Sunny Deol finds himself both under the glare of the media and at the centre of a massive cinematic gamble. After the commercial success of Jaat, directed by Gopi Chand Malineni, the veteran actor is reportedly lined up for six major projects in 2026 — a slate that trade sources estimate represents roughly Rs 750–800 crore of production value riding on his presence. Leading the pack is Border 2, directed by Anurag Singh and said to boast an ensemble including Diljit Dosanjh, Varun Dhawan and Sonam Bajwa alongside Deol. Industry estimates peg its budget at around Rs 90 crore. The most eye-catching commitment is Ramayana: Part One, directed by Nitesh Tiwari — a highly ambitious epic that reports suggest could cost close to Rs 400 crore, making it one of the landmark productions on the horizon. Other noteworthy films on Deol’s plate include Lahore 1947, backed by Aamir Khan’s production house and expected to be a substantial project; M Padmakumar’s Soorya, a Hindi remake of the Malayalam thriller Joseph, which trades estimate at about Rs 60 crore; and Jaat 2, already announced and anticipated in the region of Rs 50 crore. Rounding out the list is Baap, directed by Vivek Singh Chauhan and reportedly featuring Jackie Shroff, Sanjay Dutt and Mithun Chakraborty in supporting roles — another mid-to-large-budget venture. Taken together, these six titles — Border 2, Ramayana: Part One, Lahore 1947, Soorya, Jaat 2 and Baap — place an unprecedented financial spotlight on Deol. While not all budgets and release plans are final, the sheer scale of this slate underscores his continued bankability and the high stakes studios are placing on his draw. With paparazzi headlines and production calendars both heating up, 2026 promises to be a defining year for Sunny Deol.

The opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA)has perhaps forgotten the adage – once bitten, twice shy. Despite its humiliating defeat in the Maharashtra assembly elections just a year ago, MVA partners have failed to team up to take on the saffron Mahayuti, led by the BJP. While voting for the local body elections is scheduled to take place on December 3, only three days are left for campaigning. However, the Congress has refused to include the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena led by Raj Thackeray into the MVA fold. The NCP-SP led by veteran Sharad Pawar is hardly visible except in certain pockets in Pune and Satara districts. Moreover, it has aligned with the NCP faction led by deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar, who split the parent party three years ago. Thereby, confusing signals about the Pawar clan in particular and about MVA in general are becoming viral, adding to the vexation of the voting public. Surprisingly, no prominent MVA leader has ventured out for campaigning against the Mahayuti. On the other hand, chief minister Devendra Fadnavis and both deputy CMs, Ajit Pawar and Eknath Shinde, are combing the countryside tirelessly. MVA leaders are visible only in front of TV cameras or through press notes, making impossible demands. Perhaps sensing the verdict, they have started shouting in chorus against EVMs and charging that the electoral rolls are suspicious. Re-enactment of Bihar is, thus, feared by the rank and file of MVA.

Manish Bansal, an old timer at the Welspun Group heading its operations as CFO in the UK, Europe and the USA begins this New Year with a bang. Bansal has been promoted as President & CFO of Welspun Living Ltd, a part of the $ 3.6 bn Welspun Group. This new title sees Bansal moving from the Land of Blighty to Aamchi Mumbai. Bansal moves from Manchester to the Welspun office at Kamala Mills in Lower Parel. Bansal has been recognised by his colleagues and peers as a key strategist for the global operations of the company. In his new role Bansal will steer Welspun Living’s financial strategy, capital structure, and governance initiatives, positioning the company for sustained growth, improved value creation, and robust financial discipline. With growth in America under the Trump regime not so conducive and the UK not too encouraging for the home furnishing business, Bansal, it is learnt, has drawn up plans to aggressively penetrate into the South East Asian markets and tap countries like Australia and New Zealand too. While in the UK Bansal was actively responsible for developing Christy’s brand to lure the retail market with Welspun products.

Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis has consciously made clear distinction (course correction) for BJP’s further growth in the state. With elections for over 29 municipal corporations, a higher number of municipal councils and even more local self-bodies due imminently, Maharashtra’s Chanakya has put his party first, over alliance considerations. During the 2024 Lok Sabha polls political alliance-Dharma exuberance saw BJP suffering sharp losses in Maharashtra, down to a single digit victory figure of nine MPs despite contesting 28 seats as against the tally of 23 enjoyed in 2019 after pitting 25 candidates back then. The Sena similarly won 18 of the 23 seats it contested in alliance with BJP in 2019. The bifurcated Shiv Sena faction under former Chief Minister Uddhav Thackeray (UBT) contested 21 seats in 2024, sending only nine MPs to parliament. Just before the subsequent state assembly elections Fadnavis was anointed ‘Maharashtra’s Sarvashri’ by Union Home Minister Amit Shah. Fadnavis micromanaged the whole process, putting up BJP candidates to include Nilesh Rane, Shaina NC to contest even as alliance partner Shiv Sena candidates (deputy CM Eknath Shinde led party). The result was an overwhelming victory for the Mahayuti alliance, with BJP bagging 132 by itself, the NDA alliance securing 235 out of 288 assembly seats in all. And yet, post facto analysis of the Lok Sabha debacle clearly revealed to Fadnavis that alliance partner NCP’s vote share (led by deputy CM Ajit Pawar) did not transfer to BJP candidates. Now, Fadnavis has made it clear that no micromanagement, political exuberance will be shown in an each-party-for-itself political showdown though alliance understanding will decide seats to be contested in the civic polls. Poaching of Eknath Shinde’s men in Thane by the BJP and Ajit Pawar’s recent political embarrassments only point in this direction.

The Trinamool Congress’ internal dynamics have once again brought its simmering generational rifts into sharp focus. A routine review of the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise has instead revived questions about the shifting balance of authority within the party. TMC’s National General Secretary Abhishek Banerjee’s pointed remarks have taken on significance beyond administrative evaluation, highlighting renewed tension with the so-called Didi faction — Kolkata’s influential old guard long viewed as chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s core circle. The party had earlier instructed booth-level agents (BLAs) to coordinate with the Election Commission–appointed booth-level officers (BLOs) and update daily enumeration progress on the ‘Didir Doot’ app. Abhishek’s sharp reprimand came during a massive virtual meeting with around 25,000 leaders, where he identified eight Assembly constituencies as the poorest performers in voter-list verification. Six of these are in Kolkata — traditionally the base of Mamata’s closest lieutenants. The numbers were strikingly low: BLA activity was only 22% in Kolkata Port (represented by Firhad Hakim), 24% in Kashipur–Belgachhia (Atin Ghosh), 34% in Ballygunge (Babul Supriyo), and similarly low in Beleghata, Entally, Madhyamgram and Chowringhee. His assertion that performance was “non-negotiable” — along with the mention that Mamata Banerjee reviews his reports every 15 days — signalled that his expanding organisational authority carries the Chief Minister’s sanction. His decision to explicitly name certain leaders, including ministers Malay Ghatak and Manoj Tiwary, separate conversations with Hakim and Biswas, and plans for a follow-up meeting with Kolkata MLAs and councillors have reinforced the perception that the National General Secretary is tightening oversight over a region historically dominated by Mamata’s earliest loyalists. As the party shifts toward a data-driven, app-based organisational culture under Abhishek, Kolkata...

In Odisha, the chief minister Mohan Charan Majhi is hitting headlines every other day by announcing various schemes, measures and policies to pitch-fork the state into the big league. His latest vision is to make Odisha a $500 bn economy in the next 10 years from the current $120 bn.  The five-fold growth seems over ambitious, feel experts. To achieve his vision, CM is pulling out all stops, ensuring seamless integration among various government departments. Party insiders say CM is busy with how his team will work cross-functionally holding one another accountable for delivering on commitments. To achieve this target, Odisha has to focus big time on infrastructure, industry and skill development. Meanwhile, the opposition – Biju Janata Dal and Congress – have been critical. They say Majhi government is selling lofty dreams through compelling narratives to cover up his government’s failures. These promises are designed just to appeal to the hopes and aspirations of the electorate. Sure, dreams sell but the true measure of Odisha BJP party’s success lies not in the promises it makes or the eloquence with which it presents its platform, but rather in the tangible impact it has on the lives of Odisha people.

While love and pride for Marathi is the basis of both Shiv Sena factions and the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS), the same factor can play a decisive role in determining the final seat sharing between cousins Uddhav and Raj Thackeray. Both have held repeated meetings to hammer out a solution, which still seems elusive as both are trying to claim certain civic constituencies in Mumbai having predominant Marathi-speaking population. This also covers nearly two dozen civic wards which were won by the Sena (UBT) in the last municipal election. Given the possibility of an electoral understanding, MNS leader Raj Thackeray, too, is learnt to be desirous of fielding his candidates from these areas, for the same reason. At present, the Sena (UBT) is a decimated force in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) since most of its elected corporators have joined the Sena faction led by deputy chief minister Eknath Shinde. Their wards, too, are on the bargaining block, demanded by both sides. In any case, MNS has a sizable presence in at least 30 wards. Assessing the overall scenario, Uddhav drove to Raj’s Shivaji Park residence on November 27 in a bid to take the talks further. As the Congress has refused to accept MNS in the Maha Vikas Aghadi fold, it will be a tough challenge for the cousins to decide their future course of action. Moreover, the Marathi factor has also potential to influence the outcome of the election for the most affluent civic corporation in India.

The Congress high command is expected to take a decisive call on the political situation in Karnataka before the Winter Session of Parliament begins on December 1. Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge is set to meet Rahul Gandhi, with the crucial discussion likely to take place in a day or two, according to those familiar with the developments. It is being said that party leadership is worried about the perception of a power struggle over the CM’s post .Clarity is expected before the Parliament session opens, with the high command keen to avoid any perception of instability in the party’s only major southern bastion. While the CM Siddaramaiah camp is pushing to maintain the status quo at least until March and wants a cabinet reshuffle, supporters of Dy CM Shivakumar are pushing for the Congress to clearly outline a transition plan— the sort that was informally agreed upon during government formation in 2023. Of course, the final word decision will be made by Rahul Gandhi. Party sources aired concern about the manner in which DKS was increasingly becoming rude and insolent — he had apparently refused to acknowledge CM Siddaramaiah’s presence at the same venue. A KPCC leader says, “We must go beyond the binaries of DKS and Siddaramaiah and opt for a Dalit CM. Rahulji should opt for G Parameshwara — he is an educated Dalit leader; he is someone like Dr BR Ambedkar; he has served the party well and occupied many capacities.” His elevation will have the same the impact for the Congress as what Sushil Kumar Shinde’s rise as CM in Maharashtra in January 2003, did for the Congress in May 2004 Lok Sabha polls across India. UPA I came to power. SP leader Akhilesh Yadav had also promised to push for a Dalit CM with Rahul Gandhi. It is being said Siddaramaiah will happily back a Dalit CM, particularly Parameshwara.

Former Minister KA Sengottaiyan, who was expelled from the AIADMK, tendered his resignation as Gobichettipalayam MLA on November 26. The nine-term MLA handed over his resignation to Assembly Speaker M Appavu at the Secretariat in Chennai. Sengottaiyan is the second MLA of the AIADMK to tender resignation this month. Earlier on November 4, PH Manoj Pandian resigned as Alangulam MLA hours after joining the DMK. While Sengottaiyan refused to disclose to the media about his future course of action, there is speculation that he may soon join actor Vijay’s political party, Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK). A Gounder like AIADMK chief Edappadi K Palaniswami (EPS), his exit from the AIADMK is something that would weaken the AIADMK alliance. Initially, it was felt Sengottaiyan was headed towards DMK as he already had a word with DMK supremo and Tamil Nadu chief minister MK Stalin. He had also met with Stalin’s closest minister Sekarbabu. Sengottaiyan’s political decision is being viewed as an initiative pushed by Stalin to engineer splits in AIADMK, to spite EPS and Amit Shah. The rebel AIADMK leader is also known to be advised by BJP leader K Annamalai on his career moves to achieve their common goal of preventing EPS coming back as CM in Tamil Nadu.

A parody site put up a seemingly convincing post from Gautam Gambhir saying he was resigning from his post as he could not tolerate what was happening to the second Test against South Africa in Guwahati. Another site declared April Fool early with a parody post from Kapil Dev that said what you are getting is what you will get if a political appointee is made the chief coach. All that may be in the kind of fun that the social media pokes at Indian cricket in the bad days in which it gets pummelled on pitches made up of Indian soil. The fact remains that the lens is on Gambhir who is staring at the wrong end of the barrel as pundits, social media humorists and cricket fans are taking aim at him. Team India is on the cusp of losing a second major series at home, this time to South Africa after having folded 3-0 against New Zealand last year. Gambhir’s way of chopping and changing the playing XIs, peculiar strategies thrust on a fledgling captain like Rishabh Pant who leads in place of the injured Shubman Gill and shuffling of the batting order are valid points being made against him. Pant’s handling of the attack on a vital and decisive morning’s play in the first Test when he opened the bowling with Axar Patel instead of Jasprit Bumrah or Mohammed Siraj was the fatal slip that has led to India losing the series to South Africa. But it is the blood of the coach that everyone is praying for. Are there any odds on GG surviving as the chief coach in the Test format?