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It’s a high stakes battle in Bhabanipur between West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee and Leader of Opposition Suvendu Adhikari. Didi will do everything to defend her urban stronghold, while Adhikari — former TMC heavyweight turned BJP leader defeated her in the 2021 Nandigram contest — has entered the fray to challenge her once again. Interestingly, Adhikari will also contest from Nandigram as well. Observers say this could be BJP’s strategy to pin down Mamata to a gruelling local fight in Bhabanipur so as to limit her ability to lead a state-wide campaign. Her presence remains vital for TMC candidates across West Bengal’s closely contested districts. The constituency itself, often called “mini Bharat,” features a diverse demographic where nearly 40% of voters are from non-Bengali communities—including Gujaratis, Marwaris, Punjabis, and Odias—alongside a 20% Muslim electorate. While the seat has leaned toward the TMC since 2011, the BJP is aggressively courting the business community to bridge the gap. The build-up to the April 23 and April 29 two-phase elections has been marked by a fierce dispute over the electoral rolls. Reports indicate over 47,000 names were removed during a special intensive review, with another 14,000 under scrutiny. While the BJP justifies the deletions as a clean-up of duplicate entries, the TMC alleges a conspiracy involving the Election Commission to disenfranchise genuine voters. Despite these tensions, Didi enters the race with a formidable record, having won her 2021 by-election by over 58,000 votes. Her party’s broader list reflects a push for representation, featuring 52 women, 95 SC/ST candidates, and 47 minority representatives.
TVK supremo Vijay’s consigliere Aadav Arjun is seen to be deranged by the political rank and file, especially after his loose cannon remarks. The one baiting Thalaivar Rajinikanth has raised the hackles of all …fans especially who are waiting to be roused to rise. What did Arjun say? In an extreme attempt to schmooze and schmaltz in his role of deifying Vijay, this indiscreet party member said, “Even Rajinikanth attempted to plunge headlong into politics, aping MGR, assuming he would be worshipped by TN. But what happened? The first family of DMK threatened him. And he withdrew. But our TVK leader Vijay is a rock…cannot be threatened by anyone”. You can imagine the storm raised by this indiscreet and vicious comment especially about Rajini who is worshipped by devoted fans all over the country. Tamil Nadu BJP chief Nainaar Nagendran tried to condemn Aadav’s pointless talk, with some meek, assuaging words and the challenge that Aadav should apologise to Rajinikanth. But it is the scathing repartee of journalist Mani that made a big impact. “This man is not just ignorant, but indecent…and he is not even a politician but a lottery ticket vendor. Earlier he tried to latch on to Thirumavalavan, then the DMK’s first family …now he has latched on to Vijay.” Rajini fans have protested but the DMK has brushed off the allegation like a fly. With a consigliere like Aadav who needs enemies?
West Bengal’s upcoming Assembly election will be held in two phases, dividing the state into contrasting political zones, with data from the 2021 Assembly polls and 2024 Lok Sabha segment mapping indicating the battle for power will unfold differently across the two regions. The first phase, scheduled for April 23, covers 152 constituencies across 16 districts, including North Bengal, the western belts, and coastal Purba Medinipur. A retrospective mapping of the 2021 results suggests a competitive landscape where the TMC held 92 seats against the BJP’s 59. While the BJP previously capitalised on anti-incumbency here, 2024 Parliamentary data shows a tighter race; the TMC secured a 52.6% vote share, the BJP 39.5%, and the Congress-Left alliance 7.9%. With an average victory margin of just 9.89%, this zone remains highly volatile. Social demographics add further complexity. Of the 39 constituencies with minority populations exceeding 40%, the TMC’s 2021 clean sweep faced fragmentation in 2024, with the TMC leading in 21 segments, the Congress-Left in 11, and the BJP in seven. Furthermore, voter list adjudication poses a mathematical threat: in 48% of these seats, voters under adjudication outnumber the 2024 victory margins. On April 29, the battle shifts to 142 seats in the South Bengal heartland, encompassing Kolkata and the 24 Parganas. This remains a formidable TMC stronghold; the party won 123 seats here in 2021 and maintained an 80.3% lead in 2024 segments with a wide 15.05% average margin. Interestingly, this region shows high voter deletion rates, averaging 12.7% in TMC-won seats. As the BJP’s strongest areas vote first, the TMC may benefit from a schedule that allows it to consolidate momentum toward its core base in the final.
Many political aspirants and Tamil Nadu party leaders are secretly coveting this extraordinary Brand status of Vijay, the leader of TVK. How lucky can a man get with such super branding, promos, press and news stature like the cine star Vijay? Of course he bungee jumped into the fray with a mind blowing fan following, star status and oodles of money and flash. Just two years into his splash down, Vijay gets to hog the press…41 people die in the Karur stampede at his first ever public meet, his overhyped and meticulously planned release Jana Nayagan, so called swan song hits the censor road block, allegations of an extramarital affair and the fury of his wife Sangeetha in her divorce plea, his two children openly cutting his name off as parent, toxic revelations about his parents distancing themselves from him, CBI summons and trips to Delhi so called pressure wooing from a national party. In fact, every facet of his public and private life is in the constant glare of publicity. Would any other politician go out on a limb and still smell of roses? Vijay does. The Kohinoor in Vijay’s crown is the happening development — V Senthil Balaji summoned to Delhi for CBI questioning. Balaji is the DMK MLA from Karur, his powerful stomping ground where the stampede killed 41 people. Vijay is alleged to have conveyed to the CBI, that though he was delayed coming to the mega meet, it was the henchmen of Balaji who sprayed a fainting agent on the crowd …the stampede, melee and deaths quickly happened.
Ahead of the March 16 Rajya Sabha poll, a complex tug-of-war situation is now brewing in Odisha between BJD-Congress and BJP. Parties are now guarding against possible poaching scenario ahead of Rajya Sabha polls. Already, Congress has shifted nine of its 14 MLAs to Bengaluru and BJD’s Naveen Patnaik has lined up daily meetings with his legislators to guard against possible horse trading. There are five competing candidates spread between BJD-Congress and BJP who are now competing for four Rajya Sabha seats. What seems clear is the growing prospect of cross voting, absenteeism or intentional rejection of votes scenario. This essentially means smooth sailing for Manmohon Samal (BJP), Sujeet Kumar (BJP), the outgoing MP who is now opting for another term and Dr Santrupt Misra (BJD). However, Congress-BJD supported candidate Dr Datteswar Hota seems to be in a tricky situation. He could be facing possible cross-voting and absenteeism scenario. This scenario could make Dilip Ray(Independent) ex-Union Minister win the Rajya sabha seat backed by BJP’s 79 MLA’s including three independents. Most agree that BJP will have 23 surplus first preference votes for Dilip Ray ensuring he sails in smoothly amidst fluid political situation.
In a strategic move to turf out West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee in the upcoming Assembly poll, the BJP is focussing on her stronghold – women voters. Didi’s Lakshmir Bhandar scheme has proved to be very popular. As a counter to that the BJP has launched Labharthi Sampark Abhiyan scheme which promises to top Didi’s scheme which is currently paying Rs 1,500– Rs 1,700 per month to Rs 3,000 if voted to power. Complementing this, Union Home Minister Amit Shah announced a separate Rs 5,700-crore special fund dedicated to women’s safety, education, skill development, and self-help groups. BJP manifesto committee members emphasize that this fund is an additional empowerment initiative distinct from the monthly cash transfers. To popularise its Labharthi Sampark Abhiyan, BJP has embarked on a massive door-to-door campaign targeting approximately 64 lakh families, or nearly 2 crore voters. Under this strategy, a dedicated committee and district-level teams have appointed a Labharthi Sampark Pramukh at 1,060 booths. Workers are instructed to show that while Lakshmir Bhandar provides roughly Rs 60,000 over five years, central schemes like the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana, Ujjwala LPG connections, and PM-Kisan provide benefits worth up to Rs 4 lakh per family over the same period. The BJP’s internal data highlights a significant reach, noting that 82 lakh families in Bengal have received central benefits, including 18 lakh minority and 64 lakh Hindu households. Within the Hindu demographic, 42 lakh families have accessed at least three schemes, while 35 lakh families have benefited from five. By focusing on direct individual benefits—such as housing, toilets, and piped water—and excluding general infrastructure like roads, the party aims to prove its efficacy. BJP leaders are betting that this “beneficiary-first” model will finally yield a breakthrough in West Bengal.
In Maharashtra, topnotch Mantralaya babus attached to high profile departments, put on notice by state legislature over absence during crucial discussions during the ongoing budget session of the state legislature have landed in trouble today. Errant IAS officials suddenly find the sword of Damocles hanging over their heads after failing to take heed of the legislative advisory. Speaker of the state legislative assembly Rahul Narvekar, irked by the continued lackadaisical attitude of these officers of the rank of additional chief secretary (ACS) has now sought an ATR (action taken report) first thing, Monday morning (Mar 16). The issue emerged during the discussions over the planned budget outlay of Rs 7,69,476 crore (including a Rs 40,552 crore revenue deficit) for Maharashtra presented by Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis on March 6. IAS officers managing the high-profile departments to include Urban Development, Social Justice & Special Assistance, Housing, Tourism and Cultural Affairs and Other Backward Public Welfare that attract huge budgetary allocations were found missing in action. Both houses of the state legislature had taken sharp note of the absence of the senior secretariat officials last week during the crucial discussions revolving around the allocations for these departments crucial to effective governance of the state. Last week’s advisory directed the senior Babudom to ensure they remained present (seated in the sidebar enclosures) of the state legislative assembly (Vidhan Sabha) and council (Vidhan Parishad). Today (Mar 13) witnessed both houses of the state legislature particularly the opposition benches (read UBT Shiv Sena MLC Sachibhau Ahir and Sharad Pawar NCP president Shashikant Shinde) citing the incorrigible behaviour of the officers and even concerned ministers being absent when their department wise issues were being discussed in the upper house (Parishad).
Union finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman was replying to the debate in Lok Sabha on the ‘Supplementary Demands for Grants – Second Batch for 2025-26’. Being a Friday, with Private Members’ Business scheduled for the later part of the day, she was hard pressed for time. At the same time that did not stop her from addressing issues raised by MPs of small parties like RSP leader N K Premachandran (Kerala) or Chandrashekhar Azad “Ravan” (chief of Aazad Samaj Party,UP). Sitharaman took up the matter of Premachandran censuring the government for providing emergency situations like the current West Asia crisis. “It is ironic that even when I am talking about how the government is preparing to face any unexpected events, including supply chain disruptions and LPG, they (Opposition) are not willing to hear the reply. They want to have their own agenda. Sit on the stairs and have chai and talk about LPG. This is our Opposition,” FM said. With Azad, Sitharaman fact-checked his complaints about lack of amenities for his voters and reeled off data to counter him. However, the best part was when she informed the House how Vidur, the wise man of Mahabharat – paternal uncle to the warring brothers Pandavas and Kauravas had settled down in Azad’s constituency. “Azad ji, I do not know why you are using Ravan in your name. Guess, Vidur would be more appropriate,” she suggested. Meanwhile, on the LPG situation the government made it clear that there have been no reports of dry-out situations at any of the 25,000 LPG distributorship in the country. Though there has been surge in the number of LPG bookings on account of panic buying. Daily bookings have increased from average 55.7 lakh to 76 lakh.
On Friday the 13th, the residents of Poes Garden heard the deafening sound of bursting crackers, once again. Sasikala, no novice to the game of power in Tamil Nadu politics, waited patiently to get a call from any party to join their alliance. Ever since her return from the confines of Parapana Agrahara (Bengaluru jail), there was much anticipation, talk, and an almost palpable fear of this known unknown who could strategize and motivate the crowd. When no acknowledgement came, when each entity had secured their alliance seats, Sasikala did what she is best at…she has now thrown a gauntlet and challenge backed by her prep of two years. Clad in a teal green saree, she gathered the crowd and the media just a few hundred yards next to JJ’s home…a mansion just as imposing, radiating power. The name of her party Anaithu India Puratchi Thalaivar Makkal Munnettre Kazhagam…definitely a mouthful, but one can trust the media abbreviators to come up with an alphabet soup of short form. The flag had a Trishul like emblem of Anna, Puratchi Thalaivar and JJ. It was when Sasikala flashed the party election symbol, a grove of coconut trees that she opened up, let her guard down. “I don’t stand here alone …like these coconut trees, I am with a grove and hope to add many more”. Even as she spoke about her trials and tribulations, about her mentors, the tears shed freely. A careful dab with her tissue, Sasikala stood tall like Casablanca…“the boy stood on the burning deck”.
For too long India’s founding pillars of women’s cricket — Shubhangi Kulkarni and Diana Edulji- – have been given the short shrift for the Lifetime achievement award. This absolutely smacks of injustice to the country’s top flight cricketers of the 1970s when the women’s team made its Test debut against the West Indies at Bangalore in 1976. Shubhangi, who took seven wickets in the Test including a 5ver in the first innings and took 60 wickets overall bowling leg spin, is 66 and Diana who took 63 Test wickets between 1976 and 1991 is 70. Both have been part of women’s cricket ecosystem as an administrator with the BCCI and ICC and one is appalled by unenlightened attitude of those deciding on the Lifetime achievement award. It appears all calls are taken at the whims and fancies of certain people and this has happened when cricketers like Sourav Ganguly, Roger Binny were at the helm of the BCCI and now when Mithun Manhas is at the helm. This is bizarre. Shubhangi and Diana ought to have been bestowed the Lifetime awards a few years ago. Both have worked towards solving payment related matters to current and past cricketers who of course will not run a campaign for the lifetime for these two once their grievances are sorted out. Mithali Raj — speculated to be getting the award in March 15 at the BCCI annual awards in New Delhi — was born in 1982, six years after Shubhangi and Diana made their international debut. The BCCI must, sooner than later, rectify its erroneous decisions and fete the two stalwarts of Indian women’s cricket with the Lifetime Achievement honour. These two will never think of staging a protest. The BCCI must respect the two.
The grapevine has it that Bollywood is set to flesh out yet another police story, this time around infamous policeman Pradeep Sharma, who liquidated 112 criminals in alleged encounters, mostly in Mumbai city. Ab Tak 112 (112 encounters till now) is tentative title of film being bandied about, in apparent one-upmanship to earlier film based on rival policeman, Daya Nayak, titled Ab Tak 56. Both Mumbai police officers had suffered ignominy of suspensions and even dismissal during their chequered careers with a Mumbai Crime Branch probe revealing 214 of the 300 police encounters between 1998 and 2000 were fake. The two are also dwarfed in comparison to DCP Mallaiah G Yadav, who has encountered and liquidated 672 criminals and Naxals in a distinguished career marked by genuine police encounters. Unlike the cinematic bravado that often romanticizes extra-judicial action, DCP Mallaiah G Yadav’s record was forged in India’s most unforgiving internal security theatres, where Naxal insurgency, organized crime and armed extremism merged into daily warfare against the State. His encounters were not urban spectacles staged for headlines but outcomes of prolonged intelligence gathering, cordon-and-search operations and armed retaliation by extremists who chose bullets over surrender. Serving across sensitive districts, Mallaiah systematically dismantled Naxal formations, eliminated dreaded area commanders and neutralised criminal syndicates that had paralysed governance, extorted civilians and assassinated public servants. Unlike his Bollywood counterparts whose careers collapsed under allegations and departmental action, Mallaiah’s service record reflects institutional trust, repeated high-risk postings and operational continuity over decades. As cinema mines old encounter legends for box-office revival, DCP Mallaiah G Yadav’s story remains largely untold—perhaps because it is too stark, too real and too uncomfortable.
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Editor’s Note: Short Post Is Here To Stay…
Time, they say, flies—and how true that is. Here we are celebrating our 5th Anniversary. Five years ago, when Covid-19 was wreaking havoc across the globe, I took a leap of faith and launched Short Post, India’s first website for Authentic Gossip. That was on January 31, 2021. I was convinced there was a clear gap in the market for gossip that was credible, sharp, and impactful—especially if told in just 250 words.
In this, I was fortunate. Scores of senior editors across diverse verticals bought into the idea and, in the process, gave wings to my dream. Quite honestly, Short Post could not have crossed these milestones without the unflinching support of its contributing editors. Like all start-ups, we have seen our share of ups and downs, but these editors have stood by us like a rock. I take this opportunity to doff my hat to them.
Thanks to their commitment, we have published close to 5,000 stories spanning politics, business, entertainment, and sports. I say this with pride: we made our mark as people who matter read us. “Small packs, big impact” truly captures the essence of Short Post.
We all know that Covid-19 has reset businesses worldwide, and the media sector is no exception. In the post-Covid era, investors have become more cautious and selective—and advertisers too. To compound matters, the entry of AI has disrupted the media landscape in equal measure. So far, we have managed to hold our ground, hopeful that some angel investors will take a shine to us.
What gives me confidence is this: AI cannot smell news—especially the gossipy kind. In other words, AI cannot churn out Short Post-type stories, no matter the prompt. That puts us in a safe zone. As someone rightly said, “AI is a co-pilot, not a pilot.”