Batwara 1947, which was earlier titled Lahore 1947, reunites the same director-star pair of Sunny Deol and Rajkumar Santoshi after nearly three decades and is scheduled for release on 14th August 2026 as the Independence Day or Partition Day weekend. Produced by Aamir Khan Productions with music by A R Rahman, it is a serious period drama set against the 1947 Partition. The trailer has been widely praised for its scale, emotional weight, and trademark Santoshi–Deol intensity, yet the pre-release buzz remains relatively muted. The heavy, solemn subject matter and Sunny’s casting in a more restrained, principle-driven role, rather than pure action-hero mode like Jaat and Gadar franchise, have so far limited the kind of mass excitement usually associated with an Independence Day release. Current box-office conversation is still dominated by Spider-Man, leaving Batwara needing a sharper final push. Let’s remember the release of Damini which was released on 30th April 1993. Directed by Rajkumar Santoshi and featuring Sunny Deol in a career-defining supporting turn as the fiery lawyer Govind, it became a blockbuster and is remembered as a cult classic for its strong social message, Meenakshi Seshadri’s performance, and iconic dialogues. Audiences responded to the justice-driven courtroom drama, Sunny’s intensity…turning it into a sustained success rather than a pure opening-day phenomenon. The Santoshi–Deol combination delivered the expected high-voltage signature—raw anger, moral force, and memorable lines that amplified the film once people started talking about it. The parallel with Damini is clear. Both films carry the Santoshi–Deol DNA of high-stakes moral drama and potent dialogues. Damini proved that a serious subject can open respectably and then explode on the strength of word of mouth once audiences experience the emotional payoff. Can Batwara 1947 follow the same path, deliver the expected intensity in theatres? One has to wait and watch.

Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis has officially joined the film promotion business. At the inauguration of Namit Malhotra’s Prime Focus Studio on 6 August 2026, he declared he would be “very disappointed” if Nitesh Tiwari’s Ramayana, starring Ranbir Kapoor, Sai Pallavi and Yash, fails to win an Oscar. “It’s not a film of a decade,” he announced, “it’s a film of a millennium.” Earlier, at the Waves Summit, he had already been “amazed” by its scale. When a CM starts campaigning this openly, the marketing budget has just received a free government upgrade. This is no isolated outburst. It is the latest evidence of a larger shift: Politicians have become Bollywood’s most enthusiastic publicists. PM Narendra Modi has repeatedly endorsed films like The Kashmir Files, The Kerala Story and Article 370 as correctives to “fake narratives.” Amit Shah has praised select projects from special screenings. Yogi Adityanath has made multiple films tax-free and personally felicitated their teams. Across BJP ruled states, official blessings, tax waivers and photo-ops have become as routine as the interval. History offers precedents. MGR and NT Rama Rao built political careers on their screen images. Karunanidhi wrote scripts from the CM’s office. The difference today is the scale, the coordination, and the open fusion of mythology with nationalism as reliable box-office fuel. Ramayana sits perfectly at this intersection; big, mythological, technologically ambitious, and timed for maximum cultural resonance. By elevating it to a civilisational project, Fadnavis has given the film a halo no conventional campaign can buy. The politicians are no longer silent well-wishers. They are the new faces of the campaign, delivering the soundbites themselves. In today’s India, the red carpet increasingly leads straight to the corridors of power.

Odisha’s opposition leader Biju Janata Dal’s Naveen Patnaik has given a veiled threat to the BJP-led state government that he would launch a state-wide agitation if the Odisha government goes ahead with its plans to open the nuclear power space to the private sector. Patnaik, the former chief minister of Odisha, has cited the precedence of Fukushima (Japan) and Chernobyl (Ukraine) disasters and long-term environmental health risks. Responding to opposition’s resistance, the Majhi government is treading cautiously about opening the door to private sector players like the Adani Group, Tata Group including public sector NTPC. According to deputy CM Kanak Vardhan Singh Deo “atomic energy projects demand rigorous safety protocols and strict site clearances” thus giving indication it may be temporarily shelved till the heat dies down.  Odisha watchers say “BJP is not giving up on nuclear power plant privatisation in Odisha, instead it is waiting for the right time to give the corporates the go ahead. BJD is simply politicizing the nuclear power issue. It may be recalled that Naveen Patnaik’s father Biju Patnaik had also pursued nuclear energy power during his time but had to give it up as they did not have access to technology and investment partners.

More than a decade ago, the BCCI’s National Cricket Academy (NCA) was described as a glorified hospital by its chairman Ranjib Biswal. A former India under-19 captain and representative of the Odisha Cricket Association (OCA), Biswal’s remarks on the NCA were marked by candour. He did not mince words, saying that the contracted players go to the NCA for treatment of injuries rather than to sharpen their skills. Nothing much appears to have changed at the renamed Cricket of Excellence (CoE), the BCCI’s upgraded facility in Bengaluru. Virtually every Indian player has spent time rehabilitating and recovering at the CoE; in recent times, the list of India players being sent to the CoE for treatment of assorted injuries — impact and recurring — and to get the return-to-play certificates has not shown the facility in good light. Players suffer injuries while in action in a match or suffer a relapse of an old injury. Recently, the national selection committee had picked fast bowler Jasprit Bumrah and left-hand bat Sai Sudharsan (subject to injury) for the two-Test series in Sri Lanka. Both have been ruled out, with Bumrah undergoing treatment to mend his landing foot knee (left) ailment and Sudharsan feeling uncomfortable with a stress fracture of his right toe. Some impact injuries take time to heal and become functional, but after the Harshit Rana case (declared fit to play in the white-ball series in England and then going down again), the medical staff at the CoE are being cautious in giving the go-ahead signal to players to play again for the team in whites and the men in blue. Pointing fingers at the CoE may not be entirely right for the long rehab and recovery time taken by players, but nonetheless it is seen as the villain!

Leeds Connect in North England has announced the launch of “England Cha Raja,” a landmark seven-day Ganesh Festival that aims to bring together devotees, families and communities from across the United Kingdom in a celebration of faith, culture and social harmony. The festival will be held at the Ramgarhia Sports Centre, Leeds, and is inspired by the devotion and spiritual legacy of Mumbai’s world-famous Lalbaugcha Raja. Organisers say the initiative seeks to recreate a similar atmosphere of devotion and divine blessings for devotees living in the UK. Adding to the festival’s authenticity, the Lord Ganesha idol has been sculpted by renowned artisan Santosh Ratnakar Kambli, who has long been associated with creating the iconic Lalbaugcha Raja idol in Mumbai.  Through England Cha Raja, Leeds Connect hopes not only to celebrate Ganesh Chaturthi but also to strengthen the values of faith, unity, service, and community participation.  Given the magnitude of the impact of the event in the UK and Europe, sources close to the organisers reveal that the Indian High Commission’s office in London and the government of Maharashtra have both expressed a strong desire to support the endeavour as it fits into the Indo-UK cultural ties in the light of the newly executed FTA,

In Tamil Nadu, the media frenzy is all about Trisha — the actor who is perceived, talked about and lionised as the significant mover and shaker in chief minister Vijay’s life. The “enfant terrible” of the DMK, deputy CM Udhayanidhi Stalin whose speech at Thanjavur caused a furore for his barely concealed innuendos and salacious remarks about Trisha. Udhayanidhi was egged on by his party workers who found his lewd talk extremely entertaining…a quick “detention” and Udhayanidhi was let off. Whatever the real circumstances of their personal life, no public figure should be targeted like this. So, what is the perception? There are those who highlight the posters of Trisha Narpani Manrams in Madurai, a sure sign that she is entering politics. The talk about her 2016 film Kodi, a political drama in which Trisha says, “I want to be the CM of this state” still resounds. Is she harbouring political ambitions with Vijay as her launch pad? Is Vijay serious about the liaison, the aberration that has forced his wife Sangeeta to file for divorce? There is a totally new hook which bandies another view ….the publicity is good for both …Trisha who has walked out of two near marriages and at 45 is keen to retain her top star status. After such a landslide win, it’s hard to accept that Vijay would jeopardise his hard won victory. The latest news is Sangeeta Sornalingam has withdrawn her plea for divorce at the Chengalpet court. Why would a wife and mother of two kids wilfully allow another woman take the place and privileges of a CM’s wife?

Bankipur MLA and political strategist Prashant Kishor’s unannounced meeting with Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) leader and Maharashtra’s deputy chief minister Sunetra Pawar Thursday (Aug 6) night has once again highlighted the internecine unrest within the organisation. Ever since the demise of then deputy CM Ajit Pawar in an air crash in Baramati, the party is witnessing one jolt after another. Soon after the six-hour meeting with Kishor was over, reports began surfacing that Kishor had advised her to replace state NCP president Sunil Tatkare, a staunch loyalist of the late leader. Hurriedly, NCP spokesman Suraj Chavan clarified that there was no truth in the whispers about Tatkare. However, Sunetra’s son Parth, Rajya Sabha member, is said to be dead against Tatkare and another party heavyweight Praful Patel. Incidentally, Parth was present at the meeting with Kishor, who has advised Sunetra not to give importance to criticism against her, especially to remarks like ‘Goongi Gudiya’ and to concentrate on rebuilding the party organisation as well as focus on her governmental work. Kishor has been in touch with Sunetra after Ajit Pawar’s death. This is their second meeting in two months. There was a gap in meetings since Kishor was busy with electioneering at Bankipur, Bihar. At the Thursday meet, Kishor told Sunetra that he will undertake a survey across the state to assess the NCP’s potential and submit his recommendations, based on its findings. Their next meeting will take place soon, according to a party leader.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s reassurance to the six MPs who have defected from the Shiv Sena (UBT) to the ruling NDA that “not to worry, I am with you” has boosted their morale to another level. After meeting NDA MPs today in New Delhi, Modi made it a point to meet the half dozen former Sena (UBT) Lok Sabha members separately. This came as a pleasant surprise for them as it is interpreted as a guarantee for their political course. Modi told them, “You are now part and parcel of the NDA.” Modi hosted over 40 new and first-time NDA Lok Sabha members, inviting those MPs, which included the members who have left the Trinamool Congress as well. The six Maharashtra MPs have joined the faction led by state deputy CM Eknath Shinde. Besides the promise to ‘to take care’ of them, Modi also asserted on good governance. The Prime Minister advised the ‘new’ members on public outreach, parliamentary conduct and effective implementation of government schemes in their constituencies. Of late, the political scene in Maharashtra is witnessing various permutations and combinations, giving rise to speculation that major changes in the government and the organisation of each constituent of the ruling triumvirate is likely very soon. Frequent and unscheduled trips by CM Devendra Fadnavis and Eknath Shinde have been adding fodder to the gristmill. Against this backdrop, Modi’s direct communication with the breakaway Sena (UBT) MPs is considered significant.

Mamachya Govyala Jauya, directed by Viju Mane and starring Santosh Juvekar, Kushal Badrike, Abhijit Chavan and Ankush Chaudhari, has delivered a modest box-office performance in Maharashtra. Early estimates place its India lifetime collection around Rs 1 crore, with an opening weekend of roughly Rs 72 lakh. In a year when titles like Raja Shivaji and Deool Band 2 have shown Marathi cinema’s commercial potential, these numbers feel underwhelming. More striking than the collections were the promotional tactics. The campaign repeatedly highlighted how Marathi films struggle for multiplex screens and cannot compete with a global franchise like Spider-Man: Brand New Day. There were also claims that Hollywood profits largely leave India, ignoring the substantial benefits that Indian exhibitors and theatre chains gain from such big releases. Adding emotional weight, it was publicised that director Viju Mane had mortgaged his wife’s, sister’s and mother’s gold ornaments to finance the film. While personal sacrifice may evoke sympathy, using it as a primary marketing tool risks coming across as victimhood rather than confidence. Comparing a mid-budget Marathi comedy to a multi-decade international franchise is neither fair nor strategic. Audiences and exhibitors respond to content that delivers, not to complaints about unequal treatment. Emotional rants about lack of shows or family jewellery do not fill seats. Quality does. Marathi cinema has repeatedly proved this with films like Ghabadkund and the Deool Band franchise, which succeeded through strong storytelling and craft. The industry does not need more orthodoxy or self-pity. It needs filmmakers who prioritise making better films. When the product is strong enough, screens and audiences follow.

RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat’s remarks in Mumbai on August 6 at an interaction with Gen Z is bound to make the top BJP leadership take note. The Sangh appears to be taking the lead over the Modi government in starting a dialogue with the youth, before PM Modi does. Bhagwat stated that Gen Z protests over issues like exam paper leaks are a legitimate form of dialogue. He has asserted that youth grievances are genuine and should not be labelled anti-national. Observers view his remarks as a nudge toward constructive engagement and systemic reform rather than confrontation.  He emphasised that the era of blind obedience is over, and today’s youth demand logic, discussion, and reasoning. Coming amid youth-led agitations and public debates, his comments are widely interpreted as advocating an empathetic, communicative approach rather than an adversarial response. Were the RSS Chief’s remarks a wake-up call for the BJP? The statement places the RSS directly inside the debate over how India’s political establishment engages with a generation often dismissed as unserious or confined to social media. The message is clear: disagreement is not disloyalty, and young people taking to the streets cannot automatically be portrayed as enemies of the nation. Bhagwat has pushed back against attempts by many government and BJP leaders to brand protesting youngsters as anti-national. He said Gen Z is more honest than earlier generations and has the right to question those in power. The “wake-up call” narrative is built on several key interventions by Bhagwat over the past few years.. Amid intense student protests over NEET paper leaks—which forced the resignation of Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan—Bhagwat asserted that “if Gen Z is protesting, they are not anti-nationals” and that the government must address grievances using logic and dialogue rather than dismissal. This directly contrasted with aggressive rhetoric from several BJP leaders.