fray for the Shiv Sena (UBT), sitting BJP MLA Thakur is testing his luck for a second time. Karjat’s present MLA Mahendra Thorve of the Sena (Shinde) has to take on an adversary of the same name. In Alibaug, Sena (Shinde) nominee Mahendra Dalvi is engaged in a battle with three more Mahendra Dalvi names. Moreover, an independent candidate in the constituency, Dilip Bhoir, is facing another opponent of the same name. The district was in the news in 2004 for the first time when Peasants and Workers Party leader Meenakshi Patil was poised against seven independents bearing the same name. Eventually, the PWP bagged the seat, but only after a bitter fight. How many of these aspirants remain in the ring will be clear only on 4 November, the last day for withdrawal.
“A rose by any other name would smell as sweet” said Shakespeare. With due modification, sugar barons in Maharashtra have proved that whatever political party they may belong to, sugar is sweet for them and their peers. This is because many prominent candidates for the state assembly election own or control sugar cooperative or private sugar factories. If not themselves, their family members find a place in the lists declared so far. Expectedly, NCP president Ajit Pawar heads the list while his bete noire Jayant Patil of the NCP (Sharad Pawar faction) is also among the top five. Pawar’s grandson Rohit Pawar, a bitter critic of uncle Ajit, also figures in the roll. BJP’s Radhakrishna Vikhe Patil, who has travelled to the saffron party via the Congress and the unified Shiv Sena, continues to be counted among the most powerful sugar barons for decades. The latest turncoat Harshvarrdhan Patil, now blessed by the NCP (SP) is another name. State Congress leader Balasaheb Thorat, described as a dark horse, is indispensable for any such listing. Chief minister Eknath Shinde, deputy chief minister Devendra Fadnavis or former CM Uddhav Thackeray don’t have any sugar connection directly though some of their close followers do have an interest in the sector. Shinde’s confidant Tanaji Sawant, public health minister, is among them. BJP’s Abhimanyu Pawar, once a private secretary to Fadnavis, finds a place as well. These are only a few examples. In unison, they have proved the dictum that sugar is a great sweetener which binds those holding the reins of power in Maharashtra.
If there is one formula for the success of its third term in Haryana that the BJP would most likely use in Maharashtra assembly polls, it would be having a very limited campaign of its star campaigner PM Modi. Unlike the previous strategy of carpet bombing the poll-bound states and Lok Sabha constituencies with Modi’s rallies in the run upto 2024 Lok Sabha polls, the party has begun to restrict the number of Modi’s rallies from Haryana elections. Party sources indicate that PM Modi would not be addressing more than half a dozen rallies and at best such rallies would be spread across different regions in the state. BJP sources pointed out that the CM face for Mahayuti was more or less settled at the Chandigarh NDA CMs meeting when PM Modi asked Maharashtra CM Eknath Shinde to move the resolution lauding the return of the BJP in Haryana for a third term. Shinde was picked for the honour even as Devendra Fadnavis who represents the BJP in Maharashtra was present. Deputy CM Ajit Pawar also attended the Chandigarh meeting. The NDA CMs conclave started immediately after the swearing-in ceremony of Nayab Singh Saini on October 17 in Chandigarh. There were 13 Chief Ministers and 16 deputy CMs belonging to the BJP and other NDA allies in attendance. Besides CMs of Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh, states like Bihar, Sikkim, Nagaland and Meghalaya had also put in their attendance.
After much tossing around, the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) has decided to go to polls without any face to present the picture of an united front. Post-Haryana debacle, the Congress clipped wings of its multiple strong leaders and has sent a message to its cadres to work together and not heed to the various factions at play. State Congress president Nana Patole did try to showcase himself for the top slot, but was cut to size by Delhi. Though Uddhav Thackeray has been consistently trying to project himself to be the CM face, his coalition partners are convinced that he no longer commands the strength of numbers. His bete noire, chief minister Eknath Shinde may be leading the Mahayuti alliance in the polls but there is no guarantee he will become the CM. He was apparently reminded by Amit Shah that he remains the CM only because of the BJP’s sacrifice of not claiming the seat. The BJP cadres are already upset at the BJP leadership for letting Prime Minister Narendra Modi visit Shinde’s constituency Thane, over the BJP’s own strongholds. The BJP has been struggling with constraints to retain the Maratha vote bank and fear that projecting a Brahmin leader like Devendra Fadnavis could backfire against them. Fadnavis no longer commands clout in his own party like he once did. Ajit Pawar, who was once tipped to be CM when he split from his uncle Sharad Pawar to join the ruling Mahayuti, cuts a sorry figure today and is no longer in the reckoning for the top seat.
Could Baba Siddique who was shot dead while he was bursting crackers outside his MLA son Zeeshan’s office on Vijaya Dashami lived if he had moved out of Maharashtra politics just as he had wished? The former Congress leader, who hailed from Bihar, was apparently wanting to return to his roots and had even met with RJD leader Tejashwi Yadav, seeking a Rajya Sabha berth before making the switch to the NCP led by Ajit Pawar. It seemed he had enough of Mumbai politics and deals. Responding to Siddique’s tragic news, Tejashwi Yadav merely acknowledged how he had interacted with Siddique and his family during his recent visit to Mumbai. Siddique hailed from Gopalganj district. For some reason, Siddique was uncomfortable with the Congress and Shiv Sena(UBT) alliance, and had decided to opt out of the party in March this year. A three-time MLA from Bandra West assembly constituency, Siddique had served as a minister in the Congress-undivided NCP government in the early 2000.While his exit would be a big loss to Ajit Pawar ahead of the assembly polls, Sharad Pawar too hailed him as a leader who fought for the “minority community and championed secularism”. A close associate of actor-turned-politician Sunil Dutt, who helped him secure his first Congress ticket in 1999. Siddique is credited for bringing to end frosty ties between actors Shahrukh Khan and Salman Khan in 2013
Former Maharashtra minister Baba Siddique’s tragic death in a shooting attack has once again churned the state politics on the eve of the coming assembly election. A former Congress leader, Siddique had only recently joined the Nationalist Congress party (NCP) led by deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar. Incidentally, but for a handful pockets, the party has no political space in Mumbai. Hence Siddique’s loss will be felt by it intensely. His son Zeeshan is a Congress MLA from Nirmal Nagar in Bandra. Siddique’s death just outside his son’s office and despite having ‘Y’ grade security has put the three-party Mahayuti alliance in the dock. The focus, however, is on deputy chief minister Devendra Fadnavis as he handles the home portfolio. His critics have once again trained their guns against Fadnavis, perceived as the main challenger for the opposition-led Maha Vikas Aghadi. The demand for his resignation had started no sooner than Siddique was being moved to hospital. Congress scion Rahul Gandhi is among the prominent politicians to castigate the state government for the tragedy. Even some NCP (Ajit) functionaries, too, have joined the chorus. The police are investigating various possible connections behind the killing in the congested busy locality. A popular figure among politicians and Bollywood, the image of the Mumbai police has suffered but the fallout will have to be faced by the political leadership. The embattled Mahayuti will need a herculean effort to emerge from the situation.
By pushing for a demand to raise the state quota for reservation limit to 75 %, Sharad Pawar has put the BJP in a quandary. Acceding to this demand could prove counterproductive for the BJP against its own OBC support base. The quota for reservation has upset the BJP core constituency of the other backward classes (OBC), which is upset at the Marathas wanting a share from their reservation pie and are vehemently opposing it. The BJP, which bore the brunt of the reservation agitation in the 2024 Lok Sabha results (won 9 out of the 28 seats in Maharashtra) had granted reservations for the Maratha community, hoping to woo the significant Maratha vote bank. Getting the Maratha Eknath Shinde and Ajit Pawar, on their side, was also part of this strategy. Yet, now far from getting the Maratha support, it finds itself struggling to wriggle out of its repercussions. The Marathas continue to be upset with the BJP, particularly with its leader Devendra Fadnavis for not ensuring a legal-proof reservation insisting that only being added in the OBC bandwagon, could help withstand legal scrutiny. The Marathas anger for being lathi-charged and rioting cases against them not being withdrawn, also continues. Manoj Jarange Patil continues to spit fire on BJP and threatens to scuttle their chances in this election. Pawar, who himself has led Maharashtra four times as a CM, was clearly well aware of the pitfalls of yielding to reservations demands of Marathas, and managed to sidestep it during his regime. The wily Pawar seems to be having the last laugh for now.
Veteran leader Sharad Pawar has once again shown his indomitable durability by immersing fully in the preparation for the coming Maharashtra assembly election. Busy from dawn till late in the night, Pawar has been receiving delegations and hopefuls throughout the day, besides holding strategy sessions. As usual, his team ensures that all such goings on are widely covered by the media, electronic and the print. Over the past two days, Pawar has been concentrating on the Marathwada region, once loyal to him. Presently, his NCP faction has been left with just a couple of MLAs from the backward region while half a dozen had walked out with his nephew, Ajit Pawar. Some of them have already called on the NCP founder in a bid to stage a homecoming. Similar is the scenario in Pune district, till recently under the influence of Ajit Pawar. The recent Lok Sabha rout of the NCP(Ajit) has changed the power equation for both, the uncle and the nephew. Over the past few days, many of Ajit’s followers have openly said they are seeking Sharad Pawar’s blessings for a comeback. The BJP, too, is roasted by Pawar’s magnetism. Several of its workers at different levels are desirous of switching over for a possible win. Political observers, however, are perplexed that the Sena led by chief minister Eknath Shinde has remained impervious to Pawar’s charm in this season of great political churning.
The BJP, it seems, is not willing to take any chance in the upcoming Maharashtra assembly polls after its dismal performance in Lok Sabha polls. For one, Union home minister Amit Shah has entirely taken things in his own hand and is personally overseeing the ticket distribution process in Maharashtra. The BJP has also quietly given up its obsession with party surveys, which were being cited as criteria for allocating and denying tickets to party members, and were roundly blamed for leading to wrong candidate selections. Shah is also overriding strong party sentiments to drop off NCP’s Ajit Pawar despite the junior Pawar scion increasingly being viewed as a liability. Nor has Shah bothered to clip the wings of chief minister Eknath Shinde. Shah is also ignoring the clamour to let Nitin Gadkari play a stronger role in the assembly elections, a sentiment also shared by the RSS cadres. Gadkari was conspicuous by his absence in the rallies and has failed to share stage in rallies held by both the top leaders of his party – PM Narendra Modi and Amit Shah. Gadkari was stated to be campaigning in the Jammu and Kashmir election, the day Amit Shah was campaigning and overseeing election processes in his home pitch of Vidarbha. Gadkari was back in action in Nagpur whining in a public meeting, about how the state’s flagship scheme to provide monthly stipend to women, Ladki Bahin Yojana, was bleeding the state exchequer, when Shah had moved to Mumbai to oversee election operation there. Gadkari’s public disclosure that he was offered the prime minister’s post by the opposition, hasn’t helped things.
Amidst persistent speculation about Maharashtra deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar’s future moves, the appointment of his NCP’s lone Lok Sabha member Sunil Tatkare as chairman of the prestigious parliamentary committee on energy and natural gas is viewed as a BJP sop to keep Ajit in the NDA flock. Ajit was reportedly sore as none of his party MLAs was given any important post in the state whereas chief minister Eknath Shinde’s supporters are appointed to major corporations like CIDCO and MHADA. Moreover, veteran leader Sharad Pawar has added to the suspense by declaring that though Ajit is away from the original NCP, the Pawar family is intact. Of late, Ajit has repeatedly said that his ambition to become the CM has remained unfulfilled. “I am stuck at the DCM’s post,” he said while expressing his frustration. When asked about this, DCM Devendra Fadnavis cryptically said that even if a party had a single MLA, he or she could aspire to become the CM. Just a day ago, Fadnavis had claimed that the BJP lost a dozen LS seats with narrow margins since Ajit’s NCP’s votes were not transferred to the BJP candidates. On the other hand, Shinde Sena’s votes were received, he suggested. The Centre’s decision to accommodate Tatkare will prompt all concerned to rethink their future strategy, it is felt. The picture will start becoming clear in a week’s time.
The Maharashtra BJP’s insistence to contest at least 160 seats in the 288-member legislative assembly election has posed a challenge for the Shiv Sena led by chief minister Eknath Shinde and the NCP led by Deputy CM Aji Pawar since both will have to be content with just about 60 seats for each. The seat sharing talks within the ruling Mahayuti are at an advanced turn though the BJP’s position as the largest partner has been accepted by both. However, the tacit tussle to occupy the second position is now becoming apparent as Ajit Pawar has made it clear that his party will need to contest over 60 seats. Both parties have almost an equal strength in the outgoing house. The Mahayuti is more or less agreed on around a hundred seats but the substantial chunk is still under negotiations. While Shinde has established his own channel with New Delhi, Ajit’s public postures are becoming a matter of speculation. His latest displeasure with the purported anti-minority utterances by some Sena-BJP leaders and Shinde’s implied support of those leaders, though in a different context, has caused some discomfort in the Mahayuti camp. Ajit and Shinde are thus facing a daunting challenge since they will have to persuade their followers to accept the seat sharing formula. It is likely to be finalised during Union home minister Amit Shah’s scheduled visit to the state next week.
Maharashtra BJP is facing a quandary since the mass media is awash with reports about a purported internal survey conducted by the party in Vidarbha region. The reason – the prediction that neither the BJP nor the Mahayuti will fare well in the region. Although BJP leaders are yet to react to the news stories, the survey has reportedly said that the Mahayuti can win around 25 seats out of the total 62 in the BJP’s traditional stronghold. Vidarbha was once the Congress citadel and had stood by Indira Gandhi even after the post-emergency election in 1977. However, it has been a cakewalk for the BJP since 2014. The first jolt it received was the Lok Sabha election earlier this year as the Congress performed unexpectedly well, at the cost of the BJP. In 2019, the BJP-led saffron alliance had won 39 of the seats. However, after the splits in the Shiv Sena and the NCP, the configuration has undergone a sea change. In view of the Lok Sabha voting pattern and analysis, the Mahayuti will have no problem in remaining at the top but its dominance will be dented seriously, if one wishes to trust the so-called survey findings. According to the survey assessment, the BJP will be able to win 18 seats while the Sena (Shinde) will bag just five and the NCP under Ajit Pawar a token two. The overall tally of 25 for the Mahayuti will impact the alliance’s ambition of returning to power in the state in the election, most likely to occur in November this year.
Maharashtra deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar has finally rung down the curtains on the speculation surrounding the prestigious Baramati assembly constituency by giving out ample indications that he will contest the seat this time, too. Ajit took this decision after he was advised that his shaky stance could cost the NCP(A) heavily. Ajit has also scored over the two other Mahayuti partners – the BJP and the Shiv Sena (Shinde) — by finalising nearly two dozen assembly candidates. Both these parties are still to decide on their nominees. Internecine power struggle and past rivalry with each other are hindering the list finalisation. The picture on the Maha Vikas Aghadi is a little different. None of the MVA partners has so far declared any name of a prospective candidate. Against this backdrop, Ajit has overtaken all other parties in the state. Equally important is his willingness to enter the fray after dilly-dallying for a long time. The other names in Ajit’s list include former home minister Dilip Walse Patil, senior leader Chhagan Bhujbal and the legislative assembly’s deputy speaker Narahari Zirwal. Not to take a chance, Ajit’s team started combing the Baramati constituency much earlier. The contest will be a fierce one if Ajit’s nephew Yugendra Pawar decides to take on his uncle. Yugendra is groomed by NCP founder Sharad Pawar ever since Ajit broke away from the parent party. Whatever the outcome, the seat will remain with the Pawar family, which has been holding it for the past 55 years.
Maharashtra deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar has once again publicly repented for parting ways with his uncle Sharad Pawar. This is considered an implied signal for the Mahayuti leadership to prepare for any eventuality, including Ajit’s probable decision to do a homecoming act. Although he has not said anywhere that he will desert the Mahayuti, his recent statements can be interpreted by his detractors to mean just that. At a rally in Gadchiroli, he advised the daughter of NCP(A) minister Dharmarao Baba Atram to reconsider her decision to enter the NCP (SP). Ajit said, “People don’t like creating rifts in one’s own family.” In Baramati, he said he had been elected uninterrupted since 1991 but if people wanted otherwise, someone else would be the MLA from Baramati. He, however, did not indicate who the next incumbent will be but his supporters are discussing the name of his son Jay, who has started touring the constituency, the fiefdom of the Pawar Parivar since 1967. Ajit’s chagrin over the defeat of his wife Sunetra in the Lok Sabha election is coming to the fore time and again. Coincidentally, some BJP workers from Pune have started expressing their opposition to the NCP(A). As Ajit has admitted to his own ambivalence in the present political atmosphere, revised electoral equations can emerge in the state.
Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) leader Ajit Pawar’s ambivalence regarding his relationship with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has once again rubbed the saffron sympathisers the wrong way. The second deputy chief minister of Maharashtra is still somehow finding it difficult to align with the BJP fully, since time and again, he has chosen to keep his distance from the RSS. His latest two-day Nagpur visit was more in the news due to his absence from the RSS headquarters where chief minister Eknath Shinde and DCM Devendra Fadnavis bowed before the memorial to RSS founder KB Hedgewar than his party political activity. Interestingly, Shinde and both DCMs later held a marathon meeting behind closed doors to discuss and plan their strategy for the assembly election. Ajit’s cautious approach towards the BJP-RSS stands in stark contrast with Shinde’s unhesitant camaraderie with Fadanvis and Union home minister Amit Shah, among others. Shinde has been complimented by PM Narendra Modi during his Maharashtra visits, sending mixed signals. In Nagpur, Ajit held a series of meetings with his followers to assess his prospects in Vidarbha after his break away from his uncle Sharad Pawar. Although the BJP has reportedly promised to accommodate the NCP(A) in the post-election equation, the speculation surrounding him does not end. The Nagpur visit has only provided cannon fodder to Ajit’s detractors, who have been making use of such incidents to corner him.
Ajit Pawar is facing coalition compulsions of a completely different kind. Even as he faces a blatant dig by Eknath Shinde’s minister Tanaj Sawant that Congress-Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) ideologues puke him off, Pawar chose to tamely ignore it. Known for his brash arrogant straight talk, his supporters were startled to hear him say that he would rather focus on his work, not forgetting to hint at how he continued to enjoy the confidence of Amit Shah. Along with Eknath Shinde, Ajit Pawar continues to be the only other senior leader in Maharashtra who has the ears of Shah. This is probably his trump card as also the reason for his restraint, despite a few loud voices in both the BJP and his own party, trying to raise the pitch against each other. That hasn’t stopped him from chartering his own independent path ahead though. He was the first leader from Mahayuti alliance, to tender an apology about the falling of the statue of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj at Konkan. Not stopping at that, NCP’s own workers staged dharnas protesting, clearly aimed at tapping into the strong anger in Maharashtra about it. Pawar is already on a state-wide campaign in his now-trademark pink jacket, even as he simultaneously continues to participate in rallies with Shinde and Devendra Fadnavis.
Even before the dates for the Maharashtra assembly election are finalised, strategies to discredit each other and spread confusing information to hurt the other side are gaining speed. Although the exact electoral adjustment plans of MNS leader Raj Thackeray, Republican leader Prakash Ambedkar and AIMIM’s Asaduddin Owaisi are unclear, there is no dearth of speculation about which way they can go. To cash in on this suspense, NCP chief Sharad Pawar’s nephew Rohit Pawar has made a prediction that is bound to confound the picture. Rohit has claimed that the BJP bigwigs have hatched a plan to create a third front in the state to ensure that the opposition votes are splintered among several candidates. Rohit says that his uncle Ajit Pawar will be a major factor of this so-called formation and even Raj Thackeray could join it. Rohit has emerged as Pawar’s chief spokesman ever since Ajit broke away from the parent NCP. Rohit’s prediction comes after Ajit expressed regret over the collapse of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaja’s statue at Malvan in the Konkan a few days ago. Mahayuti, the three-party alliance government led by Eknath Shinde has been under fire for this serious mishap. Against this backdrop, Ajit’s unilateral decision to undergo penance has been interpreted variously. The damage control efforts of the alliance are said to be underway, sensing the potential of the stature mishap.
Maharashtra Deputy Chief Minister and Nationalist Congress Party Chief, Ajit Pawar has announced the names of six candidates for the first phase of the Jammu and Kashmir assembly elections out of a total 15 to be fielded for the polls out of a total 90 constituencies. While setting to rest intense political speculation around the prodigal nephew’s return to Uncle Sharad Pawar’s political formation, DCM Pawar has exposed his intentions to grow his party and possibly secure national recognition. National general secretary of NCP, and freshly minted J&K Vidhan Sabha 2024 poll in-charge, Brijmohan Shrivastav confirmed the candidatures of Sajjad Ahmad Mir (Anantnag West), Kirpal Singh (Ramban), Mushtaq Ahmed (Banihal), Mohamad Yusuf Hazam (Tral), Ishtiyaq Ahamad Sheikh (Pulwama) and Arun Kumar Raina (Rajpura) assembly constituencies. A source reveals that Shrivastav was assigned the task over the last six months to flesh out the NCP’s foray in J&K inviting comparisons with the 1999 effort by former party president Sharad Pawar, who had similarly and, originally formed the NCP in 1999 to face up to the Lok Sabha elections within six months of leaving the Congress party. Out of the six candidates fielded three each will contest in the Jammu and Kashmir regions respectively for the first phase of the assembly polls, while another nine are to be fielded during subsequent phases of the elections. The NCP seeks to consolidate its position in the BJP-led NDA alliance, while seeking the allocation of a full Union cabinet berth for the party president Praful Patel in New Delhi. Ironically, the NCP move comes amidst a disenchantment registered by J&K voters during general elections against the usual political suspects (Congress, NC and PDP candidates).
Political poaching by various parties is gaining traction in Maharashtra, in view of the forthcoming assembly election. Now that the Election Commission has given indications that the election, otherwise due in October, could be held after Diwali, all political parties are gearing up to face the five-year test. After the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) of the three opposition parties trounced the ruling Mahayuti alliance in the Lok Sabha election, the politicking began in earnest. Veteran leader Sharad Pawar is leading the pack. A couple of days ago, Kolhapur’s influential BJP leader Samarjeet Ghatge announced his decision to enter Pawar’s Nationalist Congress Party. Even as the shockwaves are subsiding, rural Pune’s prominent BJP leader Harshwardhan Patil is said to be on his way to Pawar. Significantly, Patil is an ardent opponent of Ajit Pawar. Seizing the opportunity, Pawar’s daughter Supriya Sule has recalled her lifelong association with Patil. The trigger for Patil’s likely change of loyalty is said to be Ajit’s announcement to field his lieutenant Dattatraya Bharne once again from Indapur, Patil family’s fiefdom. Patil is expected to declare his final resolve in a couple of days. Sensing the possibility, Maharashtra BJP president Chandrashekhar Bawankule has made it clear that if Patil wishes to walk out, nothing will stop him. On the other hand, trafficking between the two Shiv Sena factions is on an increase while the Congress, too, is looking for an influx. The picture will be clearer after the 10-day Ganesh Festival is over by mid-September.
Mahant Ramgiri Maharaj, a Hindu holy figure, has unintentionally triggered a war of words between the BJP and the NCP(Ajit) over his certain controversial remarks about another religion. The Mahant’s purported statement had led to a serious law and order situation in Nasik in north Maharashtra. While a few criminal cases have been filed against him, spokesmen of NCP(Ajit) and the BJP have added fuel to the fire by their respective utterances. Pawar’s confidant Amol Mitkari, MLA, has made certain objectionable comparisons of the Mahant while advising him caution. The use of the word dog in that comparison has enraged the Mahant’s followers. BJP legislator Ram Satpute has asked Mitkari not to forget that his party, the NCP(Ajit), is a constituent of the Mahayuti. Alleging that Mitkari has had an aversion against Hindutva, Satpute said, “Commercial thinkers like Mitkari have no business to tell Hindu religious leaders on what position to take about such matters.” Even as the duel was raging, a BJP demonstration against deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar in Pune district has provided another pointed angle to the Mahayuti equation. Maharashtra NCP (Ajit) president Sunil Tatkare has angrily asked the BJP protestors not to do something that could sour the relationship between the two parties. The BJP workers were upset since only Pawar’s image was flashed at an official event’s venue, ignoring CM Eknath Shinde and DCM Devendra Fadnavis.
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Editor’s Note: Short Post Noticed By People Who Matter
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Looking back at the 1460 days, I must say Short Post has made its mark with people who matter via 4000 stories published in the areas of politics, business, entertainment and sports. All made possible by the unflinching commitment and dedication of our senior editors, most of whom have been part of this journey from Day One.
Small pack, big impact is in essence the story of Short Post which was launched at the height of the Covid-19 pandemic in 2021. It shows our conviction. In all humility, I can say, we have created a new niche in the news segment space like Hindustan Unilever which created a new segment, when it launched CloseUp Gel.
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