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In a strategic move to turf out West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee in the upcoming Assembly poll, the BJP is focussing on her stronghold – women voters. Didi’s Lakshmir Bhandar scheme has proved to be very popular. As a counter to that the BJP has launched Labharthi Sampark Abhiyan scheme which promises to top Didi’s scheme which is currently paying Rs 1,500– Rs 1,700 per month to Rs 3,000 if voted to power. Complementing this, Union Home Minister Amit Shah announced a separate Rs 5,700-crore special fund dedicated to women’s safety, education, skill development, and self-help groups. BJP manifesto committee members emphasize that this fund is an additional empowerment initiative distinct from the monthly cash transfers. To popularise its Labharthi Sampark Abhiyan, BJP has embarked on a massive door-to-door campaign targeting approximately 64 lakh families, or nearly 2 crore voters. Under this strategy, a dedicated committee and district-level teams have appointed a Labharthi Sampark Pramukh at 1,060 booths. Workers are instructed to show that while Lakshmir Bhandar provides roughly Rs 60,000 over five years, central schemes like the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana, Ujjwala LPG connections, and PM-Kisan provide benefits worth up to Rs 4 lakh per family over the same period. The BJP’s internal data highlights a significant reach, noting that 82 lakh families in Bengal have received central benefits, including 18 lakh minority and 64 lakh Hindu households. Within the Hindu demographic, 42 lakh families have accessed at least three schemes, while 35 lakh families have benefited from five. By focusing on direct individual benefits—such as housing, toilets, and piped water—and excluding general infrastructure like roads, the party aims to prove its efficacy. BJP leaders are betting that this “beneficiary-first” model will finally yield a breakthrough in West Bengal.
In Maharashtra, topnotch Mantralaya babus attached to high profile departments, put on notice by state legislature over absence during crucial discussions during the ongoing budget session of the state legislature have landed in trouble today. Errant IAS officials suddenly find the sword of Damocles hanging over their heads after failing to take heed of the legislative advisory. Speaker of the state legislative assembly Rahul Narvekar, irked by the continued lackadaisical attitude of these officers of the rank of additional chief secretary (ACS) has now sought an ATR (action taken report) first thing, Monday morning (Mar 16). The issue emerged during the discussions over the planned budget outlay of Rs 7,69,476 crore (including a Rs 40,552 crore revenue deficit) for Maharashtra presented by Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis on March 6. IAS officers managing the high-profile departments to include Urban Development, Social Justice & Special Assistance, Housing, Tourism and Cultural Affairs and Other Backward Public Welfare that attract huge budgetary allocations were found missing in action. Both houses of the state legislature had taken sharp note of the absence of the senior secretariat officials last week during the crucial discussions revolving around the allocations for these departments crucial to effective governance of the state. Last week’s advisory directed the senior Babudom to ensure they remained present (seated in the sidebar enclosures) of the state legislative assembly (Vidhan Sabha) and council (Vidhan Parishad). Today (Mar 13) witnessed both houses of the state legislature particularly the opposition benches (read UBT Shiv Sena MLC Sachibhau Ahir and Sharad Pawar NCP president Shashikant Shinde) citing the incorrigible behaviour of the officers and even concerned ministers being absent when their department wise issues were being discussed in the upper house (Parishad).
Union finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman was replying to the debate in Lok Sabha on the ‘Supplementary Demands for Grants – Second Batch for 2025-26’. Being a Friday, with Private Members’ Business scheduled for the later part of the day, she was hard pressed for time. At the same time that did not stop her from addressing issues raised by MPs of small parties like RSP leader N K Premachandran (Kerala) or Chandrashekhar Azad “Ravan” (chief of Aazad Samaj Party,UP). Sitharaman took up the matter of Premachandran censuring the government for providing emergency situations like the current West Asia crisis. “It is ironic that even when I am talking about how the government is preparing to face any unexpected events, including supply chain disruptions and LPG, they (Opposition) are not willing to hear the reply. They want to have their own agenda. Sit on the stairs and have chai and talk about LPG. This is our Opposition,” FM said. With Azad, Sitharaman fact-checked his complaints about lack of amenities for his voters and reeled off data to counter him. However, the best part was when she informed the House how Vidur, the wise man of Mahabharat – paternal uncle to the warring brothers Pandavas and Kauravas had settled down in Azad’s constituency. “Azad ji, I do not know why you are using Ravan in your name. Guess, Vidur would be more appropriate,” she suggested. Meanwhile, on the LPG situation the government made it clear that there have been no reports of dry-out situations at any of the 25,000 LPG distributorship in the country. Though there has been surge in the number of LPG bookings on account of panic buying. Daily bookings have increased from average 55.7 lakh to 76 lakh.
On Friday the 13th, the residents of Poes Garden heard the deafening sound of bursting crackers, once again. Sasikala, no novice to the game of power in Tamil Nadu politics, waited patiently to get a call from any party to join their alliance. Ever since her return from the confines of Parapana Agrahara (Bengaluru jail), there was much anticipation, talk, and an almost palpable fear of this known unknown who could strategize and motivate the crowd. When no acknowledgement came, when each entity had secured their alliance seats, Sasikala did what she is best at…she has now thrown a gauntlet and challenge backed by her prep of two years. Clad in a teal green saree, she gathered the crowd and the media just a few hundred yards next to JJ’s home…a mansion just as imposing, radiating power. The name of her party Anaithu India Puratchi Thalaivar Makkal Munnettre Kazhagam…definitely a mouthful, but one can trust the media abbreviators to come up with an alphabet soup of short form. The flag had a Trishul like emblem of Anna, Puratchi Thalaivar and JJ. It was when Sasikala flashed the party election symbol, a grove of coconut trees that she opened up, let her guard down. “I don’t stand here alone …like these coconut trees, I am with a grove and hope to add many more”. Even as she spoke about her trials and tribulations, about her mentors, the tears shed freely. A careful dab with her tissue, Sasikala stood tall like Casablanca…“the boy stood on the burning deck”.
For too long India’s founding pillars of women’s cricket — Shubhangi Kulkarni and Diana Edulji- – have been given the short shrift for the Lifetime achievement award. This absolutely smacks of injustice to the country’s top flight cricketers of the 1970s when the women’s team made its Test debut against the West Indies at Bangalore in 1976. Shubhangi, who took seven wickets in the Test including a 5ver in the first innings and took 60 wickets overall bowling leg spin, is 66 and Diana who took 63 Test wickets between 1976 and 1991 is 70. Both have been part of women’s cricket ecosystem as an administrator with the BCCI and ICC and one is appalled by unenlightened attitude of those deciding on the Lifetime achievement award. It appears all calls are taken at the whims and fancies of certain people and this has happened when cricketers like Sourav Ganguly, Roger Binny were at the helm of the BCCI and now when Mithun Manhas is at the helm. This is bizarre. Shubhangi and Diana ought to have been bestowed the Lifetime awards a few years ago. Both have worked towards solving payment related matters to current and past cricketers who of course will not run a campaign for the lifetime for these two once their grievances are sorted out. Mithali Raj — speculated to be getting the award in March 15 at the BCCI annual awards in New Delhi — was born in 1982, six years after Shubhangi and Diana made their international debut. The BCCI must, sooner than later, rectify its erroneous decisions and fete the two stalwarts of Indian women’s cricket with the Lifetime Achievement honour. These two will never think of staging a protest. The BCCI must respect the two.
Vijay and Sangeetha’s divorce plea has broken the net along with their marriage vows.. What started off 17 years back as a wow marriage is now in the ruins of claims and counterclaims of vows, infidelity and all kinds of mud mutually thrown. Much talked about divorce was that of Vijay and Sangeetha. But not all divorce seekers are running after alimony. Take chubby and cherubic Hansika Motwani who held sway over the swarthy Tamilian heroes with her “white” complexion. In her very first movie, she took off in a flight with none other than the future deputy CM of TN …the cash registers of course jingled with the pairing. But Kollywood was not overly smitten by her fair and lovely looks. Acting wise, she could just about giggle and sway. Soon, her mother cast around for a suitable boy. In 2022 of December, she married industrialist Sohail Kathuriya. Soon, Hansika realised that they were in no way compatible. What a surprise! Her divorce petition specially mentioned she needs no alimony, even as a Bandra family court granted them the divorce. So much for twinning in red. Talk of twinning outfits…Ravi Mohan opted to walk out of 17 years of marriage to Aarti and their two sons, leaving her heart broken. Ravi Mohan walked into the Goan abode of Kenisha Francis, a singer. And guess what both were twinning in a peach outfit at an event, to serve further grist to the rumour mill. So far Kenisha has not said yes or no to Ravi Mohan, a typical stance when the intruder in a marriage has her own fears. What if? Ravi Mohan, a whiner about his personal life is now talking existential truth …in his Insta he says, “Guys say what you want, since the general perception is that it is always the woman who is wronged. Men too are victims“.
As the BJP revs up its engine with the high-decibel “Parivartan Yatra”, its ideological backbone, the RSS, is quietly weaving a different tapestry on the ground. Through a strategic public awareness campaign, RSS volunteers are navigating the state’s neighbourhoods in small, discreet groups. Their mission is a classic ground-game manoeuvre: speaking directly to residents about the perceived excesses of West Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee’s administration and the urgent need for Hindu voter mobilisation. This quiet storm aims to challenge the Didi’s long-standing dominance by ensuring a maximum turnout among the Hindu electorate. The narrative being pushed by right-wing leadership, including the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, centres on a dual grievance of economic stagnation and a controversial “appeasement” policy. Sangh members argue that this shift stems from a growing perception that the TMC has favoured a small circle of influential leaders over the broader Muslim community, leaving many to feel like a neglected vote bank. This discontent is reportedly spreading across the socio-economic spectrum, from tribal communities to the traditional Bhadralok class. To capitalise on this, right-wing organisations are eyeing the upcoming Ram Navami celebrations as a pivotal moment for further mobilization. However, a strategic shadow hangs over the saffron camp’s momentum: the lack of a projected Chief Ministerial face. While the BJP central leadership often favours a “faceless” campaign to avoid internal factionalism—a tactic seen in Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh—many within the RSS believe this could be a tactical error in Bengal. They argue that entering the fray without a leader of sufficient public stature leaves the party at a disadvantage against a formidable opponent like Didi.
Ever since the DMK and the Congress firmed up their alliance for upcoming the Tamil Nadu assembly elections, the BJP leadership in Delhi is keen that superstar Vijay and his party – the Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) — should be part of the NDA in Tamil Nadu. Reportedly, over the weekend, Andhra Pradesh deputy CM Pawan Kalyan, who is also an actor, did share his own experience of ploughing the lonely furrow. Kalyan had gone alone to the polls with Janasena Party in 2019. He impressed upon TVK chief Vijay…what the prospect of the TVK would be if he were to join the NDA alliance. What it could mean for TN politics in this round of assembly elections — Vijay’s dream of routing the DMK would now become achievable. He could become deputy CM like him or achieve the status of what the late DMDK chief Vijaykanth had achieved in 2011. “As of now the AIADMK led BJP already has an edge in the polls. However, if Vijay’s TVK joins the NDA, the alliance will sweep the polls. Maybe it will win 200 out of 234 seats”, said an analyst. Meanwhile, the DMK has got so desperate about a comeback that it has even begun to widely publicise the community — Dalit fisherman — of a Rajya Sabha MP candidate it is going to elect on March 16. While joining NDA may help Vijay to sort out Karur tangle straight away, it is being said there are elements in TVK like his close aide John Arokiyasami who may not like him to team up with the NDA. John is an ex-associate of Prashant Kishor from his I-PAC days.
An unprecedented political confrontation between the President Droupadi Murmu and West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has become an election campaign issue with both BJP and TMC framing the debate around tribal identity ahead of the Assembly elections. The BJP has attacked the ruling TMC over what it calls an “insult” to President Murmu, India’s first tribal woman President while Mamata has accused the BJP of exploiting the President politically for electoral gains. The focus has shifted from the SIR issue to tribal representation. The BJP is targeting tribal-dominated constituencies, where it had made gains in the 2019 Lok Sabha poll in Jangalmahal but lost ground to TMC in the 2021 Assembly elections. In the 2024 Lok Sabha election, TMC recovered three seats in western West Bengal — Bankura, Jhargram, and Medinipur. While only 16 of West Bengal’s 294 Assembly constituencies are reserved for Scheduled Tribes, at least 52 constituencies across Birbhum, Hooghly, Purba Bardhaman and Paschim Bardhaman have significant tribal populations, making the issue electorally relevant beyond reserved seats. Some TMC leaders feel Didi’s strong reaction against President Murmu, might have been better measured, as it risks alienating some tribal voters at a time when BJP is actively capitalising on every opportunity. Political analysts predict the confrontation will continue. Other issues, including the SIR debate and rising cooking gas prices, may fade as the President-CM dispute will dominate West Bengal’s political narrative.
In an unusual move on March 7, President Droupadi Murmu visited Bidhannagar in Phansidewa, Darjeeling district and planted a tree at Bidhannagar Santoshini Vidyachakra School Gate. It was to be the venue of the International Santal Conference. For some reason the West Bengal Govt refused to give permission for the Conference to be held in the Adivasi majority area and wanted it to be held at a distant congested site near Bagdogra airport. President Murmu travelled more than 30km to Bidhannagar to meet with the Adivasi people. Refusing to get bogged down by the lack of protocol — President Murmu was not received by the CM or Chief Secretary or a senior minister, President Murmu aired her anguish over the manner in which she was humiliated among her very own people — the Santals in Bengal. She attacked the state apparatus that changed the venue of the Santal Conference at the last minute so that fewer people could attend. Exposing anti-Adivasi mindset of the Bengal Govt, President said, “They chose a place for the conference where the Santal people couldn’t go. Protocol demands that if the President visits a place, she should be accompanied by the CM or ministers. “It is still not clear why Mamata was discourteous to President Murmu? Is it because of the buzz that the state could be placed under President’s Rule ahead of the assembly polls? What set off the buzz is that the state has got a no-nonsense new governor, R N Ravi from Tamil Nadu where he was being made a hot poll issue by the DMK. But then a President Rule is exactly what Mamata will want. As it will help her play the victim card. Like her broken limb had helped her swing the last elections. But then why would the Centre fall for her bait?
In West Bengal BJP seems to be going all out to capitalise the Sandeshkhali controversy to the hilt. Prime Minister Narendra Modi at a public rally in Bengal recently, minced no words to target Trinamool Congress supremo and West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee over exploitation of women by TMC leaders. He termed Sandeshkhali controversy as ‘jhor’ (storm) that will reach every part of West Bengal, accusing the TMC government of protecting criminals and trusting its own leaders over the testimonies of oppressed women. Later PM Modi met some women from Sandeshkhali. Not one to take it lying down, Didi countered it with a massive march themed, Mahilader Adhikar, Amader Angikar (women’s rights, our commitment) on the eve of International Women’s Day. Mamata charged BJP with turning a blind eye on women atrocities in Manipur and other places. Interestingly, some of the women from Sandeshkhali who were present at Didi’s rally claimed that the villagers had regained their land as a result of “Didi’s” stern and prompt actions. Significantly, in the West Bengal assembly elections of 2021, approximately half of the female voters cast their ballots in favor of the TMC, whereas 37% supported the BJP. During the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, the BJP received 38% of the female vote share, while the TMC garnered 47%. TMC has taken several initiatives like Kanyashri, Rupashree, and Lakshmir Bhandar focussing on women empowerment. Political analysts pointed out that in 2021, the two Ms — Muslims and Mahila helped Trinamool win hands down and keep BJP at bay.
To clear all the haggling over seat sharing with allies, Tamil Nadu chief minister MK Stalin has made a generous gesture of allotting the one extra seat over and above the negotiated quota to each party that was clamouring for it. He told his negotiating panel headed by TR Baalu to go ahead and give the extra seat to Congress, which was asking for 9 seats, one over the offer of 8. Kamal Haasan will get two seats rather than just one for himself and the VCK will now get 3 seats instead of 2. The seat sharing among the DMK+ alliance will be tied up by Friday (Mar 8). This comes after the Congress got a bit heated up over being offered only 8 seats though it had won 9 of 10 seats allotted in 2019. Similarly, Kamal had indicated that he would feel sorely done if he went back to his party with just one seat that he may stand in himself. The VCK has been clamouring for 3 and that too has been granted now. The Communist parties that have been given two each may be told to be happy with that offer while the DMK+ may not offer an extra seat to MDMK, which might get one Rajya Sabha nomination instead. All’s well that ends well might well be the emotion on display as the DMK+ gets ready for the poll battle of 2024.
Nearly two months after his armed goons attacked and injured a raiding team of Enforcement Directorate officials, the much dreaded and “suspended” TMC leader Shahjahan Sheikh was handed over to the CBI on directions of the Calcutta High Court. TMC leadership delayed the handing over to CBI by hours in spite of two court directives by claiming it had moved the Supreme Court. What surprised Delhi political circles was that more than the accused, the TMC regime was averse to handing him over to the CBI. It was as if West Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee was worried about having Shahjahan in CBI custody. That’s why Union Minister Hardeep Puri lashed out against West Bengal for moving the apex court against transfer of the probe to the CBI. “One can understand if the aggrieved person –the accused– had filed a plea. Why is the state government rushing in here?” Significantly, action on Shahjahan came on a day PM Modi gave a clarion call at Basirhat rally that “storm of Sandeshkhali” will reach every part of West Bengal; he had also met with women victims Sandheshkhali soon after the rally. The island village of Sandeshkhali in the North 24 Parganas district has been in the eye of the storm since January 5, when ED officers arrived to search the home of Shahjahan. The ED team came under attack from an angry mob, leaving three officers injured. On February 7, other violent protests began erupting in Sandeshkhali and other areas, mostly by local women, alleging sexual harassment and land grabbing by Shahjahan and his men.
If the same opinion poll can disturb both opposing camps with its forecast, the India TV-CNX Opinion Poll has just done that. Its Maharashtra poll survey has predicted 35 seats for the NDA and 13 for the Maha Vikas Aghadi. Denizens of both camps are somehow disappointed by this forecast. Interestingly, this prediction has come out close on the heels of the visit of Union home minister Amit Shah to the state and his resolve to win at 45 of the total 48 seats. The Opinion Poll has dampened the mood among the three MVA partners – the Shiv Sena led by Uddhav Thackeray, the Congress and the NCP under Sharad Pawar. Already miffed by the changing stance of Republican leader Prakash Ambedkar over seat sharing, MVA is yet to finalise its seat distribution. In the fluid atmosphere, the survey has endorsed the general impression that the BJP will be the largest gainer in the state, winning 25 seats. According to another prediction, sitting MP Supriya Sule will face defeat in the family fiefdom, Baramati, which will be the most prestigious fight in the state. If the MVA is still groping for an understanding, the three parties in the NDA have given indications that they have almost finalised their slices following a discussion with Shah. This happened only after CM Eknath Shinde and DCM Ajit Pawar diluted their original demands. Now, more surveys are awaited to heighten the election fever.
The Trinamool Congress (TMC) has been experiencing internal tensions and factional feuds, which could potentially impact its performance in the upcoming Lok Sabha Election. Though TMC failed to stop its veteran leader and MLA Tapas Roy from resigning as legislator and quit the party, it managed to heal the rift between party spokesperson leader Kunal Ghosh and veteran leader and Kolkata North MP Sudip Banerjee. However, insiders of the party and close aides of Roy have confirmed that former poll strategist and Jan Suraj party leader Prasant Kishor (PK) personally called Roy following his resignation from the party and asked him not to join any party in a hurry. Kunal Ghosh met Lok Sabha MP Sudip Bandyopadhyay at his residence in presence of local councillors to resolve the issues. Both Ghosh and Roy had been vocal against Bandyopadhyay on several occasions. Interestingly, despite being close to party’s supremo Mamata Banerjee, Roy has been supporting Mamata’s nephew Abhishek Banerjee’s idea of a new guard. It may be noted that Didi had always utilised Roy’s organisational capabilities rather than inducting him in her cabinet. Post his resignation, speculations of Roy joining BJP are rife within the political circuit. Party insiders said that PK, despite not officially functioning as poll strategist, continues to advise Didi. Many are also saying that Bandyopadhyay was advised by PK to invite Ghosh at his residence to resolve the matter, since Kolkata North is a potential seat of the ruling TMC.
It may sound strange but the changing fates of chief ministers in Bihar and Telangana have resounding repercussions in Maharashtra over the past week. While the state unit of the Janata Dal (U) has been closed down, the Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS) branch is awaiting a word from Hyderabad about its future. As the most accomplished turncoat, Nitish Kumar, revived the alliance with the BJP and his follower, Kapil Patil, who is the sole party legislator, announced that he was snapping his ties with JD(U). Soon, Patil declared the formation of a new party, Samajwadi Ganrajya Paksh (SGP). This event was attended by Shiv Sena leader Uddhav Thackeray. Both leaders declared that they will unitedly take on the BJP and NDA. However, soon thereafter, Patil’s close associate Jalindar Sarode entered the Sena (U). Similarly, various prominent BRS leaders across the state had a meeting at Sambhaji Nagar in Marathwada to consider their future course of action since they were left high and dry for a long time. They decided to quiz former Andhra CM K Chandrasekhar Rao if he wished them to continue or shut shop. After his response is received, their next step will be decided, according to BRS Maharashtra Manik Kadam. To exacerbate the atmosphere, the BJP’s state and national leaders keep hinting that more incomings are on the cards. Hence, a pall of suspicion is felt in the opposition camp.
The DMK-Congress alliance that has stood the test of time is on the point of cracking up now. A wordy duel between a DMK and Congress representatives over seat sharing ended in both parties coming to breaking point with a deadline of March 7 given to the DMK now for acceding to Congress demands or face a rupture in ties. The DMK is determined not to let the Congress dictate which 9 seats will be given to them but would like to have a say in which candidates Congress will pick as there is some resistance to Karti Chidambaram and Jothimani getting seats. Ajoy Kumar of the Congress left fuming after the meeting and seems determined to inform his high command that the AIADMK offer of 12 seats and campaign funding looks attractive if the DMK offer does not match expectations. Chief Minister MK Stalin was closeted with his senior colleagues on Tuesday (Mar 5) morning at the DMK HQ, but then they had no inkling then that the Congress would get shrill in the seat sharing talks that they had with TR Baalu and his poll seats panel. The issues could get sorted out at the highest levels if any of the senior Gandhis intervene in the seat sharing process, otherwise a 20-year alliance seems to be at risk.
Actor Kamal Haasan is not in political limbo. He will get one seat for his party Makkal Needhi Maiam (MNM), and he will be the candidate for the seat. It is just that the DMK has been playing with the Congress a bit, trying to downsize the GOP’s demand for the nine seats that it won in the last Lok Sabha elections. The DMK has been wanting to cut the Congress quota as it is dealing with demands for additional seats from the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi. It was even suggested to the Congress that it take nine seats but allot one seat to Kamal out of that. The Congress offered to accommodate that provided the actor stood on the ‘Hand’ symbol, which Kamal is reluctant to do as he has spent a lot of time and energy on his political party MNM, which has a shining torch symbol. The DMK may not offer him the Coimbatore seat that he craves because that seat has been pledged to a western TN leader. Kamal will probably plump for the South Chennai seat. It appears now that he cannot expect two seats from DMK+ but one seat of his choice may be his if he is the candidate. Since the seat sharing talks could not proceed in time, Kamal even cancelled his US visit to await word from the DMK boss MK Stalin on a meeting and a Lok Sabha seat.
AIADMK supremo Edappadi K Palaniswami (EPS) is striding like a sumo wrestler. Political wags are impressed with his show of bravado even as the mighty BJP like the canny spider is inviting him to “come to my parlour”. He has stood his ground of stand-alone status for the Lok Sabha polls for six months, a defiance that has confused and confounded his flock. A senior analyst from the Vikatan Group warns against anyone taking his leverage for granted. This analyst quotes Palaniswami’s resilience in the wake of Jayalalithaa’s demise and how he managed to complete the elected term for the party, in the face of open rebellion by OPS and backroom manoeuvres by Dinakaran and Sasikala to hijack and Two Leaves election symbol and many an attempt to unseat him. He is confident of the support of the moneyed Gounders and his own party strongmen Jayakumar, Shanmugam and others who are voter influencers. Despite several concerted efforts of the BJP to wean him back, EPS stands adamant. EPS shared logic with his close aides “Suppose we get into the alliance, win some MP seats, where’s the guarantee that they won’t be enticed to cross over? I would rather prove our own strength to have bargaining power, than cave in to be used expediently.” The BJP is sure to have its own strategy …EPS or no EPS. As Winston Churchill said, “Success is not final, nor failure fatal. It is the courage to continue that counts”.
Republican leader Prakash Ambedkar has been administering one jolt after another to the embattled Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) over his changing demands regarding seat distribution for the coming Lok Sabha election. The Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi (VBA) founded by Ambedkar has reportedly demanded half a dozen seats whereas MVA leaders are not inclined to grant it more than three. Therefore, Ambedkar’s present warning to his followers not to attend any MVA discussions for seat sharing without his clearance has once again added to the suspense. Ambedkar had kept himself away from all major parties in the 2019 LS election, causing the defeat of several candidates across the board all over Maharashtra. Hence, MVA leaders are not taking any chances with him this time. They are scheduled to meet in Mumbai on March 7-8 to finalise their seat sharing formula and candidates, too, perhaps. Veteran leader Sharad Pawar has said that VBA would be welcome to team up with MVA if it were willing. Pawar once upon a time had eschewed Ambedkar and had taken his Republican adversary Ramdas Athavale along. However, Athavale has donned the saffron garb while Ambedkar has chosen his own path. His influence is still substantial in some areas though not enough to win seats but certainly more than enough to defeat certain contestants. As this is a battle for survival for MVA, efforts to woo Ambedkar have intensified, notwithstanding his varying stance.
When Rajya Sabha terms of 7 Union ministers recently ended and they were not renominated, there was an expectation that they would be asked to contest the Lok Sabha elections. Significantly, at least 5 of them figure in the BJP’s first list of 195 candidates for 2024 Lok Sabha elections along with PM Narendra Modi (Varanasi) and Home Minister Amit Shah (Ahmedabad). Health Minister Mansukh Mandaviya is contesting from Porbandar, junior IT Minister Rajeev Chandrasekhar has been pitted against incumbent MP Shashi Tharoor (Thiruvananthapuram), Environment Minister Bhupender Yadav will face-off in Alwar, Fisheries Minister Parshottam Rupala in Rajkot and junior EAM V Muraleedharan will contest from Attingal (Kerala). The party has also tried to fortify its foray into Kerala by fielding actor Suresh Gopi(Thrissur.) and Anil Anthony (Pathanamthitta). What clearly showed that PM Modi is not taking challenges of AAP-Congress alliance in Delhi lightly was the way the party dropped 4 of the 5 sitting MPs. In Chandni Chowk the party decided not to experiment and opted to field Praveen Khandelwal; he heads the traders’ body. Yet, the biggest surprise of course was in fielding a very young and energetic Bansuri Swaraj, daughter of late Sushma Swaraj for the New Delhi Lok Sabha seat. The complaint against incumbent MP and Union Minister Meenakshi Lekhi was that she remained aloof and inaccessible most of the time. She was known to be rude to the demands of her voters and direct them to councillors. If PM Modi gave a fresh face for New Delhi, how did Hema Malini pushing 76 managed to get the Mathura Lok Sabha seat? Was it an endorsement of her work in Mathura? Ought to be.
Tamil Nadu is where power packed deals are taking shape for seat sharing talks with DMK cracking the whip. To deal with pouting allies and demands. Take veteran Vaiko heading the MDMK. He insists that this time, his party wants to contest on its own symbol. Vaiko is also insisting on the coveted Trichy Lok Sabha seat. Stalin agreed for the first condition, but was not budging on the demand for one Lok Sabha and one Rajya Sabha seat. Vaiko’s six-year Rajya Sabha term ends in 2025, and he wants son, Durai to move in seamlessly. The DMK is challenged to accommodate CPI, CPM and other allies. The Congress has a new leader, Selvaperundagai who is keen to show that the new boss has his own agenda and perception. After two rounds of high decibel negotiation with DMK, he is bent on getting the nine seats, the same number it contested in 2019. Kamal Hasaan who has also aligned with DMK is bent on getting either Coimbatore seat or south Chennai but incumbent Marxists MP is refusing to budge. Will Stalin accede to Kamal’s request or promise him Rajya Sabha seat? But Annamalai is the Trojan horse in this alphabet soup as it is his untiring image building which has turned this election to a three cornered fight for the first time in TN. As for the AIADMK, which has cut loose from the NDA fortress, it is very clear that only those with deep pockets (deep enough to register their claim at Rs 15 crore a pop for a seat) need apply.
Used to witness clashes between legislators belonging to the Treasury Benches and Opposition, Maharashtra Vidhan Bhavan was astounded when news broke out of a virtual fisticuff between a top minister and a ruling alliance MLA on Friday. Top minister Dada Bhuse and NCP (Ajit) faction member Mahendra Thorve rushed at each other after a brief verbal duel just outside the house lobby. Immediately, another minister, Shambhuraje Desai, tried to soothe them and took them inside. However, by that time, over a dozen legislators had seen the disturbing scene. While Bhuse later told the house that no clash had taken place, Thorve made it a point that he had asked Bhuse why certain works in his constituency were not getting clearance. Thorve has been elected from Raigad district and is considered close to DCM Ajit Pawar. Otherwise a low-profile leader, he lost his cool, he said, since even CM Eknath Shinde’s son had intervened so that the work would receive a nod, but in vain. When the CM was asked about the reported fight, he dismissed the question by saying, “Ask me about the house session, not such things.” The matter, however, was raised in the assembly by Opposition leaders Vijay Wadettiwar and former finance minister Jayant Patil. They both condemned the incident and expressed concern that physical assaults had now reached the legislature precincts.
Maharashtra chief minister Eknath Shinde and both deputy chief ministers, Devendra Fadanvis and Ajit Pawar, have expressed their inability to enjoy veteran leader Sharad Pawar’s hospitality in Baramati, where the three ruling alliance leaders will be visiting on March 2. Interestingly, the venue of a gathering, ‘Namo Maha Rozgar Mela, is the Vidya Pratishthan grounds. The institution occupies a pride of place in the numerous such bodies headed by Pawar. The Mela has been organised by Ajit Pawar, who is taking on his uncle’s might on both their home turfs. As Pawar’s daughter Supriya Sule is determined to retain her Baramati Lok Sabha seat, the family feud has been fuelled by persistent media stories that Ajit’s wife Sunetra is most likely candidate in the constituency on behalf of her husband’s NCP faction. Pawar had written to the CM and DCMs on 28 February. In the letter, he had expressed willingness to attend the Mela and extended the invite to all three to join for tea and a meal. Shinde and Fadnavis have cited pre-scheduled events for being unable to join and have assured Pawar that they will certainly accept his repast at a suitable future time and date. The gesture shown by Pawar was quite intriguing but his habit of administering political shocks, to friends and adversaries, is well known. Moreover, as even his statements are taken with a pinch of salt, breaking bread with him by Shinde or any of the DCMs would have become sensational news.
Ahead of Prime Minister Narndra Modi’s visit to Odisha on March 5, the Biju Janata Dal government headed by Naveen Patnaik is pressing BJP to confer the country’s highest civilian award Bharat Ratna to daring aviator-businessman-politician the late Biju Patnaik coinciding with his birth anniversary. Biju Patnaik who passed away in 1997 was the two term chief minister of Odisha. Father of the current chief minister senior Patnaik also worked at the Centre as the Union minister for steel & mines, and Union minister for coal. Political parties in Odisha like the Congress, and others are not comfortable with BJD-BJP’s continued bonhomie. They are now asking BJD-BJP to lower their mask, clarify their relationship as friends, foes or just having tactical understanding during polls. Sources say, buzz of formal or informal alliance is growing with BJD because, one, PM had recently addressed Naveen Patnaik as a friend at Sambalpur, two, Union defence minister Rajnath Singh in his recent trip to Odisha did not criticize Naveen directly, three, BJD’s extending support to Ashwini Vaishnaw for Rajya Sabha nomination and four, VK Pandian, man Friday of Patnaik, in a TV interview admitted that Patnaik and Modi are good friends. Historically, there has been an informal understanding between BJD and BJP but this time there is a strong buzz in Odisha that the BJP-BJD will have a formal seat sharing arrangement for the 2024 Lok Sabha polls.
Will Bollywood actor Akshay Kumar or Rajiv Bhatia as he is known be fielded by the BJP from Delhi’s Chandni Chowk Lok Sabha seat? Well there is a strong buzz that the actor who grew up in Old Delhi could be fielded from the Delhi seat more so since the AAP and the Congress have decided to contest 2024 seats in an alliance. The AAP has already announced four candidates for Delhi. Chandni Chowk is going to be fought by the Congress. The AAP-Congress alliance will certainly impact the BJP’s approach to candidate selection in Delhi since the contest is now bipolar and not three-cornered as it was in 2019. It is believed the BJP, which won all seven parliamentary seats of the national capital in 2014 and 2019, may field the actor. Speculations about Akshay entering the election fray gained strength ahead of BJP’s Central Election Committee meeting on February 29 which is expected to clear about 150 names. Akshay may be replacing former Union minister Dr Harsh Vardhan who won the Chandni Chowk seat twice in 2014 and 2019. Almost preparing for public life, the actor had acquired Indian citizenship, giving up his Canadian passport last year. Posing alongside the snapshot of his citizenship certificate, 56-year-old Akshay had conveyed his emotions, stating, “Dil aur citizenship, dono Hindustani. Happy Independence Day! Jai Hind!”.
A letter war within the powerful Pawar clan that has gone viral has found patriarch Sharad Pawar losing his temper when asked about it. The first salvo was lobbed by deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar, whose letter was circulated on social media two days ago. In it, he has explained why he has chosen to follow PM Narendra Modi. Which indirectly means that it is a justification to break away from his uncle. In reply, an unsigned letter has described how Ajit was selected to represent the second generation of the family in politics and how his cousin Rajendra was side tracked. Rajendra is the son of Appasaheb Pawar, eldest brother of Sharad Pawar. Their third brother was the late Anantrao, father of Ajit. For the third generation, Rajendra’s son Rohit was selected by the family boss to carry the mantle ahead, keeping aside Ajit’s son Parth. Since then, discontent was simmering. Rajendra told the media that his son Rohit decided to contest the assembly election from neighbouring Ahmednagar district to avert any tension with others in the family. When Pawar was quizzed about the internecine clash, he was livid. “Don’t ask me such trivial questions,” he snapped. However, at the same time, he did not forget to mention that he had read an edit in local Marathi daily Loksatta (belittling Ajit for his letter). Alongside the electoral battle between Supriya Sule and Ajit’s wife Sunetra, the strain among the male members has come out in the open, indicating further disclosures.
As the Maratha agitation in Maharashtra may have fizzled out, the political knives are out between Devendra Fadnavis and Sharad Pawar. The agitation was scuttled in the backdrop of allegations of financial kickbacks, secret midnight meetings and even conspiracies to kill Manoj Jarange Patil. While the BJP has fired all guns against the original Maratha strongman Sharad Pawar, accusing him of being the mastermind behind the agitation and even hinting that the conspiracy was managed from Rajesh Tope’s sugar factory, Sharad Pawar has dared that he has nothing to fear and that no phone calls were made from him. Tope admitted that he had simply provided food and water to agitators from his constituency. Jarange Patil has hinted that leaders from all political parties would stand exposed in the SIT investigation, sparking speculation that the agitation had the tacit support from blocks within both the ruling and the opposition fronts. The Eknath Shinde government has been accused of deliberately playing footsie with Jarange Pati. All parties may have unanimously voted for 10% reservation for the Marathas in a special session of the legislature on February 20, 2024, but the aftermath of the agitation has led to a bitter fall out between parties eyeing the politically powerful bloc of Maratha vote bank. This vote bank continues to be splintered across parties and political machinations have failed to consolidate it behind any particular political block.
When all eyes were fixed on Rajya Sabha polling in Karnataka and UP, it was the polling for a single Rajya Sabha seat in the hill state of Himachal that was threatening the survival of the Congress Government of Sukhwinder Singh Sukhu . It is because a high profile candidate like senior advocate Abhishek Singhvi entered the fray and got trounced. Party sources said defeat of the official candidate could cost CM Sukhu his chair but Sukhu dismissed such suggestions saying he must be voted out in the state assembly. At least 9 MLAs — 6 Congress MLAs and 3 independents — backing the 43-member Sukhu Government had cross-voted for the BJP candidate Harsh Mahajan. Himachal has a 68-member state assembly. The cross-voters were reportedly whisked away in a CRPF vehicle to Panchkula in Haryana. Now the Congress managers are more keen to save their government in the hill state than worried about Singhvi losing. They got a super boss like former Chattisgarh CM Bhupesh Baghel to reach Shimla. Party sources say Congress leaders are apparently prepared to sacrifice CM Sukhu and get a new CM face and appeal to those party MLAs who cross-voted to return back to Congress-fold. Sukhu himself made it clear that he is no push over and challenged his rivals to defeat him on the floor of the assembly. In Karnataka, a determined Deputy CM DK Shivkumar ensured a snub for his JD(S) rival HD Kumaraswamy by ensuring election of all the 3 official candidates, defeat of the JD(S) candidate and cross-voting by two BJP MLAs.
Amid major political backlash due to the Sandeshkhali controversy, ruling Trinamool Congress will be holding its third Mega Rally named as Janagarjan Sabha at the historic Brigade Parade Ground in Kolkata on March 10. Chief minister and party supremo Mamata Banerjee will address the rally, which is seen as her official poll bugle for the forthcoming Lok Sabha polls. Second in command of the party and Didi’s nephew Abhishek Banerjee will also address the gathering. Party insiders pointed out that both the leaders will mainly highlight the issues of pending central dues to the state government under various central-sponsored schemes with a focus on the 100-day job scheme under MGNREGA and the housing scheme under PMAY. It may be recalled that before the 2019 Lok Sabha polls, TMC brought all the Opposition parties including Congress under the banner — United Front at a similar mega rally at Brigade Parade Ground to counter Narendra Modi-led BJP. However, the rally did not yield results, rather failed to stop the BJP’s clear sweep. This time TMC has made it clear that every district and block unit must ensure packed houses instead of displaying their personal stature. According to political analysts, Didi finds herself on a sticky ground over the ongoing Sandeshkhali controversy and Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s poll campaigns slated during the first week of March, where in all probability he will address a rally in North 24 Parganas district and also meet local women allegedly victims of sexual harassment and violence by TMC’s strongman Sheikh Shajahan.
Speculations are rife whether Odia superstar and Biju Janata Dal MP Anubhav Mohanty will get the 2024 Lok Sabha ticket? Unlikely, say BJD insiders. The Kendrapara seat which he won in the 2019 election may be given to former Rajnagar Congress MLA Anshuman Mohanty who switched over to BJD few days ago. So what went wrong with Anubhav? The marital discord with his ex-wife Varsha Priyadarshini saw him hitting the headlines instead of political work. He was spending more time on fighting the divorce case than nursing his constituency. The court did grant him the divorce finally. But, this discord kept him away from attending party meetings, registering his presence at the government programmes, participating in Durga Puja festival or involved in Panchayat poll campaigns, party insiders say. People close to Anubhav reveal that he has been sidelined in the BJD for quite some time now. It is learnt that BJP’s Baijayant ‘Jay’ Panda busy with UP election responsibility is unlikely to contest from Kendrapara. And BJP is yet to announce its list of candidates for Odisha. So given this situation, BJD seems well prepared to defend its traditional “Kendrapara” fort.
When it comes to alliances, it seems, the Congress seems to be getting a raw deal – whether it is from a newbie like AAP or even from an old ally like Samajwadi Party. The Congress with diminishing bargaining power it seems did not have much say on the seats it would contest in states — be it in Gujarat or UP. It was as if everything was left to AAP supremo Arvind Kejriwal or SP chief Akhilesh Yadav to finalise the seat sharing pact. That is probably why the party did not bother to resist claims of AAP for Bharuch Lok Sabha seat — a constituency once represented by Sonia Gandhi’s close aide and AICC treasurer Ahmed Patel — or Farrukhabad Lok Sabha seat once represented by former Union Minister Salman Khurshid. That is why Khurshid, who is a CWC member, did express his disappointment that his Lok Sabha constituency was not part of the Congress-SP alliance. So did the late Patel’s children– Faisal and Mumtaz. They both gave voice to disappointment among Congress workers in Bharuch over the AAP-Congress poll pact. Faisal went a step further to assert that Bharuch which has been with the BJP since 1989 can be won only if the Congress contests from there. Meanwhile, the Congress hopes to wriggle out of this unequal electoral pact thrust on it by AAP only if ED finally catches up with Kejriwal.”If ED arrests Kejriwal, our alliance will end. We are hoping it will happen soon,” admits a Congress leader.
Multi-talented Saleel Tambe seems to be on a roll. This tabla maestro, wildlife photographer, IT professional must be feeling elated to see his posters all over Croydon in England for a project conceptualised by London Mozart Players as the Face Of Croydon. Saleel’s portrait was created by specialist photographer Kaupo Kikkas from Estonia who was specially commissioned for this piece of work. For the London-based Tambe who works with Deloitte as senior manager, the year 2024 began on a positive note. He won the First Prize, out of 40,000 entries, in the prestigious International Wildlife annual photo contests conducted by the National Wildlife Federation, USA. Saleel’s two images were awarded in the World Monochrome Photography Contest. Besides photography, he will be on a concert tour over the next 3-4 months travelling across Scandinavia with a Flautist in May, then with a Santoor player for the SAJDA Festival and a series of concerts in Spain with a Sitar player. On his recent visit to India, he did a full house presentation on wildlife to the Army Officers in MCTE, Mhow (Indore) in Madhya Pradesh.
The 24th of February was an unusual day. It was Masi Magam (as per Tamil calendar), the auspicious Magam star of the Masi month — an unusual combination of date of birth and star birthday falling on the same day of the late J Jayalalithaa (Amma). So, VK Sasikala, (Chinnamma), a close confidante of Jayalalithaa hosted the mother of all lunches at her mint new house, Jayalalithaa Illam in Poes Garden, Chennai. Sasikala had formally celebrated the Gruhapravesam, a month back. She planned this grand event on Masi Magam to honour and relive the memory of her patron and friend. Sasikala’s house is bigger than Jayalalithaa’s bungalow and the lunch spread was sumptuous. Cars were milling around as numerous former AIADMK members and Sasikala faithful’s elbowed for vantage and advantage. Just across the narrow stretch, JJ’ niece Deepa hosted a memorial lunch too at Veda Nilayam, the landmark residence of Jayalalithaa, one of the most powerful women politicians of this country. But one visitor to Sasikala’s house who caught everybody’s attention was the superstar Rajini clad in a dhoti and white shirt with a housewarming gift in hand. As he came out of Sasikala’s house, surmises, presumptions and speculations were buzzing around. To the waiting media Rajini said “This house is like a temple. I pray to God and wish the lady much fame, name and happiness here “. When a journalist asked, “Who will fill the vacuum left by Jayalalithaa”? The superstar quipped “No politics please”, and walked away with super energy.
Nothing spooked AIADMK more than a recent weekly magazine survey which showed that the BJP had stolen the salience over other Opposition parties in Tamil Nadu and was headed to a larger vote share than the grand old party of MGR-Jaya. Insiders were busy arguing over what was going wrong in the Edappadi K Palaniswami-led party. Naturally, the blame was shifted to the leader for his inability to form an alliance that alone guarantees some success in vote share in the complicated Dravidian politics. There is no doubt that the national BJP, taking baby steps in TN with a reshuffle that found a leader in K Annamalai who has become a well-recognised face in the state, moved up in the party’s reckoning with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s contribution by way of referring often to the state’s Tamil literary luminaries also sizeable. The Lok Sabha polls will throw light on how far the party has come in difficult terrain, but there is no doubt that the Ram temple opening has moved a lot of people of faith into the party’s corner. Meanwhile the AIADMK, struggling to find allies, was picking on the PMK and DMDK not having decided yet on where they will go to offer them a number of seats closer to their expectations. All may not be lost yet for the AIADMK front, but the writing is on the wall that the BJP may be stealing a march in Dravidian turf.
Will Rahul Gandhi contest again from Wayanad (Kerala) Lok Sabha, a seat that he had secured by a comfortable margin in 2019? Or will he again look for a safe seat in Karnataka, Telangana or UP? What triggered the buzz was that the CPI announced it was fielding Annie Raja, the wife of the party’s general secretary D Raja, from Wayanad. It was felt it will not “look good” for the I.N.D.I.A front that one of the prominent leader’s wife will be contesting against Rahul Gandhi. Congress leaders from Kerala, however, made it clear that securing the seat wasn’t going to be an issue. “If Rahulji decides to contest from the seat, he will secure it. He is currently abroad (away to the UK for a lecture) and he has to decide. As for who is LDF fielding against Rahulji is not our concern,” said a top AICC functionary. Party sources also made it clear that his second seat, if any, would not be from the South. It could only be from UP now that an alliance with the Samajwadi Party has been stitched. Meanwhile, CPI’s D Raja also made it clear that the Wayanad contest should be purely seen as a UDF versus LDF battle, and not as a clash between Rahul Gandhi and his wife. Congress sources also pointed out that the issue of IUML’s claims over the Wayanad seat — a constituency with Muslim majority voters — had been settled.
Maratha reservation agitation’s icon Manoj Jarange Patil has abandoned his audacious plan to lead a march to the Mumbai residence of deputy chief minister Devendra Fadnavis to press his demand. Already roasted by his former associates, chief minister Eknath Shinde’s stern warning to Jarange and his followers that they will face stringent action if they took law in their hand is believed to have resulted in his withdrawal of the march. Even Opposition parties, too, have indirectly expressed unhappiness over Jarange’s impossible demands, like asking the government to take and announce a decision within the next few hours. Now, his associate for 18 years, Baburao Walekar has charged that Jarange is hungry for publicity and had instigated his followers in the past to indulge in violence though keeping himself away from such acts. Walekar is the third leader to come out in the open against Jarange. The first was Abhay Baraskar, who is a noted Keertan exponent. He was followed by Sangeeta Wankhede, who became Jarange’s follower after he launched his agitation. She has alleged that Jarange was taking erratic decisions at the behest of a top NCP giant. Interestingly, Fadnavis had stated a day earlier that Jarange’s script resembled the statements of Sharad Pawar and Uddhav Thackeray. On Monday (Feb 26), Jarange has announced the end of his indefinite fast. The battle over Maratha reservations is expected to enter the precincts of judiciary soon.
The AAP and the Congress are set to jointly contest from Delhi, Haryana, Goa, Chandigarh and Gujarat. As per the pact, AAP will contest four of the seven Lok Sabha seats in Delhi, two of the 26 seats in Gujarat, and one of the 10 seats in Haryana, while the Congress will contest the rest of the seats in these states. In Gujarat, the AAP will contest two – Bharuch and Bhavnagar – and in Haryana, it will contest the Kurukshetra seat. Late Congress leader Ahmed Patel’s children — Faisal and Mumtaz — have opposed giving away their home turf Bharuch to AAP. Incidentally the Congress tie-up with AAP comes full circle nearly a decade after the party first came to power in Delhi riding an anti-Congress wave in 2013. Kejriwal with 28 MLAs was propped by the Congress with its 8 MLAs. It is clear that Kejriwal, who had tasted a tough fight during MCD polls to take control of the Delhi civic body in December 2022 is not keen for a repeat in May 2024. He had boasted about limiting BJP to 20 seats in the 250 member MCD. The BJP went on to notch a cool 104. “It is clear both the Opposition parties are too scared to face the Modi juggernaut alone,” said a BJP poll strategist. It also shows that by joining hands with the Congress, Kejriwal has shelved his PM ambitions for now. It is not Kejriwal alone who has seen his limitations. Congress stalwart in Haryana Bhupinder Hooda also knows there is no way he can beat the BJP bulwark in Lok Sabha. By pitting AAP in Kurukshetra — a seat held by state BJP chief — Hooda has tossed an unwinnable seat in AAP’s lap and got an alibi for poor show in 2024.
NCP founder Sharad Pawar’s decision to unveil the new symbol, Tutari (Tura), allotted to his faction at the historical Fort Raigad has been facing derision from different quarters. Raigad was the place Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj had selected for his capital in 1674. Pawar’s one-time confidant Chhagan Bhujbal has reminded his former mentor in an oblique quip that the NCP was formed in 1999 and had lost a substantial chunk of votes since its symbol, wall clock, was unfamiliar for voters. Water resources minister Girish Mahajan said neither will the Tutari make any noise nor will Uddhav Thackeray’s symbol, Mashal, be alight. Maharashtra Navnirman Sena leader Raj Thackeray, however, disclosed that this was the first time Pawar had shown any regard for Chhatrapati Shivaji. Though Pawar always praised social reformers like Mahatma Jotiba Phule, Shahu Maharaj of Kolhapur or Dr BR Ambedkar in his speeches, the Maratha strongman seldom paid tributes to Chhatrapati Shivaji, Raj remarked. He recalled Pawar telling him on an earlier occasion that he (Pawar) would lose Muslim votes if there was any mention of Chhatrapati Shivaji by him. On his part, Pawar has clarified that the symbol was allotted by the Election Commission and that he had not asked for this particular image of a man sounding a trumpet, called Tutari in Marathi. This is the fifth election symbol Pawar’s party would be using during his long political career.
Who is behind the farmers’ agitation near Delhi? The two Punjab-Haryana border points – Khanauri and Shambhu – have been the epicentre of the clashes as police personnel fired tear gas, rubber bullets and water cannons to disperse the farmers trying to march to Delhi. Farmers have rejected a government offer on MSP for five crops and crop diversifications to save the water table. The basic aim of the protesting farmers is not to secure a MSP for all the 23 crops that they produce– they want a law guaranteeing MSP. Such a law farmers argue will ensure that market prices will not go below the MSP. It is also possible that it could force the government to buy farm produce that is not picked up by the market. The thrust of the protests organised by AAP and the Congress is to take the sheen out of PM Modi’s popularity and continue the protest till the April-May Lok Sabha elections. The game is to pull Modi down politically. In this game, while AAP in Punjab is trying to project itself as “friend of the farmers”, with its chief minister Bhagwant Mann playing mediator in the Centre-farmer talks, the Congress, which rejected Swaminathan Committee report in 2006, has also lent support to the farmers’ demands. Punjab urgently needs sustainable agricultural practices. But AAP and Congress are intent on backing the agitation to downsize Modi.
It was an abuse that shocked everyone in UP and Delhi. Rahul Gandhi who hollered away in Amethi about drunkenness and dancing in Varanasi and had also stretched his aversion for Hindu rituals by deriding those chanting Jai Shri Ram. That too at a time when Ram Mandir at Ayodhya has been drawing huge crowds – upwards of 50 lakh devotees within a month’s since its inauguration. So it was expected that the Gandhi scion would be appropriately trashed. And that’s what happened. PM Modi, who reached Varanasi on a two-day visit, panned Rahul for hurling a pejorative ”nashedi “at Varanasi youth — young men of his Lok Sabha constituency from where he plans to contest for a third term. So it was a protective Modi who came to the fore. “They spent the decade abusing Modi. But now they are taking out their frustration on the people. “Jinke aapne hosh thhikane nahi hai, wo UP ke, mere kashi ke bachcho ko nashedi keh rahe hai,” he said. Strongly condemning Rahul Gandhi’s comment, Modi said “A person who belongs to a dynasty is always threatened by the common youth force. And now they have another reason to not like Uttar Pradesh after Ram Mandir’s inauguration. They do not like the new face of Kashi and Ayodhya. I did not know Congress had so much hatred towards Lord Ram. They can’t see or think beyond their family and vote bank”. He also made it clear that the SP-Congress alliance would make no impact. It is an alliance where they come together before every election and then abuse each other after they get ‘nil battey sannata’.
Maharashtra deputy chief minister Devendra Fadnavis has shut all doors for the Shiv Sena led by Uddhav Thackeray. In a TV channel interview, Fadnavis freely expressed his hurt over the way he was treated by Uddhav after the 2019 assembly election in the state. Fadnavis said political differences can be ironed out. But it will not be possible for the BJP rank and file to overlook the insults hurled by Uddhav at Prime Minister Narendra Modi day in and day out. Recalling his friendly relations with Uddhav for 25 years, Fadnavis said that the Sena leader even refused to take his telephone calls after the assembly election results. It is extremely hurtful to be stabbed in the back by someone you had close ties with, the DCM said. He also attacked NCP founder Sharad Pawar for going back on his pact to form a government with the BJP. Fadnavis made it clear that the people flocking to the BJP were coming by accepting its ideology. “We had just two MPs in 1984. Now we are in power. But throughout, we have never compromised with our basic principles,” he maintained. His statements have indicated that more incomings into the BJP are still possible. One such name being discussed is that of Eknath Khadse, a pillar of the Maharashtra BJP once upon a time. The Congress, too, is worried by the possible exodus. The state BJP leadership will soon administer some more political shocks, it is felt.
After striking a deal with the Samajwadi Party and AAP over seat sharing for the state of Uttar Pradesh and New Delhi, Congress High Command is once again in talks with Trinamool Congress supremo Mamata Banerjee on seat-sharing. Congress spokesperson Jairam Ramesh has said that the party is hopeful that I.N.D.I.A Bloc will fight the BJP unitedly. Sources said that a new proposal has been formulated for seat sharing with TMC. Insiders of Congress say that Congress is seeking 6 out of 42 seats in Bengal including its own seats of Baharampur and Maldah Dakshin. In exchange for this Congress is willing to offer TMC seats in other states. Apparently, discussions are on with TMC over the seats of Maldah Uttar, Raiganj and Darjeeling constituencies, plus one more. In lieu of this it will leave two seats for TMC in Assam and one in Meghalaya. Although there’s no confirmation from the TMC, sources said that Didi has softened her previous stance where she was categorical that her party would go alone in Bengal since the Congress is in talks with the Left. Congress insiders further said that it will ask NCP patriarch Sharad Pawar and SP chief Akhilesh Yadav to convince Didi on the same. Meanwhile, political observers viewed that this might make Mamata rethink since seat sharing in other states with Congress might help TMC gain the national party recognition.
In an attempt to go all out on the target of gaining 35 Lok Sabha seats in Bengal, Prime Minister Narendra Modi is likely to visit West Bengal to kick off the 2024 Lok Sabha Election campaign. He will be addressing a rally at Arambagh in Hooghly district on March 1. Arambagh is BJP’s stronghold but it lost the seat in 2019 to TMC’s Aparupa Poddar. Notable, the Hooghly seat is held by BJP MP Locket Chatterjee. Followed by Arambagh, the PM is likely to hold a rally in Krishnanagar on March 2 which was helmed by TMC MP Mahua Moitra before being expelled from Parliament over ‘cash-for-query’ case. While BJP has been accused of vendetta politics in the removal of Moitra from Parliament, Trinamool Congress supremo Mamata Banerjee has already announced her re-nomination for this seat. Modi’s last meeting in this first leg of campaigning is likely to be held at Barasat, on one of TMC’s strongest turf in South Bengal on March 6. Significantly, Didi has begun a series of district-to-district tours announcing a slew of projects. Meanwhile, BJP insiders said that the meeting at Kachhari Maidan in Barasat on March 6, Modi is likely to meet the ‘victims’ of Sandeshkhali. They are likely to be brought from Sandeshkhali under the leadership of BJP state president Sukanta Majumder. Political observers said that since the state BJP has not succeeded in countering Didi, bringing Modi from the beginning of the poll campaign is nothing but a clear attempt of challenging the ruling party ahead of the polls.
The entry of one ex-chief minister Ashok Chavan into the BJP fold seems to have landed another ex-CM, Narayan Rane on a sticky wicket. It has upset Rane’s plan to take the easier option of taking the Rajya Sabha route to Parliament. Instead, he is now forced to contest for Lok Sabha elections from the Ratnagiri-Sindhudurg constituency, from where his elder son Nilesh Rane lost twice in a row in 2014 and 2019 to Uddhav Sena’s Vinayak Raut. Raut has now developed a strong local base and presents a formidable challenge here. The Rane’s continue to share bitter relations with the Uddhav’s Sena. Elder son, Nilesh Rane recently, issued threats to Uddhav’s legislator Bhaskar Jadhav from the dais of a public rally following a riotous situation between warring party workers with stone pelting leading and police lathi-charging and tear gases being used. Also, the Uddhav Sena faction has not forgiven Rane for his rebellion in 2005 and is gunning to defeat him. Rane, who is a party hopper, having moved on from the Shiv Sena to the Congress before joining the BJP with his two sons, is facing competition for his ticket from his own alliance partners. His constituency is being eyed by Eknath Shinde supporter, industries minister Uday Samant for his brother Kiran Samant, who has already started campaigning there. The Konkan belt had always been a Shiv Sena stronghold which the BJP is keen to get Rane to spearhead its party into the region.
BJP’s 2019 ‘Political Decade Policy’ empowering cadre, gen-next portends ill for more famous leaders two tenures old and over 75 years old. Brahmin Medha Kulkarni, RSS ‘Karsevak’ Ajit Gopchade secured Rajya Sabha nominations since Kulkarni relinquished her Pune assembly seat for Chandrakant Patil in 2019, while Gopchade’s prominence rose after 1992 Babri mosque demolition. BJP spokesperson Atul Shah says, “Mega party BJP always emphasises generation next and is always widening our political horizon. While Maratha leader (newbie) Ashok Chavan secured Rajya Sabha, two BJP workers got nominations too.” Maharashtra BJP Executive Committee member Mahendra Jain notes, “Kulkarni sacrificed her Pune constituency so, her RS nomination satiates Pune’s Brahmin community. Clear political message is that famous leaders may not take their Lok Sabha candidatures for granted.” BJP’s policy saw Union Minister Narendra Singh Tomar moved to Madhya Pradesh assembly as speaker earlier. Union minister Parshottam Rupala may not get Lok Sabha seat to set right Gujarat caste dynamics, unreasonable pressure from Patels. Rajnath Singh (73) may still secure candidature, Shivrajsingh Chauhan asked to prove election mettle after being sidelined for MP CM ship just like Vasundhara Raje. Narayan Rane is unlikely over health issues although his son may be fielded. Similarly, Chandrakant Dada Patil and Pankaja Munde may lose out. “No decision till now on holding simultaneous polls for Maha assemblies with general polls but, PM Modi who keeps plans close to chest, may still spring a surprise.” BJP will contest 28/30 Maharashtra parliamentary seats itself while also fielding candidates from Eknath Shinde’s party (like Milind Deora got Rajya Sabha). Shinde won’t seek many parliamentary seats, lacking worthy winning candidates,” the source added. Will Vinod Tawde be BJP’s Konkan face in ensuing polls?
After a political split in the family of veteran leader Sharad Pawar, there is repayment in the same coin as NCP splinter group leader Sunil Tatkare’s elder brother Anil has declared his allegiance to Pawar. The announcement of Anil’s decision is considered a part of Pawar’s strategy to defeat his one-time confidant Sunil in the coming Lok Sabha election from Raigad. It is the first development of this kind since so far, the incoming was towards either the BJP or the Shiv Sena led by chief minister Eknath Shinde. The Pawar clan is already feeling elated since one of the nephews of Ajit Pawar has decided to work for the grandfather. The political greenhorn, Yugendra, was abroad for several years. His entry in the fight for Baramati Lok Sabha constituency will intensify the family dissensions, it is felt, as Ajit’s wife Sunetra is likely to be the candidate from his party. Similarly, Anil’s decision to work for elder Pawar is designed to breach Sunil’s vote bank, which the family has built up over the years. Once a fiefdom of the Congress party, Raigad district was ruled by Peasants & Workers Party (PWP) for a while. After Sharad Pawar formed the NCP in 1999, Sunil Tatkare had become the face of the party in Konkan region. Pawar is determined to wrest the LS seat back by roping in Anil against Sunil, who enjoys immense public support.
Decision of the Siddaramaiah Government in Karnataka to disburse Rs 15 lakhs in “compensation” to a deceased individual from Rahul Gandhi’s Wayanad constituency in Kerala, attributing his death to elephant trampling, claiming that the wild animal belonged to Karnataka has raised political storm of sorts in the southern state. Opposition BJP has questioned how could the state government divert funds “amidst severe drought and distress in Karnataka with over 600 farmers ending their own lives”. It wanted to know how the Congress government, facing severe fiscal deficits and resource shortages for vital development, was diverting “taxpayer’s money” to appease Rahul Gandhi. All the tell-tale signs to this controversy was contained in Karnataka’s Forest Minister Eshwar Khandre’s letter to Rahul Gandhi where he acknowledged that as per Rahul Gandhi’s advice to AICC leader KC Venugopal and the phone conversation he had with the Kerala leader, his government had announced compensation to the person killed by the tusker Makna. Khandre admits that Makna was captured near Belur, radio collared and released into Bandipora Tiger reserve in November 2023. “Two months later he was sighted in Wayanad area of Kerala and attacked Mr Ajeesh, leading to his death, which is an unfortunate incident.” Khandre also put on record how his state had the highest number of elephants — 6395 — in the country and declining forest cover was posing threat to the tuskers in the region.
Coming to power after a 10-year hiatus has taught the DMK about unique, multiple dimensions of appealing to the electorate. Poll strategist Prashant Kishor has imprinted his distinctive stamp on the DMK’s playbook. So before finalising the party’s election manifesto, teams led by party leaders have undertaken surveys to find out what people want in the DMK manifesto. Party supremo MK Stalin is dinning into his party generals, “Fixing your targets firmly is the first step to victory”. Kanimozhi’s team has already completed the survey. What is overtly and covertly evident is the master stroke of involving her…leaving no room for doubt …backroom gripe is ruled out. Her team has surveyed 20 districts, 10,000 direct responders, received 4000 responses, apart from harvesting suggestions and demands from 18,000 phone calls and social media responses. February 25 is the deadline for such suggestions to reach the DMK citadel, Arivalayam. The dovetailing of the TN budget presented by Thangam Thennarasu is an amazing alchemy of populist schemes poured into a shiny chalice of Tamil rhetoric …it covers education, healthcare, roads improvement…in fact it showcases the Ram Rajya golden orb in a Dravidian gift wrap. And Stalin’s Assembly motivation speech left its imprint. “A budget in Tamil is Nidhi arikkai…but we have made it a Needhi Arikkai. Social justice to all, with speed in implementation. TN is second in GDP with a growth rate of 8.19%.” The bugle has sounded …it’s left for the cadres and leaders to drum up a resounding victory.
The vexed reservation of the Maratha community, which the Maharashtra chief minister Eknath Shinde was hoping to capitalise on, doesn’t seem to have gone well. Not only did it fail to halt the fast by Maratha leader Manoj Jarange Patil, it further upset him and he stated that the community had felt let down by the CM. “It clearly shows that the government doesn’t care much for the demands of the Maratha community,” he rued before announcing further intensification of his hunger strike and refusing treatment. The reservation issue has already been creating much unrest in the Marathwada region with bandhs and protests being part of the agitations playing out there. Analysts view the Maratha reservation issue as a box of false promises brought out before every election to woo the 28% Maratha electorate that is spread across all political parties. This was the third attempt by the Maharashtra government to promise reservations for the Maratha community, with earlier attempts being made by the Devendra Fadnavis government in 2018 and the Prithviraj Chauhan government in 2014. Each time the decisions were stuck down by the courts. Even Shinde is aware of this challenge and kept emphasising that this time, it should stand legal scrutiny, backed up as it was with data from an empirical survey from 1,58,20,264 households using computer assisted personal interviews. Even Jarange Patil is not convinced if it will stand in courts, and this fear could actually boomerang in the Lok Sabha polls.
The Maharashtra government has decided to cross the 50% reservation ceiling by granting 10% educational and governmental job reservation to the Maratha community. Already, the state’s total reservation is around 52%. Chief minister Eknath Shinde has said that 22 states in the country have crossed the ceiling so far. While moving a resolution to grant Maratha reservation, Shinde said the quota in Tamil Nadu was 69% whereas it was 75% in Bihar. The Maratha reservation demand was first raised in 1980. It was first granted in 2014 and then in 2018. While the first reservation was struck down by the Mumbai High Court, the second was rejected by the Supreme Court. Explaining this history, Shinde claimed that this time, the provision has been structured in such a manner that it will survive judicial scrutiny. He said nearly six lakh objections and suggestions have been received over the draft of the resolution, made public earlier. The Maratha reservation quantum, however, has been reducing in the state. While the 2014 reservation quota was recommended to be 16%, it was suggested by the High Court that the educational quota should be 12% and governmental job quota could be 13%. The reservation now will be 10%, if allowed by the court of law.
The idyllic village of Sandeshkhali in West Bengal has been in the news recently due to demonstrations by several women who claim that Trinamool Congress (TMC) leader Shajahan Sheikh and his associates had grabbed their land and sexually assaulted several. Shajahan notoriety came to the fore following his followers attacking Enforcement Directorate officers who had gone to raid his property on January 5 in connection to a ration scam. With Lok Sabha Elections around the corner, Opposition leaders claim they were denied permission to visit Sandeshkhali in North 24 Parganas district, later getting permission from the court. However, TMC supremo and West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee refuted these accusations blaming the BJP and RSS by terming it as a sinister design at play. Didi even promised to send her officials to clear the dues of the locals and set up special police teams to address any criminal issues. Incidentally, Sandeshkhali falls under Basirhat Lok Sabha seat which is predominantly a Muslim belt and Nusrat Jahan is the outgoing MP. It may be recalled that Mamata gained maximum votes from women through her pro-women policies and benefits. Political analysts are citing this as a massive personal betrayal along with a political controversy. This is all because Didi’s image as the supporter of the oppressed and women is fundamentally threatened by this controversy. Many also view that Shahjahan’s arrest can open up a can of worms and lead to an anti-Didi movement just like the Nandigram and Singur which overthrew the Left-led government.
The farmers’ stir 2.0, has flummoxed Prime Minister Narendra Modi who withdrew his three farm bills (under protest) following the last uprising by agriculturists in 2021, who refused to settle unless he backtracked. Modi expressed disappointment back then that the triple laws, aimed at doubling agriculturists’ revenues by migrating agricultural produce to open market rates over minimum support price (MSP) valuations, had to be withdrawn. A senior BJP leader tells shortpost.in, “Please consider the ironic fact that the price of wheat was Rs 570 when the three revolutionary farm laws were withdrawn over political orchestrations and large scale violence. Subsequently prices of wheat skyrocketed to over Rs 1000 in 2022, in the wake of the Ukraine war. Migration to market valuations based on demand and supply and open market rates would literally have made Indian farmers richer, almost doubly. But Indian agriculturists lost out on the opportunity thanks to the anti CAA Shaheen Baug protests, followed by farmers 1.0 amplified nationally, politically.” The BJP leader added that the Ukraine conflict saw demand for wheat grow manifold and it was India that stepped in to fill the global void in the Gulf region, Ukraine, Russia, Afghanistan and other markets impacted by wheat scarcity. Ongoing news media narratives over 2.0 protests scaling up and demanding MSP for 23 foodgrains, on pain of unleashing anarchy once again, fail to factor in the lost commercial value that farmers suffered after 1.0 and will likely hurt farmers doubly once again.
The rumours are flying thick and fast about the future of Biju Janata Dal’s (BJD) four term Lok Sabha MP Pinaki Misra. The MP from Puri since 2009 has been seen as the political face of Naveen Patnaik in Delhi. Misra, a successful senior advocate in the Supreme Court was accused by the Odisha BJP unit a few months ago for helping Trinamool Congress MP Mahua Moitra in the cash-for-query controversy. And BJP has conveyed its displeasure to Patnaik. Also, Misra who had defeated BJP’s Sambit Patra in 2019 from Puri constituency by a slender margin, is in no mood to fight a direct election. He was hoping for a Rajya Sabha nomination but that did not happen. Instead Patnaik nominated BJD’s Debashis Samantaray, Subhashish Khuntia and BJP’s Ashwini Vaishnaw, Union minister for Railways. Sources within BJD say that erstwhile student leader Arun Kumar Sahoo, MLA from Nayagarh may be given Puri ticket. Puri residents say they want a full time MP who will look into their concerns and challenges of everyday life and not an occasional visitor politician.
When out of power and in the Opposition, political parties talk differently from when they are in power. This is a given and a glaring example of this popped up at the time the Tamil Nadu Budget was presented by the ruling DMK government for 2024-25. Having spent with a great deal of profligacy in having to keep up poll promises like free bus rides for all women, etc, the State is now expected to bear a debt burden well past Rs 8 lakh crore, with the outstanding Tamil Nadu debt by March 31, 2025 projected to be Rs 8,33,361.80 crore. The government is planning to borrow Rs 1,55,584.48 crore during 2024-25 and make a repayment of Rs 49,638.82 crore. “The amount to be borrowed constitutes 26.41% of GSDP in 2024-25. The Outstanding Debt as a percentage of GSDP is expected to be 25.75% in 2025-26 and 25% in 2026-27, which are well within the norms 107 prescribed by the Fifteenth Finance Commission,” was the finance minister Thangam Thennarasu’s statement in the Assembly. When the debt of each Tamil was measured to be around Rs 2.5 lakh, the DMK made a song and dance about it before the 2021 polls. Now that figure will pass Rs 3.5 lakh. Tamil Nadu has the highest outstanding debt in the country.
Former Congress leader Acharya Pramod Krishnam who was recently expelled from the Congress for six years for praising PM Narendra Modi for the Ayodhya Ram temple consecration ceremony and criticising party leadership for skipping the event, was honoured by PM Modi as he launched his Kalki Dham Temple in Sambhal, UP. Krishnam, believed to be close to Priyanka Vadra had been pushing for the Hindu cause in the Congress. He had done so at the 2022 Udaipur Chintan Shivir but was outshouted by party leaders from Kerala. Recalling his recent interaction with Krishnam, Modi said that he had known him only as a political personality but recently came to know about his 18-year old struggle to build the temple. PM Modi used Krishnam’s stated inability to offer him anything to take a jibe at the recent Supreme Court on electoral bonds. He said “Today, If Sudama gave rice to Krishna, the Supreme Court would dub it as corruption. Acharya Pramod ji, it is good that you did not give me anything. In today’s era, if Sudama would give rice to Shri Krishna, a PIL would be filed in the SC and the judgment would come that something was given to Lord Krishna in corruption”. Why did PM Modi give so much time and attention to Krishnam? Well, in its quest for winning all the seats in UP, the BJP is not sparing any effort. Besides the Kalki temple, Krishnam is of political value too; he had contested the 2019 Lok Sabha elections from Lucknow on a Congress ticket but lost. He, however, garnered an impressive 1.8 lakh votes. In 2014, he unsuccessfully contested the Lok Sabha elections from UP’s Sambhal — a SP stronghold.
Though NCP founder Sharad Pawar’s right hand Jayant Patil has discounted any possibility of crossing over to the BJP, there are few believers to trust him as his bonhomie with the saffron party has been a matter of speculation in Maharashtra for a long time. When the NCP split in 2021 and Pawar’s nephew Ajit teamed up with the BJP as well as the Shiv Sena faction led by Eknath Shinde, those remaining loyal to the veteran leader included Jayant Patil, who once was the state’s home as well as finance minister. In fact, his supporters started projecting him as a future CM of Maharashtra when the murmurs about Ajit’s restlessness were heard in NCP circles before the split. Though Patil downplayed this image building exercise, his ambition has not remained a secret. A highly qualified politician, Patil has kept himself away from any scandal all these years. In spite of the efforts to sully his name by his detractors, Patil had managed to keep himself above any acrimony, meekly accepting Ajit’s hegemony in the united NCP. However, since the split, Patil has emerged as the unofficial spokesman of the faction, in the belief that he speaks out Pawar’s mind. But the shock administered by former CM Ashok Chavan is too fresh in the public mind to take Patil on face value. Patil and Supriya Sule have vehemently refuted the possibility of him joining the BJP. However, even his own party workers feel that ‘wait and watch’ is the only option available to them before taking any decision about their own future.
Just as Congress leader Rahul Gandhi’s Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra entered Uttar Pradesh, Priyanka Vadra made a surprise announcement in a social media post saying that though she was “really looking forward to receiving the BJNY in UP today” she wouldn’t be doing so as she was “admitted to hospital”. Party sources were surprised that Priyanka who was seen with her mother Sonia Gandhi only early this week in Jaipur to file Rajya Sabha nomination would not be participating in the UP leg yatra and “report sick” . “It is difficult to accept that Priyankaji will not be on the yatra even in UP. She is being deliberately sidelined in the party. First, Rahul did not allow Priyanka to travel to Manipur for the launch of BJNY. Now he is preventing her from showing up even in UP. For some reason, Rahul fancies he has a good chance to reduce the BJP’s numbers. That’s why he wants to keep Priyanka out of the yatra, so that he gets the credit for demolishing PM Modi,” points out a Priyanka loyalist. Party sources pointed out that Priyanka was being isolated ever since she had goofed up while making some recommendations for appointments to Karnataka corporations and boards. Some names created such an upheaval within the party that the state government had to settle for appointing MLAs to these bodies. Since then Priyanka has been advised to “stay aloof” from party matters. Promising to be in UP once she is “better” , Priyanka signed off wishing all the yatris,”my colleagues in UP who have worked hard towards making arrangements for the yatra and my sweet brother, all success as they reach Chandauli”.
The Congress faced a temporary hurdle after the Income-Tax department froze its main bank accounts over its returns pertaining to 2018-19. It received a temporary relief after the Income Tax Appellate Tribunal granted relief by de-freezing the accounts until a final hearing next week. In his tweet on X Congress treasurer Ajay Maken said the I-T department sent “Two Notices — 1st to AICC bankers, and the 2nd to IYC Bankers; A sum of Rs 135,06,88,984/-…(+ Rs 75, 17, 97, 015/- for IYC bank account) is due from the Indian National Congress”. The Congress party is mandated to ensure that a sum of Rs 115 crore is maintained in its bank accounts. Maken had initially cried foul and tried to dub the I-T action as a vengeful move of the Modi government a day after the Supreme Court had quashed the electoral bonds– some leaders even called for freezing BJP accounts linked to bonds. Maken later conceded that the I-T action had begun long before the Apex Court verdict. The I-T department had raised a demand of Rs210 crore from the party. Maken said they were supposed to file their I-T returns for 2018-19 by December 31, 2019, but the party was late by 40-45 days. Maken said since 2019 was an election year, the party had submitted the receipts of Rs 199 crore spent on the elections. Party sources however feel the I-T returns case is a Ahmed Patel legacy issue — it is something that Patel who remained AICC treasurer till his last breath could have easily sorted out. Maybe it was Patel’s way of getting back at an heir apparent Rahul Gandhi who never cared for him.
Rajeev Chandrasekhar, minister of state for IT, Electronics and Skill Development was not re-nominated to Rajya Sabha from Karnataka. Indications are that he will be the BJP candidate for Thiruvananthapuram seat to take on superstar politician, Shashi Tharoor. The three time Congress MP had recently gone on record that even a Narendra Modi will not be able to unseat him from the Kerala capital seat. The BJP candidates have come second in the Thiruvananthapuram seat in the last three elections. Tharoor had won by handsome margins in 2009 and 2019 while in 2014 he won by a narrow margin of 2% against former Railway Minister, O Rajagopal. Hindus account for 66% of the population in the seat followed by Christians 19% and Muslims 15%. Chandrasekhar, a Malayalee by birth, owns Kerala’s number one media house, Asianet Group. After selling off the number one Malayalam entertainment channel, Asianet TV to Star TV, he retained Asianet News, by far the number one Malayalam news channel. Despite being a BJP Minister, the channel has all along maintained a straight forward news stand. Chandrasekhar’s chances of grabbing the Thiruvananthapuram seat looks bleak but he could well build up his chances for 2029 when Tharoor relinquishes the seat as promised.
The Maratha reservation demand issue has now reached a critical stage as the Maharashtra government has reiterated that the reservation to the most influential community in the state will be granted by remaining within legal limitations and ensuring that it will not hurt the OBCs or any other section of society. Chief minister Eknath Shinde made this announcement as the fast-unto-death by Maratha reservation crusader Manoj Jarange Patil has warned the government of a mass agitation if the demand is not conceded in full. A moot point in his charter is that even ‘relatives’ of the caste members should be covered by the reservations. An extraordinary session of the legislature has been convened on 20 February to consider the demand and endorse it. It is bound to be stormy as the OBCs have again declared their determination to challenge the Maratha reservation, as and when it becomes law in the state. Already, the court has once struck down this reservation in the past. To ensure peace, Shinde has appealed to Jarange to call off his fast. On the other hand, the war of words between senior minister Chhagan Bhujbal, the OBC spokesman, and Jarange is becoming more and more abrasive. The state government will have to do a lot of tightrope walking in view of the elections taking place later this year on this sensitive issue.
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Editor’s Note: Short Post Is Here To Stay…
Time, they say, flies—and how true that is. Here we are celebrating our 5th Anniversary. Five years ago, when Covid-19 was wreaking havoc across the globe, I took a leap of faith and launched Short Post, India’s first website for Authentic Gossip. That was on January 31, 2021. I was convinced there was a clear gap in the market for gossip that was credible, sharp, and impactful—especially if told in just 250 words.
In this, I was fortunate. Scores of senior editors across diverse verticals bought into the idea and, in the process, gave wings to my dream. Quite honestly, Short Post could not have crossed these milestones without the unflinching support of its contributing editors. Like all start-ups, we have seen our share of ups and downs, but these editors have stood by us like a rock. I take this opportunity to doff my hat to them.
Thanks to their commitment, we have published close to 5,000 stories spanning politics, business, entertainment, and sports. I say this with pride: we made our mark as people who matter read us. “Small packs, big impact” truly captures the essence of Short Post.
We all know that Covid-19 has reset businesses worldwide, and the media sector is no exception. In the post-Covid era, investors have become more cautious and selective—and advertisers too. To compound matters, the entry of AI has disrupted the media landscape in equal measure. So far, we have managed to hold our ground, hopeful that some angel investors will take a shine to us.
What gives me confidence is this: AI cannot smell news—especially the gossipy kind. In other words, AI cannot churn out Short Post-type stories, no matter the prompt. That puts us in a safe zone. As someone rightly said, “AI is a co-pilot, not a pilot.”