Two days ahead of PM Modi’s public meeting at Madurantakam, Chengalpattu district on January 23, the BJP stepped up its campaign to expand the NDA ahead of the assembly elections. On January 21, AMMK general secretary TTV Dhinakaran, rejoined the NDA alliance in the presence of Union Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal in Chennai. He had moved out of the NDA in September 2025. This was six months after Union Home Minister Amit Shah announced that AIADMK chief Eddapadi K Palaniswami would be the CM face and lead the AIADMK- BJP alliance in Tamil Nadu in April 2025. In a reversal of events early this year, Dhinakaran flew into Delhi, met Amit Shah to pave the way for his return into the NDA fold. It is being said the AMMK commands considerable influence among the Mukkulathor community or Thevars in southern TN. Dhinakaran rejoining the NDA could spell trouble for the ruling DMK. So too the joining of Anbumani Ramadoss-led PMK. It is being said Amit Shah was very keen that all anti-DMK votes in the South, particularly the Thevar community votes should not be fragmented. Dhinakaran described the past differences as merely a “family feud”. On his part, AIADMK chief Palaniswami also welcomed Dhinakaran.  The only person acting pricey is DMDK leader Premalatha, widow of late actor Vijayakanth. She is bargaining for two Rajya Sabha seats, a ministerial berth for her son in Modi Govt and some 20 assembly seats. It is her demand to accommodate her son in the Central Govt that has spooked Delhi. Meanwhile, it is learnt that DMK has asked Congress to scale down its demand for seats to 28 and has offered instead to bankroll poll expenses of Assam assembly elections. This simply shows how desperately DMK needs Congress — that is why it is trying to keep it away from actor Vijay’s TVK.

Ahead of the Assembly elections this year, the West Bengal BJP leadership is facing an uncomfortable situation after Kharagpur Sadar MLA Hiran Chatterjee posted pictures on social media announcing his second marriage, revealing that the ceremony had taken place in Varanasi, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s parliamentary constituency. What initially remained a low-key development within the party escalated after Hiran’s first wife, Anindita Chatterjee, publicly claimed that there had been no legal divorce between them. The claim has caused disquiet within the BJP, with party sources confirming that internal discussions are under way on whether Hiran, a popular Bengali star, should be re-nominated from Kharagpur Sadar. The issue has since acquired a legal dimension, with Anindita and the couple’s daughter, Niyasha, filing a complaint against the MLA and his alleged second wife. A section within BJP is viewing the issue with concern, particularly given the party’s ideological emphasis on Hindu traditions and Hindutva. Senior leaders, speaking off the record, acknowledge that while marriage is a personal decision, contracting a second marriage without a legal divorce can amount to a criminal offence and raises questions of propriety and ethics. The party’s current position, sources said, is that there is no documentary proof available so far to establish the second marriage. The filing of a formal complaint by Hiran’s first wife and daughter has, however, sharpened scrutiny of the MLA and fuelled speculation within party circles. The continued silence of the leadership, leaders admit privately, is being interpreted both as an attempt to limit political damage and as a possible indication of a growing distance between the party and the sitting MLA — a distance that could ultimately influence ticket decisions.

This year there has been too much shrill in the social media about the World Economic Forum held in Davos, Switzerland.  The general lament has been “Why are India’s Union ministers and chief ministers going all the way to Davos to sign MoUs with the CEOs of Indian companies when the same could have been done in India …in the CM’s cabin”? Why waste taxpayers money? Effectively, countering this criticism, Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis told Rahul Kanwal of NDTV, that Davos is a meeting place…attended by the who’s who. A number of Indian companies have foreign partners and those people attend the event… and we get an opportunity to meet them while signing the MoUs. And sometimes we just meet the foreign partners and the MoU is subsequently signed in India. Adding further, he said all states in India hold Investment Summit … .so there is no need for it…you can sign MoUs in Mantralaya. Well put. The 56th meeting will see leaders from business, government, international organizations, civil society and academia attend. Capturing the pulse will be over 400 plus journalists & media representatives. The World Economic Forum (WEF) is an international advocacy non-governmental organization and think tank founded on 24 January 1971 by German engineer Klaus Schwab. The main objective of the Davos WEF is to “improve the state of the world” through public-private cooperation.

Nitin Nabin was formally declared as the BJP national president, succeeding JP Nadda, in a brief ceremony at party headquarters in Delhi on January 20. All party stalwarts including PM Modi were present. Even as he received a certificate of election from K Laxman, returning officer for BJP organisational polls, Nabin at 45, became the youngest ever to occupy the top party post. The BJP was founded in Mumbai — then Bombay — in 1980 — the year Nabin was born. Emphasising his youthful background, PM Modi went all out emphasising his “millennial background” and “Gen Z connect”.  “Nitin Nabin is a millennial. He is from a generation who has witnessed the country’s economic transformation”, the PM said introducing the new party chief. Outlining Nabin’s task, Modi felt his “youthful energy and long experience of working in organisation,” would help in expanding the party’s footprint across the country. Emphasising that he would always be a worker of the BJP, Modi said “And when it comes to party matters, I am a worker, and Nitin Nabin ji is my boss.” He also added that Nabin would have responsibility to coordinate with NDA allies. Meanwhile, Nabin’s sensitive millennial side was revealed in a video that was shared of Modi’s meeting with Nabin’s family at party headquarters…it showed Nabin as a caring father even as he was with PM Modi. Interestingly, PM Modi also shared why BJP is not into celebrating its wins whether in Mumbai’s BMC or even in Gujarat 2022 assembly polls when everyone had expected him to lose. “We are always into analysing our results/ mistakes. Or preparing for the next polls.”

The Kollywood jungle drums are sounding for a soon to be wedding. The smoke signals are strong as it concerns two celebrity stars — Rajinikant’s ex son-in-law Dhanush and the single saucy Mrunal Thakur. Dhanush and Aishwarya Rajinikanth parted ways after 18 years of marriage. Their two grown up children — Linga and Yatra — tried their best for the parent’s reconciliation. And when Dhanush built his much-touted Rs 150 crore mansion just around the corner from Rajnikanth’s media famed “Poes Garden home”, there were strong rumours that the estranged couple would reconcile. But that was not to be. The divorce was officially granted in November 2024. Dhanush has many hits in Tamil and Hindi films, even as Director he has been appreciated ..his other skills are script writing and singing. His last film Idli Kadai which he penned did good business. Now there are strong rumours about his romantic liaisons, even marriage with Hindi star Mrunal. May be the New Year and Thai Pongal have inspired him to announce that he is ready to take a second plunge with Marathi mulgi, Mrunal who has featured in successful films …Sita Ramam, Hi Nanna and Son of Sardar. Now it just needs the green signal from the two, so fans and followers can stop holding their breath and go on their way.

From his roots in Odisha to international recognition, Ramesh Barik, Founder & MD of RR Events & Cine Production, is fast emerging as one of the state’s most influential cultural ambassadors. Widely acknowledged as a star-standard cultural diplomat of Odisha, Barik has successfully taken the art, culture, and heritage of the eastern Indian state to global platforms through visionary event production. With remarkable strategy, he has brought together Odisha’s biggest stars and presented them on prestigious international stages. In 2024, Barik achieved a major milestone by hosting a grand Five Star Awards Night in Dubai, a hugely successful event that introduced Odia cinema, music, and culture to audiences across the Middle East. In 2025, he continued this global journey with a high-profile cultural showcase in Singapore. Now, Barik is preparing for what promises to be a historic moment — a large-scale awards night in London. Industry insiders say that such an event of this magnitude, featuring nearly 40 diverse acts, has never been staged in London by any Indian regional industry. The programme will include dance, music, stand-up comedy, and cultural heritage presentations, offering the world a rare glimpse into Odisha’s rich and often underrepresented legacy. Future plans also include Australia, New Zealand, and several Far East countries. With over 25 years of experience, he has executed more than 1,800 events globally, including exhibitions, conferences, product launches, award nights, and promotional campaigns. He has produced over 24 films, 312 Odia music videos, and multiple Hindi music projects, earning numerous awards for excellence and entrepreneurship.

Rahu Ketu, directed by Vipul Garg and starring Pulkit Samrat and Varun Sharma, opened on January 16, 2026, to a muted Rs 1 crore nett across India and an overall Hindi occupancy of just 6.9%. Morning shows were weakest (around 5%), edging up to 9–10% in evening and night slots. The film lagged behind fellow comedy Happy Patel: Khatarnak Jasoos (Rs 1.25 crore opening) and faced stiff competition from holdovers such as Dhurandhar, 28 Years Later: The Bone Temple, and The Raja Saab, which likely siphoned off potential viewers. Its premise was a magical notebook that brings two unlucky characters to life and sparks a chaotic chase involving a thief named Meenu Taxi and a drug mafia which created trailer interest but didn’t translate into ticket sales. Several factors help explain the weak start. The film’s broad, slapstick humour and conventional comedic tropes appear out of step with Gen Z preferences for sharper, more relatable, and often socially aware comedy; formats increasingly discovered via streaming and short-form platforms. Promotional efforts, including city tours and college visits, failed to generate viral momentum or sustained word-of-mouth necessary to pull younger audiences to theatres. The crowded release calendar, with multiple genres vying for attention, further diluted its reach, especially for a mid-budget film without major star power to anchor footfalls. Additionally, there was no clear cultural hook beyond a promising trailer to boost pre-release buzz. Economic headwinds and changing consumption habits also played a role: rising ticket prices and the convenience of home viewing make audiences more selective about theatre trips. In this environment, a light-hearted, formulaic comedy without a distinctive voice struggled to stand out—resulting in Rahu Ketu’s underwhelming opening.

Nearly two decades after the Singur agitation reshaped West Bengal politics, the fertile stretch in Hooghly district has re-emerged as a key electoral flashpoint. With the 2026 Assembly elections nearing, the BJP has revived the Singur narrative, promising the return of Tata Motors and large-scale industrialisation if voted to power. The Trinamool Congress (TMC), however, continues to project Singur as a landmark victory for farmers against forcible land acquisition. BJP leaders argue that Tata Motors’ exit in 2008 marked the onset of de-industrialisation and that only a change in government can restore investor confidence. The BJP has also contrasted West Bengal’s industrial trajectory with Gujarat’s rapid expansion, presenting the latter as a development model. The party sees Singur as a way to reach Left-leaning voters by emphasising employment and economic growth rather than identity politics alone. The TMC has countered by reiterating that the Singur movement centred on protecting cultivable land and farmers’ rights. It cites the Supreme Court verdict declaring the 2006 land acquisition illegal and ordering land to be returned to unwilling farmers, calling it both legal and moral vindication. The conflict began in 2006 when the Left Front government acquired nearly 1,000 acres for Tata’s Nano project. The decision sparked sustained protests led by Mamata Banerjee, including police action and a 21-day hunger strike. Amid escalating unrest, Tata Motors withdrew in 2008 and shifted the project to Sanand, Gujarat. The Singur and Nandigram agitations later became central to the TMC’s rise, ending 34 years of Left rule in 2011. At present, about 300 acres have been restored to cultivation. Farmers’ groups have demanded that another 300 acres be made arable, suggesting the rest could be considered for industry. As elections approach, Singur’s abandoned fields have again become a battleground of competing visions of development and memory.

Kartik Aaryan’s career exemplifies how quickly fortunes can shift. The actor, who rose to fame as a self-made outsider with no industry backing, recently faced backlash after his romantic comedy Tu Meri Main Tera Main Tera Tu Meri produced by Karan Johar and co-starring Ananya Panday, bombed at the box office, earning just around Rs 50 crore in India despite a Rs 50 crore fee for Kartik. Critics and audiences panned the film for its lacklustre script, poor music, and limited screen allocation; competition from blockbusters like Dhurandhar and Avatar: Fire and Ash. Social media erupted with calls labelling him “overrated,” criticizing his repetitive expressions and dialogue delivery across genres. This downturn echoes Kartik’s past setbacks, including flops like Shehzada (2023), which prompted him to return part of his fee, and Chandu Champion (2024), which underperformed commercially despite earning him a Filmfare Best Actor award. Yet, he’s celebrated for revitalizing franchises with mega-hits like Bhool Bhulaiyaa 2 (post-COVID blockbuster) and Bhool Bhulaiyaa 3 (2024), which grossed over Rs 250 crore and outdid rivals at Diwali. His defenders highlight his crowd-pulling power in rom-coms like SatyaPrem Ki Katha, which opened at Rs 9.25 crore despite minimal hype. Adding fuel to the fire, reports surfaced that Karan Johar’s talent agency, Dharma Cornerstone Agency, parted ways with Kartik just two months after signing him, amid the film’s failure, reviving memories of their 2021 fallout over Dostana 2, where Kartik was ousted for alleged unprofessionalism, leading to a temporary “ban” from Dharma. Though they reconciled in 2025. The treatment meted out to Kartik underscores the industry’s ruthlessness: one hit elevates you, one flop buries you—unless you’re a nepo product. Kartik’s upcoming slate, including Naagzilla (releasing August 2026 with Johar) and an Anurag Basu project, could redeem him, but this episode highlights Bollywood’s cutthroat nature, where talent...

The International Cricket Council (ICC) is running short on time to bring a conclusion to what can be described as “L’affaire Bangladesh” that has grabbed the attention of the global cricketing fraternity after the South Asian Country took a call not to play its ICC men’s Twenty20 World Cup in India and request the world body to relocate its matches to Sri Lanka. The Bangladesh Cricket Board (BCB), took the extreme step soon after the Kolkata Knight Riders (KKR) paid heed to the BCCI to release left arm seamer Mustafizur Rahman from its squad for the forthcoming IPL. The layman and the expert believe that the KKR — along with two more franchises — ought not to have made a bid for the Bangladesh player at the auction in Abu Dhabi knowing well that the bilateral tours between the two countries had come to an end because of certain unpleasant events happening in Bangladesh. As it transpired Rahman’s forced exit from the KKR squad turned out to be the trigger for BCB to shoot a letter to the ICC expressing security and safety concerns for its team in India. The ICC now has an independent chair, an Indian, in Jay Shah — son of the Union Home Minister Amit Shah — and an Indian CEO in Sanjog Gupta. With plenty on its plate already, especially with Pakistan not wanting to play in India, Shah and Gupta have their task cut out so to say. The ICC is not inclined to interfere with logistics at this stage wherein only three weeks are left for the first ball to be bowled. The BCB has been equally firm in its decision and the latest news is that an ICC delegation will travel to Dhaka to thrash out, if at all it can be, the sensitive matter.