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There is apparently a divergence of views in the DMK about raising a banner of revolt against Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla as envisaged by LoP Rahul Gandhi. Many DMK MPs are keen to join the debate on the Union Budget, though some wanted to join Rahul Gandhi to sign no confidence against the Speaker. Apparently, there is a growing pressure on 23 DMK MPs in the Lok Sabha to raise TN issues in the House ahead of state polls. It is being said CM Stalin, who is also DMK Chief is not keen to nominate the seat sharing committee of his party to engage in negotiation with the Congress. Stalin is of the view that early seat-sharing discussions could divert attention from governance and key welfare initiatives of his Govt. Besides, he feels if the Congress wishes to walk out of the alliance, it is all very well. At least, the BJP in Delhi will be kind to the DMK. Tough stand of the DMK has made the Congress quite distraught. The Congress feels the DMK is behaving as if it wants the Congress to go out of the alliance. Meanwhile, it is being said financiers of TVK chief and superstar Vijay’s Jana Nayagan have become restless about the manner in which the film’s release has been held hostage by the CBFC. It is felt that the “political message” of the film has upset the BJP leadership. Sources say one of the financiers got in touch with top BJP leaders in Delhi and assured that Vijay will not “forge an alliance” with the Congress in TN. This only means that the Congress could end up as a pumpkin in TN politics. Ostracised, with no serious political player taking the party seriously!
Vishal Bhardwaj and Shahid Kapoor’s collaboration has been a beacon of artistic excellence in Bollywood, yet it consistently grapples with commercial underperformance. Their partnership began with the 2009 caper thriller Kaminey, a film that blended dark humour, gritty realism, and memorable music like the chart-topping Dhan Te Nan. It achieved moderate box office success, grossing around Rs 71 crore worldwide against Rs 35 crore budget, but its niche appeal limited broader mass acceptance. Bhardwaj’s signature style; complex narratives inspired by Shakespeare or real-life grit, often prioritizes intellectual depth over crowd-pleasing masala elements. This pattern persisted in Haider (2014), a haunting adaptation of Hamlet set against Kashmir’s turmoil. Critically acclaimed and award-winning, it earned Rs 70 crore in India on a Rs 24 crore budget. Rangoon (2017), their third outing, was a visual spectacle of wartime romance, yet it bombed spectacularly, collecting just Rs 38 crore against Rs 60 crore budget. Bhardwaj’s films are classy and intellectual, not “mainstream” blockbusters; they demand viewer engagement rather than passive entertainment, resulting in polarized reception. Shahid Kapoor’s choices often lean toward challenging roles, but recent ventures like Deva (2025), underscored this– earning a mere Rs 51.73 crore worldwide on a Rs 50 crore budget, deemed a flop due to weak openings and mixed reviews. Enter O’Romeo (2026), their fourth venture, an action thriller rooted in Mumbai’s underworld, releasing on February 13. Despite a stellar cast including Triptii Dimri and songs like Ishq Ka Fever and Aashiqon Ki Colony, the buzz remains subdued. The film lacks the “high-voltage drama” or explosive marketing hype of mass entertainers. Ultimately, this duo’s inability to deliver consistent hits stems from Bollywood’s long debate of art versus commerce. O’Romeo could break the cycle if word-of-mouth ignites, but without amplified excitement, it risks joining...
Mumbai may have got a new spanking Rs 19,650 crore airport at Navi Mumbai but it will in no way ease congestion at Chatrapati Shivaji Maharaj International Airport (CSMIA) or T2. Navi Mumbai International Airport (NMIA), operated by Adani (74%) and CIDCO (26%) under a PPP model, has decided to charge parking and landing charges which are double of CSMIA. Even user development fees (UDF) charged per passenger is higher at NMIA. This will see airlines sticking to CSMIA rather than shifting to the new airport. Moreover, with the Rs 22,862 crore metro connectivity between Mumbai and New Mumbai taking three to four years to complete, there is no incentive for passengers to head to the new airport. According to informed sources, since NMIA is a greenfield project with massive infrastructure costs to recoup, its operating fees are significantly higher than CSIA. The UDF, part of the overall air fare per passenger, is nearly 3.5 times higher than that of CSMIA. Domestic departure fee at CSMIA is Rs 175-207 while it is Rs 620 at NMIA. Likewise, international departures cost Rs 615-726 while it is Rs 1225 at NMIA. Experts say that the Airports Economic Regulatory Authority allows new airports to charge higher ad hoc tariffs during the first few years of operation. But the good news for users of CSMIA is the reduction in landing and parking charges by 35% introduced a couple of months back, thereby making it competitive with other international airports. India’s major airports used to charge 60% higher landing fees than Dubai/Singapore. Today Mumbai’s rates may not be lower but closer to Changi (Singapore) and Incheon (Seoul) rates. Since the Adanis took over CSMIA, the emphasis has been to shift the cost burden slowly from airlines to passengers like other international airports. Typically, 50-60% of airports’ revenue comes from non-aeronautical sources like shopping, dining, hotels, real estate rentals etc.
With Lok Sabha forced to adopt the Motion of Thanks to the President’s Address without the Prime Minister’s reply, the focus is now on former Army chief General Manoj Mukund Naravane (Retd), who led the Indian Army through one of its most testing periods in recent history. The Opposition has disrupted the proceedings as Leader of Opposition (LoP) Rahul Gandhi insisted on quoting from General Naravane’s unpublished memoir to target PM Narendra Modi and his govt over its handling of a standoff with the Chinese military in eastern Ladakh in August 2020. It will remain a mystery as to why the much decorated officer allowed his unpublished book to be used by Rahul Gandhi? The buzz is that he was upset for not being considered for the post of Chief of Defence Staff (CDS)–before his retirement. General’s unpublished book had sparked a row in Lok Sabha on February 2 after Rahul Gandhi tried to quote a line from an article about the book that appeared in The Caravan magazine. The article details the 2020 India-China conflict, beginning with the moment the Indian Army’s Northern Command received a call about the movement of Chinese tanks toward Rechin La in eastern Ladakh. The Defence Ministry is yet to clear his book because it contains too many military details. According to media reports, it is the only book that hasn’t been cleared by the MoD. No wonder the General was quite philosophical about the outcome of the fate of his literary effort. Meanwhile, FM Nirmala Sitharaman under whose tenure as Defence Minister Gen Navarane took over as Army Chief, also made it clear that the Govt had no issues with the officer. Interestingly, The Caravan team which first published excerpts from the book aired its grouse that the mainstream media wasn’t focussing enough on the General’s “disappointments”. Why would anyone bother when both Delhi and Beijing are mending fences!
PM Modi is apparently very happy that the 16th Finance Commission’s recommendations will put a full stop to Opposition-ruled States attacking him for not giving adequate Central funds. When Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman presented the Union Budget 2026, one sentence tucked in the fine print drew the attention of every CM in the country. It was that the Centre had accepted the 16th Finance Commission’s recommendation to keep states’ share in the divisible tax pool at 41%. At first glance, that looked like continuity. But beneath that headline figure lies a quiet revolution. The commission’s new horizontal formula keeps the overall share fixed but changes how it is sliced. For the first time, a state’s contribution to the national GDP carries formal weight—10% of the total formula. This single tweak tilts the balance towards the country’s south and west, where economic output per capita is high, compared to the populous but poorer Hindi-heartland states that had benefited from the old population-heavy criteria. Preliminary calculations suggest that Karnataka, Kerala, Gujarat, Haryana, Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra are the top six gainers. Karnataka alone may receive around Rs 7,300 crore more each year. In contrast, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Bihar, Odisha and Jharkhand will see smaller shares; MP could lose nearly Rs 7,600 crore. Most losing states are either BJP or NDA-ruled, while the gainers are largely Opposition-governed. Since the first Finance Commission in 1951, the horizontal formula has revolved around the distances between population, area, and income. The 16th Finance Commission marks a clear break. Echoing Modi’s ideas, Panagariya’s logic: States must show improvement in fiscal discipline, transparency and service delivery to qualify for discretionary grants.
Veteran leader Sharad Pawar’s Rajya Sabha term ends on 2 April 2026. The present arithmetic in the Maharashtra legislative assembly is such that just one Opposition candidate can go to the upper house of Parliament if all these parties field a combined nominee. The NCP led by Sharad Pawar himself, the Congress and the Shiv Sena led by Uddhav Thackeray are the three major Opposition parties though their collective strength is just enough to win one seat. Provided that there is no cross-voting. Previous experience shows that Maharashtra CM Devendra Fadnavis can upset the Opposition apple cart as and when he wishes. It is not clear if he will use the same strategy against Pawar who is respected across the political spectrum. Pawar has declared repeatedly that he will not contest any future election. But it is viewed as an announcement by a politician and hence not taken at face value. Most of the earlier Rajya Sabha elections have been unopposed except for a few occasions. As of now, Opposition parties have not indicated their inclination. Hence, the rumour mill is quite active. Incidentally, Pawar’s health is a matter of concern, given that he is 86. His decision not to be present in Parliament when the Union budget was being presented has added to the speculation about his future plans. His nephew Ajit Pawar’s accidental demise has resulted in upsetting all previous equations and Pawar’s next move will prove crucial in that scenario. It is eagerly awaited.
Tamil superstar Vijay threw his hat in the Tamil Nadu political ring, convinced that he was Moses for whom the sea would split. His party – TVKs — every move, every utterance and strategy created tidal waves. But Vijay has painted himself into a corner, a much-maligned man used and manipulated by the rag tag of TN parties and the two major outfits –DMK and AIADMK. How is he planning to extricate from this Chakravyuh? Vijay is a great entertainer and bankable actor but he underestimated the manoeuvring and manipulations of those scrambling for a perch on the big bandwagons. Take Dr Anbumani Ramadoss who has broken away from the PMK family and fold; he persisted in using Vijay as bargaining chip, till the BJP wheedled him into the NDA. TTV Dinakaran went one step further with his pressure cooker tactics…the media was peppered with snippets of how Vijay was just waiting to open his heart and party. The BJP quickly caught him in their grip with the promise of 33 seats, Rajya Sabha post and a deputy CM post. The Congress too has been twisting DMK arms –using Vijay as bait –pushing for 28 seats. Premalatha, late Vijayakanth’s wife has built up her worth by playing an unmatched trapeze artist, notching up the suspense. Old man Ramadoss for his part says why should only the old parties aspire for TN? Why can’t a young man like Vijay rise? Again these “sympathisers” are not promoting Vijay…they just want to dent the DMK vote bank and then bargain. Maybe Vijay did not foresee so many Trojans he had to counter and contend with. A popular Tamil magazine has summed it up succinctly …Vijay has launched his super market…but no customers so far.
West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s in-person appearance at the Supreme Court in the SIR matter has put her party Trinamool Congress on a strong footing. Her party leaders and workers see Didi’s Supreme Court intervention as scoring brownie points. It reinforces her as the principal face against the BJP in Bengal while squeezing CPM and Congress, rebuilding minority trust where resentment had emerged over Waqf amendments and new political formations, protecting base amid BJP polarisation. Since the Election Commission’s SIR drive to update West Bengal’s 7.62 crore elector rolls began, 58 lakh entries were removed due to relocation, duplication or death. Also, 1.26 crore individuals received notices for verification hearings over “logical inconsistencies” or missing 2002 SIR linkages, with nearly 60 lakh awaiting proceedings. Initially BJP stayed silent, adopting a wait-and-watch line and avoiding social media sarcasm, but later circulated clips of the court proceedings showing judges suggesting her senior lawyer argue and rejecting her claim. Bengal BJP leaders mocked Mamata’s courtroom conduct as political drama. Political analysts say appearance may hold no legal value but produces two effects. By cultivating a solitary fighter image, Didi strengthens core support. Repeated confrontations with central institutions sharpen her political identity. As a woman leader, she contrasts with the Centre’s pro-Hindutva posture, projecting a less aggressive image than a regional party like the TMC, hence Mamata brand is difficult to counter. By aligning her legal battles with voters dealing with discrepancy notices, Didi positions the 2026 election to focus less on governance outcomes and more on instinctive politics of protection.
Several major cities in Maharashtra have donned the saffron by electing BJP-led Mahayuti candidates as their mayor. Chief minister Devendra Fadnavis and the Shiv Sena-led by deputy CM Eknath Shinde have arrived at an understanding to install their candidates as mayor and deputy mayors. On February 6, the prestigious Nagpur municipal corporation came under the BJP rule once again. In Nasik, the pilgrimage town, the BJP had nominated Himgauri Adke after a lot of heat was generated between it and Shinde Sena. Finally, senior minister Girish Mahajan succeeded in forging an alliance, which ensured that the mayoral crown will remain with the Mahayuti. Other major cities where BJP mayors are in place are Jalgaon and Dhule in north Maharashtra and at Sambhaji Nagar, the capital of Marathwada. Till yesterday, fireworks were taking place regularly among the Mahayuti constituents. The most watched election will take in place in Mumbai where the BJP is all set to elect its mayor. In exchange, it has left Thane and Kalyan-Dombivali municipal corporations for Shinde Sena, given the clout of Shinde and his son Shrikant, MP. The proliferation of BJP-ruled civic bodies is described as a triple-engine formula success. Buoyed up by the success, Mahayuti leaders are hopeful that their parties will fare similarly well in the election for the Zilla Parishad and Panchayat Samiti bodies, to take place after a few days.
When PM Modi’s reply to Motion of Thanks to the President’s address in the Lok Sabha was hastily called off a little after 5 pm on Feb 5, the Opposition benches felt triumphant. The House had to be content with just passing a statement thanking the President without PM’s reply. It was as if the Congress strategy of deploying women MPs on PM Modi’s way into the House and his path upto his seat had paid off. The party felt it had chased away PM out of the Lok Sabha using its girl power — a gaggle of women MPs. However, the Congress’s devious plan was thoroughly exposed by Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla as he declared that it was he who had advised PM to stay away from the House proceedings based on concrete inputs of an “unexpected/inappropriate incident” being planned by Congress MPs. Though details of the “indecent incident” that was planned are not available, it is quite clear it would have lowered the dignity of the House as well as the high office of the PM. Official sources confirmed that the Govt too had security concerns about allowing PM Modi, a SPG protectee, inside Lok Sabha. Since SPG can’t go inside House, it would have to rely on House marshals. Interestingly, when PM Modi addressed the Rajya Sabha, women marshals were in good number. In his address to the Rajya Sabha, PM Modi took on Rahul Gandhi for attacking his junior ministerial colleague Ravneet Singh Bittu. “What happened yesterday – the ‘Yuvraj’ of Congress who has ‘shaatir dimag’, called an MP of this House ‘traitor’…He did not call anyone else who has left the Congress a traitor. But he called the MP a traitor because he is a Sikh.” Firing salvo at the TMC, he said while developed nations are throwing out infiltrators, in India political parties are using it to protect infiltrators.
Kartik Aaryan’s career exemplifies how quickly fortunes can shift. The actor, who rose to fame as a self-made outsider with no industry backing, recently faced backlash after his romantic comedy Tu Meri Main Tera Main Tera Tu Meri produced by Karan Johar and co-starring Ananya Panday, bombed at the box office, earning just around Rs 50 crore in India despite a Rs 50 crore fee for Kartik. Critics and audiences panned the film for its lacklustre script, poor music, and limited screen allocation; competition from blockbusters like Dhurandhar and Avatar: Fire and Ash. Social media erupted with calls labelling him “overrated,” criticizing his repetitive expressions and dialogue delivery across genres. This downturn echoes Kartik’s past setbacks, including flops like Shehzada (2023), which prompted him to return part of his fee, and Chandu Champion (2024), which underperformed commercially despite earning him a Filmfare Best Actor award. Yet, he’s celebrated for revitalizing franchises with mega-hits like Bhool Bhulaiyaa 2 (post-COVID blockbuster) and Bhool Bhulaiyaa 3 (2024), which grossed over Rs 250 crore and outdid rivals at Diwali. His defenders highlight his crowd-pulling power in rom-coms like SatyaPrem Ki Katha, which opened at Rs 9.25 crore despite minimal hype. Adding fuel to the fire, reports surfaced that Karan Johar’s talent agency, Dharma Cornerstone Agency, parted ways with Kartik just two months after signing him, amid the film’s failure, reviving memories of their 2021 fallout over Dostana 2, where Kartik was ousted for alleged unprofessionalism, leading to a temporary “ban” from Dharma. Though they reconciled in 2025. The treatment meted out to Kartik underscores the industry’s ruthlessness: one hit elevates you, one flop buries you—unless you’re a nepo product. Kartik’s upcoming slate, including Naagzilla (releasing August 2026 with Johar) and an Anurag Basu project, could redeem him, but this episode highlights Bollywood’s cutthroat nature, where talent...
The International Cricket Council (ICC) is running short on time to bring a conclusion to what can be described as “L’affaire Bangladesh” that has grabbed the attention of the global cricketing fraternity after the South Asian Country took a call not to play its ICC men’s Twenty20 World Cup in India and request the world body to relocate its matches to Sri Lanka. The Bangladesh Cricket Board (BCB), took the extreme step soon after the Kolkata Knight Riders (KKR) paid heed to the BCCI to release left arm seamer Mustafizur Rahman from its squad for the forthcoming IPL. The layman and the expert believe that the KKR — along with two more franchises — ought not to have made a bid for the Bangladesh player at the auction in Abu Dhabi knowing well that the bilateral tours between the two countries had come to an end because of certain unpleasant events happening in Bangladesh. As it transpired Rahman’s forced exit from the KKR squad turned out to be the trigger for BCB to shoot a letter to the ICC expressing security and safety concerns for its team in India. The ICC now has an independent chair, an Indian, in Jay Shah — son of the Union Home Minister Amit Shah — and an Indian CEO in Sanjog Gupta. With plenty on its plate already, especially with Pakistan not wanting to play in India, Shah and Gupta have their task cut out so to say. The ICC is not inclined to interfere with logistics at this stage wherein only three weeks are left for the first ball to be bowled. The BCB has been equally firm in its decision and the latest news is that an ICC delegation will travel to Dhaka to thrash out, if at all it can be, the sensitive matter.
Veteran leader Sharad Pawar and Shiv Sena boss Uddhav Thackeray have been totally decimated in the election to 29 municipal corporations across Maharashtra, raising a question mark about the next turn in their political journey. Just half a dozen of the civic bodies marked any presence of the parties led by the two prominent leaders, leaving the field open to the saffron outfit, led by chief minister Devendra Fadnavis. The other casualty is Pawar’s nephew Ajit, who took on the BJP for no obvious reason and has been mauled badly in his own stronghold, Pune city and district. A few select bodies like Kolhapur, Vasai-Virar, Malegaon, Chandrapur, Parbhani and Amaravati have shown electoral wins of the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) candidates, though most have been elected on their own steam. The MVA is now rudderless in the state and the voters, too, have expressed their displeasure on its negative campaigning, which was replete with abuse and curses. On the other hand, Fadnavis and deputy CM Eknath Shinde continuously harped on the theme of development. The results have conclusively shown that Uddhav’s clout is now confined only to Mumbai, of course lesser than earlier. As far as Sharad Pawar is concerned, he neither campaigned nor addressed any rally. His inaction is blamed for the pitiable condition of his party. Thus, both leaders will have to explain to their cadres what plan of action is in their mind.
Tata Power’s additional security deposit (ACD) notices to consumers in Odisha has triggered massive outrage. The Odisha High Court has now asked Tata Power, Odisha Electricity Regulatory Commission and state Energy Secretary to file a reply regarding ACD controversy and has given them two weeks’ time to reply. Clarifying via press conference Tata Power has said that the levy of Additional Security Deposit (ASD) on electricity bills, stating that the process is a statutory requirement mandated under the Electricity Act, 2003 and governed by regulations of the OERC. According to Tata Power, the framework governing Security Deposit and Additional Security Deposit (ASD) is neither new nor discretionary as this is in practice for decades it was implemented by erstwhile utilities such as CESU, NESCO SOUTHCO and WESCO in Odisha. The bone of contention seems to be the penalty slapped by Tata Power if ASD is not paid. In such cases a surcharge of 15% per annum is levied. The general feeling among consumers is that ASD should not be suddenly levied one fine morning. Consumers should be taken into confidence and enough notice be given. Incidentally all utilities do levy such charges. It happens in Mumbai and other places too. Public relations experts “There would not be such uproar had it been communicated. This is where their PR department comes to play.
Ill-famed Shrikant Pangarkar will henceforth be seen in the civic hall of Jalna Municipal Corporation despite being named as an accused in the 2017 killing of journalist Gauri Lankesh. The Jalna results were declared on Friday and Pangarkar emerged as the winner in Ward 13. He defeated his opponents of the BJP and other parties in a multi-corner contest. The Shiv Sena led by deputy CM Eknath Shinde had chosen not to field any candidate in the ward, a decision that foretold the electoral outcome. Soon after the results, he began celebrating with his supporters. The images went viral, causing an outrage. The criminal case related to Lankesh’s murder is sub-judice, thus enabling Pangarkar to contest. Facing the media after this, Pangarkar asserted that he had not been convicted; hence, the legal process was still underway.” His defence nonplussed the reporters. The assassination of Gauri Lankesh took place in Bengaluru on 5 September 2017. The killing triggered a widespread debate across the country. In August 2018, the Maharashtra Anti-Terrorism Squad arrested Pangarkar as an accused though was granted bail by the Karnataka high court on 4 September 2024. Earlier, Pangarkar had served as a corporator in Jalna between 2001 and 2006 as a member of the undivided Shiv Sena. However, as he was not given a ticket in 2011, he moved to the Hindu Janjagruti Samiti, a right-wing organisation. Only a year before, while the November 2024 Maharashtra Assembly elections were to happen, Pangarkar joined the Shinde Sena. The move backfired and Shinde had to keep in abeyance Pangarkar’s entry. Despite that interlude, Pangarkar is back in the news.
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Editor’s Note: Short Post Is Here To Stay…
Time, they say, flies—and how true that is. Here we are celebrating our 5th Anniversary. Five years ago, when Covid-19 was wreaking havoc across the globe, I took a leap of faith and launched Short Post, India’s first website for Authentic Gossip. That was on January 31, 2021. I was convinced there was a clear gap in the market for gossip that was credible, sharp, and impactful—especially if told in just 250 words.
In this, I was fortunate. Scores of senior editors across diverse verticals bought into the idea and, in the process, gave wings to my dream. Quite honestly, Short Post could not have crossed these milestones without the unflinching support of its contributing editors. Like all start-ups, we have seen our share of ups and downs, but these editors have stood by us like a rock. I take this opportunity to doff my hat to them.
Thanks to their commitment, we have published close to 5,000 stories spanning politics, business, entertainment, and sports. I say this with pride: we made our mark as people who matter read us. “Small packs, big impact” truly captures the essence of Short Post.
We all know that Covid-19 has reset businesses worldwide, and the media sector is no exception. In the post-Covid era, investors have become more cautious and selective—and advertisers too. To compound matters, the entry of AI has disrupted the media landscape in equal measure. So far, we have managed to hold our ground, hopeful that some angel investors will take a shine to us.
What gives me confidence is this: AI cannot smell news—especially the gossipy kind. In other words, AI cannot churn out Short Post-type stories, no matter the prompt. That puts us in a safe zone. As someone rightly said, “AI is a co-pilot, not a pilot.”