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The third term consecutive BJP government in Haryana proactively introduced seven laws before the state legislature’s winter session, even as Congress’ failed CM aspirant Bhupinder Singh Hooda declined handing over the leader of opposition (LoP) post to another party colleague. Before the session began intensive in-fighting broke out for the LoP post with Hooda deferring the appointment though Congress has legitimate claim with 37 MLAs to hold the post. Holding Haryana’s state legislature to ransom Hooda said the LoP would be decided only after the results of the Maharashtra state assemblies are declared on November 23. His stand of “If it ain’t me, it won’t be anyone else,” has already set the ball rolling with a majority Congress MLAs seeking fresh political pastures with strong indications of en masse defections to the BJP, says senior BJP leader Mahendra Jain. “Not only in Haryana, but also in Maharashtra, mass defections are likely from the Congress party and the Sharad Pawar/Uddhav Thackeray led political formations respectively post November 23, 2024. There will be a big political Khela in the two states,” Jain predicts. Ironically, after the 2014 Lok Sabha polls, the Congress party was unable to secure the LoP status for Rahul Gandhi in India’s parliament have elected only 44 MPs back then while Hooda’s obstinacy does not allow the party to legitimately designate Harayana’s LoP despite commanding required numbers for the same. The BJP is exploiting the situation to engineer a Congress breakup in Haryana while ensuring the same in Maharashtra at the expense of the UBT and Sharad Pawar’s NCP in a repeat performance.
In a solemn ceremony, Justice Sanjiv Khanna was sworn in as the 51st Chief Justice of India on November 11, succeeding Justice DY Chandrachud, who retired on November 10, 2024. The oath was administered by President Droupadi Murmu during a ceremony held at the Rashtrapati Bhavan. The event was attended by key figures including Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar, and former CJI Chandrachud. Justice Khanna’s appointment follows the recommendation of Justice Chandrachud, who had recommended him as his successor on October 17. Justice Khanna’s tenure as CJI will last until May 13, 2025. Despite his short tenure, Justice Khanna has opted not to move into the official CJI Bungalow at 5, Krishna Menon Marg. Following the swearing-in, Justice Khanna proceeded to the Supreme Court to preside over the day’s proceedings, hearing 47 cases alongside his colleague, Justice Sanjay Kumar. In his parting address Justice Chandrachud expressed a deep sense of satisfaction with his service, stating, “I won’t be able to deliver justice from tomorrow, but I’m content.” Justice Chandrachud, like other former Chief Justices, will enjoy several post-retirement benefits which have recently been enhanced to include round-the-clock security at their residence, along with a personal security guard available 24/7 for five years post-retirement. He will also get six months of rent-free Type-VII accommodation in Delhi, similar to facilities provided to Union Ministers. Lifetime entitlements include domestic help and a chauffeur, ensuring that their household needs are met and they lead a comfortable life.
In a significant political development, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has placed her trust in former cabinet minister and senior Left Front leader Abdus Sattar by appointing him as the chief advisor to her government on minority affairs. Sattar, an influential figure of CPI(M) who served as the Minister of State for Minority Affairs and Madrasah Education under the Left Front government. He has been tasked with addressing ongoing disputes related to Wakf properties and will advise the Department of Minority Affairs and Madrasah Education on initiatives for minority welfare. Interestingly, Sattar quit the Left Front way back in 2011 by joining the Congress before aligning with the TMC. This appointment, sources suggest, highlights TMC’s strategy to strengthen its appeal among the state’s educated minority communities. With the BJP’s growing influence in West Bengal and traditional opposition forces such as the Left and Congress losing traction, Sattar is seen as a critical asset for Banerjee’s administration, given his progressive reputation and deep organizational skills. A TMC leader pointed out that Sattar will complement prominent TMC leaders like Firhad Hakim and Siddiqullah Chowdhury. Interestingly, CPI(M) leader Sujan Chakraborty said that Didi’s appointment of Sattar reflects an acknowledgment of the developmental work undertaken during the Left Front regime and is also a rebuttal to TMC’s earlier narrative that the Left did nothing for minorities.
Maharashtra chief minister Eknath Shinde, deputy CM Devendra Fadnavis and former CM Uddhav Thackeray have started singing the same tune. They keep on telling the media, “I am not hankering for Maharashtra’s chief ministership.” Over the past few days, the three leaders have been interviewed by leading dailies and news channels. Each has been repeatedly asked about his prospects to be the next CM. In response, each has reiterated that a decision about this issue will be taken after the assembly election results on 23 November. The issue had become a hot topic soon after the Lok Sabha election when Uddhav Sena’s spokesman Sanjay Raut publicly suggested to Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) to project his leader as the next CM. The move was immediately scuttled since veteran leader Sharad Pawar of NCP and state Congress president Nana Patole rejected it. Now that the polls are away in just four days, the issue has been resurrected. Shinde has predicted that the ruling Mahayuti will win around 160 seats in the 288-member house. Fadnavis has been consistently saying that the issue will be decided by Shinde, BJP’s Central leaders and another deputy CM, Ajit Pawar. This stance of the three top leaders in Maharashtra is interpreted as a precaution to ensure that the boat is not rocked at the opportune time.
He has been very vocal on sanatan dharma and has been taking potshots at BJP and Hindu religion. But ever since Udhayanidhi Stalin was appointed deputy chief minister of Tamil Nadu he seems to have toned down his anti-sanatan stand. Of course, he has shown his aggressive side by insisting on wearing a T shirt with DMK logo on it at every public appearances, a practice that has irked opposition to the extent of filing legal action. This defiance is yet to be resolved. But there is evidence that he is mellowing down, a visible change from his aggressive defiance. Recently, Udhayanidhi was tasked with completing a full audit and stock taking of the DMK government’s welfare schemes and doles obviously aimed at the 2026 Assembly elections. To get a first hand report Udhayanidhi visited several constituencies, met the local party workers and government officials. But when he visited Thoothukudi with Minister for Fisheries Anita Radhakrishnan and Social Welfare minister Gita Jiwan in tow, the powerful and bespoke Kalaignar family’s Kanimozhi( MP for that constituency ) was missing from the scene. The media was quick to pounce on this glaring absence. Udhayanidhi was quick to reassure the media that this stock taking move and audit had been undertaken at the request of the chief minister and that his foster aunt was travelling abroad. He also took pains to reassure the media that he would revisit Thoothukudi in a few weeks with Kanimozhi. There was a time when Udhayanidhi would have flared up at even an indirect reference to Kanimozhi’s relevance. Times are changing
The absence of Maharashtra’s deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar and other senior NCP leaders from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s election rally at Chhatrapati Shivaji Park in Dadar, Mumbai on November 14 strengthened speculation that NCP could possibly be an unreliable link in Mahayuti. This notwithstanding the fact that the deputy CM had attended a Modi rally in Pune barely two days earlier. Ajit Pawar’s party is a crucial partner in the ruling alliance, alongside Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena and the BJP. But then NCP candidates Sana Malik, Nawab Malik, and Zeeshan Siddique were also notably absent from the event, which featured leaders from the Shinde Sena and the Republican Party of India (RPI) led by Ramdas Athawale. While the rally was meant to highlight the coalition’s solidarity, reports suggest that NCP leaders are upset over the BJP’s batenge toh katenge campaign. BJP sources said despite Ajit Pawar’s unease with the BJP’s aggressive Hindutva agenda, it is likely that he will stay on the side “which benefits him”. That is he could walk to any side which will make him the CM or as Nawab Malik told Times Now “Ajit Pawar will be king maker”. BJP sources said UP CM Yogi who coined the slogan has been much in demand among party candidates. “We have been forced to cancel meetings of top leaders to accommodate Yogiji”, said a party manager. As for contrary assertions by Ashok Chavan and Pankaja Munde on batenge toh katenge, these are being viewed more as a desire to project themselves than pose any serious ideological counter to the main party discourse.
Maharashtra’s deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar has raised apprehensions about his future moves, once again. Over the past few days, Ajit has betrayed his ambivalence about the way campaigning is proceeding in Maharashtra. While this is being commented upon, his absence at the final rally of Prime Minister Narendra Modi at Shivaji Park in Mumbai on November 14 has been noted with concern within the ruling Mahayuti. Neither Ajit nor any of his NCP’s candidates turned up for the PM’s rally organised by chief minister Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena and the BJP. As Ajit failed to appear on the dais, the media attention has focussed on his possible calculations after the assembly poll results are out on 23 November. Already, he has rubbed Shinde and deputy CM Devendra Fadnavis the wrong way by objecting to UP CM Yogi Adityanath’s slogan batenge toh katenge. Ajit had observed that such slogans will not work in Maharashtra, whose culture was different from that of UP. Ajit’s insistence on fielding former minister Nawab Malik from Mankhurd-Shivaji Nagar constituency in Mumbai despite the BJP’s open objections had created some strain within the Mahayuti. Now, Malik has told the saffron formation that Ajit’s NCP will not be a part of the next government if Yuti’s campaign strategy is not changed. Ajit’s another confidant, Dilip Walse Patil had said a few days ago that some fresh combination can occur after the election. Ajit has not refuted neither statement. Hence, he is under close observation by the other two partners of Mahayuti.
The kerfuffle following Ricky Ponting’s straight–from–the–shoulder observation of Virat Kohli’s form was unnecessary. In the course of an International Cricket Council (ICC) conducted interview before the five-Test series between India and Australia in Australia for the Border-Gavaskar Trophy, the former Australian captain said that Kohli has scored only two Test centuries in the last five years (186 against Australia in Ahmedabad in March 2023 and 121 against the West Indies in Port of Spain in July 2023). In these circumstances, he wondered if any other player would have been picked for the national side. While Kohli — described by Ponting as one of the greats in the same interview — himself did not respond to Ponting’s appraisal of his form, a seemingly annoyed India head coach Gautam Gambhir virtually questioned Ponting saying: “What does Ricky Ponting have to do with Indian cricket? He should be talking about Australia.’’ Gambhir’s retort was churlish. The media seeks the opinions of former greats as a build-up to events and in this case Ponting was interviewed by none other than the ICC because of the importance of the Border-Gavaskar Trophy. Ponting has gone to the extent of saying that the series between India and Australia — from the backend of his career – has always been a high-stakes affair, not far from the relevance of the Ashes. Ponting has played 560 matches for Australia across formats, scored 27483 runs with 71 x 100s and 146 x 50s and led Australia in 77 Tests. He is also a World Cup-winning captain. To question his credentials is downright absurd.
Uttar Pradesh CM Yogi Adityanath packed a lot of wit and humour while taking potshots at Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge who had mocked Hindu sadhus straying into politics and occupying high offices “in saffron robes”. Yogi reminded Kharge that he may have forgotten some crucial parts while recollecting his family’s sacrifices “for votes”. Yogi alleged Kharge purposely glossed over the tragic death of “his mother and sister” in an attack by Razakars as he feared losing Muslim votes. Addressing a rally in Achalpur in Vidarbha, the UP leader said, “I am a Yogi, and for me, the nation comes first, while for Mallikarjun Kharge, appeasement politics comes first.” He was responding to Kharge’s comments on the “batenge toh katenge” remark. He recounted Kharge’s childhood tragedy during the political unrest in Hyderabad during India’s independence. Kharge was born in the Bidar region of erstwhile Hyderabad state, ruled by the Nizams. The Razakars were a paramilitary force that operated in the princely state with a primary objective to maintain the rule of the Muslim Nizams of Hyderabad and prevent the accession of Hyderabad to India. Incidentally, at the very rally where Kharge was pouring scorn on Yogi’s saffron attire, the Congress chief was trying to generate some sympathy for himself by talking about how he had narrowly escaped the wrath of razakars. He didn’t name the razakars; he merely said how his father was relieved that his only son had been “saved”. “Even our house was burnt. I don’t want to talk about those who attacked us.”
India’s Test team – thrashed 3-0 by New Zealand – will look upon the five-Test Border-Gavaskar Trophy series against Australia with trepidation rather than hope. After the 2-0 win against Bangladesh, the Rohit Sharma-led team seemed to have reached the doorstep of the ICC World Test Championship final. But in a matter of 10 playing days from October 16 to November 3, all the hype around a third consecutive WTC final turned into slough of despond because drawing a blank from the available 36 points from three Tests against New Zealand meant winning four of the five Tests in Australia to qualify for the WTC final. India could be disappointed when the fourth Test begins in Melbourne on Boxing Day (December 26). Of course, putting it across the Pat Cummins-led Australian side will drive the Indian team that competed hard to bring down the home side in the two previous series of 2018-19 and 2020-21. Preparing “designer turners’’ in Pune and Mumbai did not help the home team in any way as New Zealand’s two left-arm spinners, Mitchell Santner and Ajaz Patel, sent the home team packing, capturing 13 wickets in Pune and 11 wickets in Mumbai. The five pitches in Australia will not afford copious turns to the slow men, but Cummins will deploy the smart off-spinner Nathan Lyon – he has taken 60 of his 259 wickets at home in 15 Tests against India — to the full. India has to muster all its wits, hour by hour, session by session, and day by day, deliver with the bat, ball, and field well in each Test match to make the series riveting.
It’s the husband-wife team of Navneet-Ravi Rana vs the father-son team of Anandrao- Abhijit Adsul playing out in Amravati. Both the Ranas and Adsuls have one leg in the state and Centre. While Ravi Raja represented Badnera assembly constituency for three terms from 2009 onwards, his wife Navneet is the sitting MP from Amravati. A similar arrangement had been worked out between the Adsuls — father Anantrao Adsul was the MP from Amravati from 1996 to 2014 while son captain Abhijeet Adsul was an MLA from Daryapur constituency from 2009.Things changed when Naveet Rana defeated the five-term MP Adsul in 2019. The equations changed further in 2024 when both of them found themselves vying for the same Amravati seat from the same Mahayuti alliance with Ranas pitching from the BJP and Adsuls from the Eknath Shinde faction of the Shiv Sena. Ravi Rana famously quipped in a rally that not only will he get a ticket from Amravati but he will also get the Adsul’s to campaign for his wife. Thanks to their clout, Navneet Rana did manage to get the ticket from Mahayuti with the state BJP welcoming her at midnight. However, the arrogance of Rana’s is such that Navneet’s nomination from the BJP was opposed by BJP’s own cadres, as also from the independent parties like Bachchu Kadu of Prahar Party, who put up a candidate against her. To cool things down, the husband-wife duo visited Adsul’s residence. But, senior Adsul seems adamant on opposing Rana. Looks like the Amravati feud promises to hold more surprises.
Rahul Gandhi’s plans of announcing his intention to contest Amethi after Wayanad elections on April 26 took a hit with Union Minister Smriti Irani going to town about why and how the Congress has not yet declared a candidate for the seat. Neither jija Robert Vadra, who has been openly declaring his interest in Amethi, has been declared nor has Rahul Gandhi, who lost to Irani in 2019. Irani claimed she had ensured more work in the constituency in the last five years than Rahul did representing the Lok Sabha seat for three terms. Amethi goes to polls on May 20. “Jijaji ki nazar hai, saale sahab kya karenge. (brother-in-law is eyeing the seat, what will he (Rahul do?) There was a time when people travelling in buses would leave their handkerchief to mark their seat so that no one sits on it. Rahul Gandhi will also come to mark his seat with a handkerchief because his brother-in-law is eyeing this seat,” she told a gathering in Amethi.”Just 27 days left for election, but Congress has not announced its candidate,” Irani said. Rahul had evaded committing to contesting from Amethi by suggesting he “will do whatever the party orders me.” As for Vadra flaunting his interest in Amethi, Congress sources say he is a non-serious player. “He has been declaring his open interest in Amethi only because he doesn’t want his wife Priyanka to enter the fray at this juncture,” said a source. The Gandhi siblings do not value his opinion. After the clean chit he has got for his Haryana dealings, Vadra wants to be seen on the right side of the government.
Probably, no candidate, no constituency and no state has made this kind of a news in previous elections as has Coimbatore in the 2024 Lok Sabha Elections . With reams of reviews and bundles of money wagered and spent, Coimbatore has stood out like a starburst in the very first phase. The moment meteor Malai, Annamalai was named as BJP’s candidate, all six assembly segments went into a tizzy. Sulur, Palladam, Kavundanpalayam are seen as pocket boroughs of the DMK and its alter ego, the AIADMK. Singanallur, Coimbatore North and CBE South are distinct urban strongholds, with overriding corporates and educated elite, and these three segments worked non-stop for Annamalai — 28,000 volunteers, vetted and conscripted worked for him. DMK, on its part, convinced its ally CPM to move over, and allow its candidate Ganapati Rajkumar to contest against Annamalai. Despite all the hype, the ground reality was that the BJP had very few booth level managers/workers, they had to “import” rank outsiders. Interestingly, all opinion polls and surveys seem to be specially focussed on Annamalai’s Coimbatore constituency and the entire state. And most of them indicate Annamalai has an edge but there is no gain saying the fact that he has emerged as a dominant force in Tamil Nadu politics. This David has age on his side so can vanquish the aging Goliaths to eventually emerge the victor.
In the run up to the Lok Sabha Election, Trinamool Congress supremo and West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s absence from the major meeting of I.N.D.I.A. bloc is seen as her desperate attempt to continue consolidating her grip over the minority section that hold a chunk of her vote bank. The “Muslim math” continues to remain one of the significant vote shares eyed not only by ruling TMC but also Congress and CPI-M who are jointly opposing both TMC and BJP in Bengal. Sources within TMC admitted that with decline of political hold of Congress and CPI-M, Didi is now attempting to seize the bulk of minority vote share. Experts believe that one of the main reasons is that Mamata and her nephew Abhishek, are avoiding the large national gatherings of the I.N.D.I.A. bloc is because of their focus on the Muslim vote bank. Out of 42 Lok Sabha seats, 14 to 15 seats have more than 30% Muslim population. Both CPI-M and TMC have a history of securing sizable Muslim votes. So too Congress which has always dominated Muslims belt like Murshidabad, Malda, and parts of Birbhum districts. Didi seems to be looking at the combination of an absolute consolidation of Muslim votes and an extra 10-12% of “anti-BJP” votes to win majority seats. Hence, for Didi, publicly shaking hands with the Congress may run the risk of confusing her supporters and hurting her party’s chances of winning.
Sharad Pawar may be bearing the brunt of his powerful family torn apart over politics, but he too is not averse to exploiting familial relationships for electoral gains in Lok Sabha 2024 polls. The most prominent example is that of Kolhapur’s Shrimant Shahu Chhatrapati Maharaj. When the politically ambitious Yuvraj Sambhaji Raje Chhatrapati was all geared up to fire for Lok Sabha polls through his Swarajya Sanghatana, Pawar played a masterstroke. He met and convinced his father Shahu Maharaj to contest from Kolhapur, forcing the son to retreat thus eclipsing himself completely out of the state poll scene. Similarly, at Madha constituency, he thoroughly exploited the rift between the BJP’s Ranjitsinh Naik-Nimbalkar with his politically influential uncle Ramraje Naik-Nimbalkar, which got the senior Nimbalkar to demand a change of candidate from the BJP. When the party refused, Pawar got key aspirant Dhairyashil Mohite-Patil to quit the BJP and gave him a NCP ticket for Madha constituency. Ajit Pawar’s chief aide Sunil Tatkare, who also took on senior Pawar along with Ajit, found his brother Anil Tatkare in Sharad Pawar’s faction of NCP as state vice-president. Ajit himself has been complaining that the entire Pawar clan has stepped out to campaign against him including those who never step out for it. At 83, Senior Pawar is putting all his skills to play to put his opponents on the backfoot.
Global auto giant, Ford Motor Company is planning its third entry into India. According to Autocar India, “Barely two years since Ford shuttered its Indian operations, the U.S. car maker is plotting a comeback and is evaluating multiple options.” Kay Hart, the head of Ford Motor Company’s International Market Group visited India in March to “assess its entry plans”. Interestingly, it will be the third time the U.S. auto giant will be entering India. It had set up shop in 1926 as a subsidiary of the Ford Motor Company of Canada. But, the Indian company had to be liquidated in May 1953 as a result of severe import restrictions. Then post liberalisation, it entered India for the second time in 1995 as a 50:50 partner with Mahindra & Mahindra and set up a plant in Tamil Nadu. But this JV did not work so the U.S. company hiked its stake to 72% and renamed the company to Ford India Pvt Ltd. Over a period of time Mahindras exited the JV. But somehow it was not able to make inroads into the Indian passenger car market the way Hyundai did with Santro. So nearly after 25 years, Ford once again chose to exit the Indian market in 2021 as it failed to keep up with the competition vis a vis the whole operations was proving to be unviable. Fortunately, the company which had put its TN plant on block at the last moment decided against it. Now, this plant will be cranked up to produce both ICE and EV products. Ford officials have already met the Tamil Nadu government officials with their detailed plans.
The Election Commission’s directive to the Shiv Sena led by Uddhav Thackeray not to use ‘Hindu’ and ‘Jai Bhawani’ in its campaign song has provided an unexpected boost to the party’s morale. Uddhav has already challenged the order, saying he is prepared to fight a legal battle over the intended ban. Burdened by the role as the largest partner in the Maha Vikas Aghadi, Uddhav Sena has been finding itself cornered due to various sensational disclosures against Uddhav and his two-year rule. Maharashtra chief minister Eknath Shinde and deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar have been in the forefront in this regard. In this atmosphere, the EC’s fiat has come as a shot in the arm as the words – Hindu and Jai Bhawani – possess magical effect on the Marathi psyche, irrespective of any party ideology. Sensing this, Uddhav has declared his resolve to oppose the order. But deputy chief minister Devendra Fadnavis and some other leaders have attacked Uddhav by reminding him that he had left the Hindutva long back when he decided to go with the Congress and other such forces. Uddhav has argued that PM Narendra Modi and Union home minister Amit Shah continue to invoke Lord Ram and Bajrang Bali in their speeches. Take action against them first, he has challenged the EC, which is yet to respond to the Sena’s communication opposing the ban.
Sixty-one year old yesteryear’s superstar Govinda is back in the news, well not for signing a big budget film but for re-entering politics by joining Shiv Sena led by the Maharashtra chief minister Eknath Shinde. Govinda has made it clear that he will not be contesting any elections. It may be recalled that he won the 2004 Lok Sabha election on a Congress ticket. Then, what’s his compulsion to re-enter politics? Does he feel that if he is part of a political party, then movies will come his way? Not really. A seasoned insider says that Govinda has been trying to make a comeback to films since 2015 but strangely, this exceptionally talented and accomplished star has not been able to win the faith of the producers to bet on him, once again. His past seems to have caught up with him; not reporting to the set on time has got the goat of producers, directors and co-stars. Says another source, lack of work for Govinda is not because the industry has lost faith in him but he has developed a trust deficit with them. His superstitious nature has made filmmakers uncomfortable. Both David Dhawan and Salman Khan did give Govinda a second chance. But, Govinda has this feeling that the world is against him. Recently, he overreacted to a comment by Vashu Bhagnani on his late coming on the sets of his films. Govinda who has acted in more than 165 Hindi and language films can become the favourite of producers and directors once again only if he reinvents himself.
The Congress in Maharashtra has lost another influential leader as former chief minister AR Antulay’s son-in-law Mushtaq Antulay has joined the NCP led by deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar. The development will impact the political calculations in Raigad, Antulay’s home district. State NCP president Sunil Tatkare is seeking a second Lok Sabha term from the constituency associated with the capital of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj. It was Antulay who as CM had renamed Kulaba district as Raigad in 1980. In his budding years at the time, Tatkare was a loyal soldier of Antulay but later switched over to the NCP set up by Sharad Pawar in 1999. Since then, Antulay and Tatkare became political foes. After Antulay’s exit, Mushtaq was sidelined by the Congress party for a long time. Ending this acrimony, Mushtaq has joined the NCP and supplemented Tatkare’s campaign against the Maha Vikas Aghadi, which has fielded former Union energy minister Anant Geete, who was trounced by Tatkare in 2019. Due to Antulay’s seminal developmental initiatives, he had a large following irrespective of party or caste considerations. Shrivardhan, Dapoli and Mahad assembly segments in the Lok Sabha jurisdiction were known to be loyal to him. Mushtaq, however, could not capitalise on this goodwill. Now in the NCP, he has an opportunity to resurrect his political career during the upcoming assembly polls.
If the BCCI’s national selection committee apply the performance in the Tata-IPL-17 as the yardstick, then Rohit Sharma and Ishan Kishan should be the top choice opening pair for the ICC Men’s Twenty20 World Cup in the USA and Caribbean starting in June. Sharma and Kishan have made 332 runs in eight matches with one century, and the three 50-plus stands for the first wicket partnership, the best by miles by an Indian opening pair in the ongoing IPL. Mumbai Indians are going through a rough ride in the league this season, but Sharma and Kishan have given roaring starts in the first six over power play. Sharma and KL Rahul are India’s best, with 1412 runs in 34 matches, and Sharma and Kishan have opened in six games. Kohli has scored 3076 of his 4037 at No 3 with 32 x 50 plus knocks, and hence, India should look at him at the one drop position. Kohli, Sharma, Shubman Gill, Rahul, Yashasvi Jaiswal and Kishan are some openers who have been in good nick in the IPL. Sharma with Kishan (also a wicketkeeper) and Jaiswal fit nicely as a right-left combination. Moreover, Jaiswal has played 16 Twenty20 internationals and scored 502 runs with one century and four half-centuries. And so it should be either Jaiswal or Kishan with Sharma as the opening pair and not Sharma and Kohli. Numbers do not support Kohli to be picked as an opener.
TRENDS & VIEWS
Editor’s Note: Big Punch In Small Pack
It is the Third Anniversary of Short Post and as a news media startup launched during the Covid-19 pandemic it certainly feels better than good to find ourselves where we are today. Here, I must cite the unstinted support of our seasoned contributors, all senior editors in the country, who brought a great degree of maturity and sagacity to the Short Post newsroom. But for them, our tagline “Authentic Gossip”, an Oxymoron, would not have matured viably. Our user numbers may be small but our stories have created the desired impact among people who matter — decision makers and influencers. We offer a big punch in a small pack and Short Post with its 225-word stories has been punching above its weight category. Having posted close to 3,000 stories in the last 36 months, Short Post, I feel, is an idea whose time has come.
And this is vindicated by our two marquee advertisers – IDFC FIRST Bank and ICICI Lombard. Both believed in our story and have supported us from Day one. A big thank you to both.
If you look at the media landscape – print, TV and digital — it is a mixed bag. There are job losses as some outfits have closed down while a lucky few were bailed out by large corporate houses. Yes, there is a lot of action in the digital space. However, the entry of corporate houses has raised the question of independence of news media outfits. Sadly, there are just a handful of independent media outfits in the country that are highly respected for their neutrality. At Short Post, our credo is not to take sides, prejudge issues or be biased but, informing readers of behind-the-scenes happenings. In essence, Short Post strives to be a neutral editorial platform — neither anti-establishment nor pro-establishment.
As I said last year, disruptions in the media world are moving at a fast and furious pace. Technology is playing a very big role in how content is generated and consumed. But, we are neither alarmed nor perturbed as it is all a part of the evolution process. What gives us comfort is that AI is unable to create original gossipy content. And that is the news arena where we have achieved a distinction.