Former Tamil Nadu BJP chief K Annamalai may be bristling at MNS chief Raj Thackeray’s “rasmalai” jibe at him and may have even dared the MNS leader to break his legs when he visits Mumbai next. While it may be all very well for the cop-turned-politician not to be afraid of Thackeray’s empty boasts, not many in Maharashtra BJP leadership are happy with Annamalai’s foot-in-the-mouth utterances. In fact questions are being asked about the need to even call Annamalai for canvassing  for BMC polls. That too at a time when the civic polls seemed nicely tied in ruling Mahayuti’s favour. “What was the need to ask Annamalai to campaign? This is a needless controversy. Annamalai has turned the media attention on himself. In any case we have very small pockets of influence of Tamil voters, whom we have been regularly reaching out to. Annamalai’s utterances on Mumbai have only been twisted to give an issue to the Opposition,” says a senior BJP leader. The only saving grace is that ahead of the civic polls the local media did not play up Annamalai’s comment. Mumbai as Maharashtra’s capital is an emotive issue and anyone familiar with its socio-politics will not even not go anywhere near this topic. He had said Mumbai, apart from being Maharashtra capital, is also an international city. In an interview to a Marathi TV channel, chief minister Devendra Fadnavis clarified that there was no need to take the Tamil leader seriously. He suggested that Annamalai was making an effort to communicate in his limited knowledge of Hindi. “It wasn’t as if the PM had spoken. Mumbai is an international city.” As for Raj Thackeray calling Annamalai a “rasmalai”, Fadnavis was dismissive of the MNS leader and felt he couldn’t be taken seriously.

West Bengal Chief Minister and TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee once again placed confrontation at the centre of her politics on January 8, when she entered the residence of political strategist Pratik Jain just as the Enforcement Directorate began a search. Jain is the director of I-PAC, the political consultancy that has advised the TMC since 2021 and is widely credited with playing a key role in the party’s landslide Assembly victory that year. According to Mamata, the agency’s objective was not law enforcement but the seizure of confidential TMC poll material, including candidate lists, campaign strategy documents, SIR-related papers and electronic data. The episode reinforced an image Banerjee has cultivated over decades as a political “street fighter”. Supporters point to her early days as a Youth Congress worker protesting against Jayaprakash Narayan, her emergence as a “giant-killer” after defeating Left heavyweight Somnath Chatterjee in the 1984 Lok Sabha elections, and decades of street battles against the Left that culminated in the Singur and Nandigram movements and the fall of the 34-year Left Front government in 2011. Senior TMC insiders cite precedents where confrontation brought political dividends: her February 3, 2019 dharna after a CBI raid on then police commissioner Rajeev Kumar in the Saradha scam case; her February 23, 2021 confrontation with a CBI team probing a coal smuggling case involving Abhishek Banerjee and his wife; and her May 17, 2021 six-hour stay at the CBI office as several TMC leaders were arrested in the Narada sting operation case. Leaders argue such confrontations help counter anti-incumbency, mask internal factional rifts and deflect attention from economic management and alleged scams. As elections approach, Didi has returned to the mode that has long defined her career: fighting her battles on the street.

Is the three-match one-day international series against New Zealand played in India worth the while? The same question was asked during the previous three-match series against South Africa. The discerning and the layman, not acquainted with ‘cricketnomics’, may be somewhat puzzled by the scheduling of the itineraries drawn by the Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI). But the fact is that the BCCI closed its global media rights for September 2023-March 2028 at Rs 5963 crore with a commitment to the broadcaster a certain number of Tests, ODIs and Twenty20 internationals over a period of five home seasons. Viacom18 won the e-auction at Rs 3101 crore for digital and Rs 2862 crore for television. The average per match works out to Rs 67.76 crore. So the BCCI needed to work out an 88 match Future Tour Programmes (FTP) to encash its five-season agreement with Viacom 18. While the BCCI will receive money from the broadcaster, these matches also help the national selection committee to identify players and prepare the Indian team for next year’s ICC World Cup to be played in South Africa, Zimbabwe and Namibia. The ongoing series against New Zealand is of particular interest because it has put the focus back on Rohit Sharma and Virat Kohli who are in the running for spots in the World Cup men in blue team. This is the only format the two giants of ODI cricket have chosen to play — they have retired from Test and Twenty20 cricket — and everyone has used the catchphrase “RoKo” to market the series which may not have really caught the imagination of the fans. Going back to the point of the need for an ODi series, it goes without saying that the media rights agreement has to be met with by the BCCI.

Tamil Nadu is experiencing a churning of this magnitude for the first time after MGR decoupled his political star with Kalaignar (his mentor and launch pad). The state was shaken, stirred and saturated with the rise of a new hope, an actor legend…a film super star pole vaulting into politics, with his unique generosity and charisma. MGR’s magic and the launch of his AIADMK, followed by the long years of dominance by his protégée J Jayalalithaa is still talked about. Shivaji Ganesan, Kamal Haasan tried but failed. Vijayakanth did make inroads while Rajinikanth very nearly entered it but backed off at the last moment. This is why everybody is keenly watching the entry of Vijay. He seems to have created some impact going by the huge attendance to his rallies. He has pitched himself and his party TVK as an alternative to DMK and this seems to have shaken the complacence of the DMK’s heir apparent …Udhayanidhi Stalin, another film star who basks in his entitlement. Is this jump from films to power as easy as it seems? Not really as Vijay is finding out. The Karur tragedy, roadblocks of the jittery opposition, the extreme challenges in releasing his swan song Jana Nayagan has hit hard but not shaken his confidence. His farewell film has run into trouble with Censor, then followed court cases as a resulted it will not be released during the Pongal festival. Will the late release work in his favour? Heads or tails, Vijay would have made his mark.

Ever since Chandrababu Naidu took over as the chief minister of Andhra Pradesh, the state is attracting big ticket investments from domestic and global players. The latest to enter the state is the Tata Group. The Tata Power Renewable Energy Ltd (TPREL) has decided to invest Rs 6,675 crore in Andhra Pradesh to set up India’s largest Ingot-Wafer facility at Nellore. Earlier, Tata Power was toying with the idea of setting it up in Odisha. May be Naidu’s sops and incentives worked. The ingots and wafers to be produced at Nellore facility are critical inputs for solar cells, modules and semiconductor application which would reduce import dependents for strategic components. As part of its clean energy commitment, TPREL will also establish a 200 MW captive green power plant to supply renewable energy to its Andhra facility. It is learnt that this is not the first project Odisha has lost to it neighbour Andhra. Corporate analysts talk about how the UK-based Semiconductor group SRAM & MRAM which had plans to invest Rs 30,000 crore in Odisha initially switched over to Andhra Pradesh. Likewise, even JSW EV retracted its decision to invest in Odisha and opted for Maharashtra. Arcelor Mittal which had plans to set up green field steel plant in Odisha has now decided to move to neighbouring Andhra. Looks like the business both local and global are comfortable in dealing with Chandrababu Naidu. So be it Google, Reliance, Adani, Hinduja’s, Arcelor Mittal and now Tatas seem to be reposing confidence on Chandrababu Naidu’s proactive governance style and deliverables.

A cursory glance at the profile of various candidates trying their luck in the upcoming municipal corporation elections in Maharashtra presents an interesting insight into their education, assets and property, their past and the party they belong to. The data reflects not just static wealth, but growth over election cycles. Under election law, candidates declare their movable and immovable assets, liabilities, education and if there are any criminal cases against them at the time of nomination. These details are made public. Hopefully, the voters will make their own assessment at the time of voting on 15 January 2026 across 29 municipal corporations throughout the state. A quick scan shows that in Nagpur, candidate asset declarations range from Rs 7.78 lakh to nearly Rs 95 crore. In Mumbai, former mayor Kishori Pednekar has declared a fantastic rise in her assets since the last civic election in 2017. It was Rs 1.61 crore in 2017, now touching Rs 5.26 crore. Deputy CM Eknath Shinde’s trusted soldier Sada Sarvankar’s son Samadhan has declared assets worth Rs 46.59 crore, one of the highest among BMC candidates. He is matched by former mayor Shraddha Jadhav of Shiv Sena (UBT), whose assets exceed Rs 46 crore, as well. The most common denominator about the candidates is that all of them are keen to serve the public.

Nominations in the ongoing municipal corporation polls in Maharashtra reveal interesting details and expectedly, those vying to enter the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), the richest civic body, attract maximum attention. They are found across all parties and election wards. For instance, Deputy CM Eknath Shinde’s trusted soldier Sada Sarvankar’s son Samadhan has declared assets worth Rs 46.59 crore, one of the highest among BMC candidates. He is matched by former mayor Shraddha Jadhav of Shiv Sena (UBT), whose assets exceed Rs 46 crore as well. The astounding increase is over the 8 years, when the last BMC election was held in 2017. In Mumbai, most candidates possess multiple of crores, which include real estate, posh vehicles and gold or jewellery. They are spread across all major parties. Another facet is that female candidates are as wealthy as their male counterparts, in some cases even more. A few notables include former mayor Vishakha Sharad Raut (Ward No 191 Sena UBT). Her total assets stood at Rs 21.83 crore. The Increase over 2017 is Rs.7 crore. Former MLA Yamini Jadhav (Ward No. 209 Sena Shinde) shows total assets of Rs.14.57 crore. The increase is Rs 4 crore in just one year. Former MP Kirit Somaiya’s son Neel (Ward No. 107 BJP) has total assets of Rs 9 crore. In his case, the increase is of Rs 7 crore over 8 years. A recent entrant into the BJP, Tejaswi Abhishek Ghosalkar (Ward No. 2) has total assets worth Rs 5 crore, showing an increase of Rs 4.75 crore over the past 8 years. Veteran corporator Shailesh Phanse has declared assets worth Rs 25 crore (Ward 59 Sena UBT), showing a spectacular increase of Rs 16 crore over 8 years. In short, more candidates are well provided for than those lacking resources.

Is the Censor delay for Vijay’s film all aimed to strengthen the TVK chief’s support base and ensure its a superhit? Is the BJP-led Centre actually helping the superstar? As Vijay is facing an uphill task to get his last film Jana Nayagan released on Jan 9 and the Tamil Nadu Congress leaders are already blaming the Home Minister Amit Shah for it. A perception is growing in TN that the BJP is not obstructing the screening of the film but perhaps doing it all to increase his popularity among youth and women. It is being said the whole idea is to ensure that sizable votes of youth and women could now consolidate behind Vijay — that is to move away from the DMK. A strong TVK is bound to weaken the DMK. It is believed a three-way fight in TN will benefit the challenger AIADMK-BJP. Jana Nayagan was postponed two days before release due to a censor certificate delay.  While a Madras HC hearing is expected to pave way for its release next week, there is a growing view that Jana Nayagan’s Censor problems were clearly linked to Vijay’s political dalliances with the Congress — Rahul Gandhi had spoken to him post Karur incident. It is in this backdrop that top Congress leaders from AICC in charge Girish Chodankar to Tamil Nadu MPs — Manickam Tagore and Jothimani attacked the Centre for withholding Censor certificate for Vijay’s film. TN Congress sources however feel Vijay may not eventually take up Congress offer of an alliance. “Vijay may finally end up with the AIADMK-BJP.  Everyone in TN is heading that way. The DMK will also not take us on board,” pointed out a TN Congress leader.

Union Home minister Amit Shah is quite disappointed with his two-day visit to Tamil Nadu as his efforts to convince AIADMK chief Edappadi K Palaniswami (EPS) to take a leaf out of Bihar polls and follow chief minister Nitish Kumar’s lead of carrying everyone along to fight the assembly elections simply didn’t seem to work in Chennai. Shah held two rounds of meetings with AIADMK functionary SP Velumani, an emissary of EPS, and had conveyed to him that if AIADMK has to defeat the DMK it must learn to carry every one along — from TTV Dhinakaran-O Panneerselvam — to DMDK and the PMK. Just as Nitish Kumar had carried along Chirag Paswan and other NDA allies. Nitish Kumar was seen easily sharing seats with Paswan even though the latter’s LJP had in 2020 assembly polls fielded candidates against JD(U). Reluctant to play ball, EPS conveyed to Shah that at best he was willing to accommodate his former AIADMK colleagues by allotting about 10 seats. He firmly conveyed to Velumani that if EPS remained intransigent about accommodating ex AIADMK leaders such as OPS or TTV then he would only “be strengthening the DMK hands and help it to come back to power”. A prospect of defeat could lead to further erosion in its ranks which the AIADMK must avoid. Or it will see heavyweights leaving the party as it saw the exit of former minister Sengottaiyan. It may be recalled that Sengottaiyan had met with Amit Shah before joining Tamizhaga Vettri Kazhagham (TVK) led by superstar Vijay. Shah, who joined pre-Pongal celebrations in Tiruchirappalli under the party’s ‘Namma Ooru Modi Pongal’ programme, did not meet EPS. Things could perhaps be sorted out by his next visit to the state.

Tamil Nadu is on the boil over two cinematic events and the heroes involved…one aspiring to become the next chief minister, the other using his political sinews to hold on. Even as Vijay’s Jana Nayagan announced 9th January to hit cinemas and Red Giant’s distributed Parasakhti starring Sivakarthikeyan was pitched for the 10th January, a jugalbandi that many think is hopelessly one sided…pitched in Vijay’s favour. Add to that the trailer of Jana Nayagan released on 3rd January…testosterone action and rocking music filled with incendiary dialogues of Vijay; it got 20 lakh hits in just half an hour. Vijay’s character is Dalapathi Vettri Kondaan, a double meaning title which means “I am coming to stay. Not going back”. But there are some road bumps too, behind the scenes…delaying announcing booking and screens for Vijay’s film, seen as political pressure from Udhayanidhi Stalin’s Red Giant movies. There are those who insist that Jana Nayagan is commercially poised to get 60% of screens, Parasakhti a mere 40%. But, Theatre Owners Association President Thiruppur Subramanian is quick to correct this view of political pressure on the logistics of a film release. “Distributors want 75-80% of vasool. We can give only 70%…in Kerala it is only 60%… but in Coimbatore and Tirunelveli it is almost 80%”. Will Jana Nayagan win or the political Sakti of Parasakhti?.